delubrum

The vocabulary of ancient Roman religion was highly specialized. Its study affords important information about the religion, traditions and beliefs of the ancient Romans. This legacy is conspicuous in European cultural history in its influence on later juridical and religious vocabulary in Europe, particularly of the Western Church. This glossary provides explanations of concepts as they were expressed in Latin pertaining to religious practices and beliefs, with links to articles on major topics such as priesthoods, forms of divination, and rituals.

For theonyms, or the names and epithets of gods, see List of Roman deities. For public religious holidays, see Roman festivals. For temples see the List of Ancient Roman temples. Individual landmarks of religious topography in ancient Rome are not included in this list; see Roman temple.
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Glossary

A

abominari

The verb ''abominari'' ("to avert an omen", from ''ab-'', "away, off," and ''ominari'', "to pronounce on an omen") was a term of augury for an action that rejects or averts an unfavourable omen indicated by a '' signum'', "sign". The noun is ''abominatio'', from which English "abomination" derives. At the taking of formally solicited auspices ('' auspicia impetrativa''), the observer was required to acknowledge any potentially bad sign occurring within the ''templum'' he was observing, regardless of the interpretation. He might, however, take certain actions in order to ignore the ''signa'', including avoiding the sight of them, and interpreting them as favourable. The latter tactic required promptness, wit and skill based on discipline and learning. Thus the omen had no validity apart from the observation of it.

aedes

The ''aedes'' was the dwelling place of a god. It was thus a structure that housed the deity's image, distinguished from the ''templum'' or sacred district. ''Aedes'' is one of several Latin words that can be translated as "shrine" or "temple"; see also ''delubrum'' and ''fanum''. For instance, the Temple of Vesta, as it is called in English, was in Latin an ''aedes''. See also the diminutive ''aedicula'', a small shrine.

In his work '' On Architecture'', Vitruvius always uses the word ''templum'' in the technical sense of a space defined through augury, with ''aedes'' the usual word for the building itself. The design of a deity's ''aedes'', he writes, should be appropriate to the characteristics of the deity. For a celestial deity such as Jupiter, Coelus, Sol or Luna, the building should be open to the sky; an ''aedes'' for a god embodying ''virtus'' ( valour), such as Minerva, Mars, or Hercules, should be Doric and without frills; the Corinthian order is suited for goddesses such as Venus, Flora, Proserpina and the Lymphae; and the Ionic is a middle ground between the two for Juno, Diana, and Father Liber. Thus in theory, though not always in practice, architectural aesthetics had a theological dimension.

The word ''aedilis'' (aedile), a public official, is related by etymology; among the duties of the aediles was the overseeing of public works, including the building and maintenance of temples. The temple ''(aedes)'' of Flora, for instance, was built in 241 BC by two aediles acting on Sibylline oracles. The plebeian aediles had their headquarters at the ''aedes'' of Ceres.

ager

In religious usage, ''ager'' (territory, country, land, region) was terrestrial space defined for the purposes of augury in relation to '' auspicia''. There were five kinds of ''ager'': ''Romanus, Gabinus, peregrinus, hosticus'' and ''incertus''. The ''ager Romanus'' originally included the urban space outside the pomerium and the surrounding countryside. According to Varro, the ''ager Gabinus'' pertained to the special circumstances of the ''oppidum'' of Gabii, which was the first to sign a sacred treaty ''(pax)'' with Rome. The ''ager peregrinus'' was other territory that had been brought under treaty ''(pacatus)''. ''Ager hosticus'' meant foreign territory; ''incertus'', "uncertain" or "undetermined," that is, not falling into one of the four defined categories. The powers and actions of magistrates were based on and constrained by the nature of the ''ager'' on which they stood, and ''ager'' in more general usage meant a territory as defined legally or politically. The ''ager Romanus'' could not be extended outside Italy ''(terra Italia)''.

ara

The focal point of sacrifice was the altar (''ara'', plural ''arae''). Most altars throughout the city of Rome and in the countryside would have been simple, open-air structures; they may have been located within a sacred precinct (''templum''), but often without an ''aedes'' housing a cult image. An altar that received food offerings might also be called a ''mensa'', "table."

Perhaps the best-known Roman altar is the elaborate and Greek-influenced Ara Pacis, which has been called "the most representative work of Augustan art." Other major public altars included the Ara Maxima.

arbor felix

A tree ''(arbor)'' was categorized as ''felix'' if it was under the protection of the heavenly gods ''(di superi)''. The adjective ''felix'' here means not only literally "fruitful" but more broadly "auspicious". Macrobius lists ''arbores felices'' (plural) as the oak (four species thereof), the birch, the hazelnut, the sorbus, the white fig, the pear, the apple, the grape, the plum, the cornus and the lotus. The oak was sacred to Jupiter, and twigs of oak were used by the Vestals to ignite the sacred fire in March every year. Also among the ''felices'' were the olive tree, a twig of which was affixed to the hat of the Flamen Dialis, and the laurel and the poplar, which crowned the Salian priests.

''Arbores infelices'' were those under the protection of chthonic gods or those gods who had the power of turning away misfortune (''avertentium''). As listed by Tarquitius Priscus in his lost '' ostentarium'' on trees, these were buckthorn, red cornel, fern, black fig, "those that bear a black berry and black fruit," holly, woodland pear, butcher's broom, briar, and brambles."

attrectare

The verb ''attrectare'' ("to touch, handle, lay hands on") referred in specialized religious usage to touching sacred objects while performing cultic actions. ''Attrectare'' had a positive meaning only in reference to the actions of the '' sacerdotes populi Romani'' ("priests of the Roman people"). It had the negative meaning of "contaminate" (= ''contaminare)'' or pollute when referring to the handling of sacred objects by those not authorized, ordained, or ritually purified.

augur

An augur (Latin plural ''augures'') was an official and priest who solicited and interpreted the will of the gods regarding a proposed action. The augur ritually defined a ''templum'', or sacred space, declared the purpose of his consultation, offered sacrifice, and observed the signs that were sent in return, particularly the actions and flight of birds. If the augur received unfavourable signs, he could suspend, postpone or cancel the undertaking ('' obnuntiatio''). "Taking the auspices" was an important part of all major official business, including inaugurations, senatorial debates, legislation, elections and war, and was held to be an ancient prerogative of Regal and patrician magistrates. Under the Republic, this right was extended to other magistrates. After 300 BC, plebeians could become augurs.

auguraculum

The solicitation of formal auspices required the marking out of ritual space (''auguraculum'') from within which the augurs observed the ''templum'', including the construction of an augural tent or hut (''tabernaculum''). There were three such sites in Rome: on the citadel (''arx''), on the Quirinal Hill, and on the Palatine Hill. Festus said that originally the ''auguraculum'' was in fact the ''arx''. It faced east, situating the north on the augur's left or lucky side. A magistrate who was serving as a military commander also took daily auspices, and thus a part of camp-building while on campaign was the creation of a ''tabernaculum augurale''. This augural tent was the center of religious and legal proceedings within the camp.

augurium

''Augurium'' (plural ''auguria'') is an abstract noun that pertains to the augur. It seems to mean variously: the "sacral investiture" of the augur; the ritual acts and actions of the augurs; augural law ''(ius augurale)''; and recorded signs whose meaning had already been established. The word is rooted in the IE stem ''*aug-'', "to increase," and possibly an archaic Latin neuter noun ''*augus'', meaning "that which is full of mystic force." As the sign that manifests the divine will,Schilling, "Augurs and Augury," ''Roman and European Mythologies'', p. 115. the ''augurium'' for a magistrate was valid for a year; a priest's, for his lifetime; for a temple, it was perpetual.

The distinction between ''augurium'' and ''auspicium'' is often unclear. ''Auspicia'' is the observation of birds as signs of divine will, a practice held to have been established by Romulus, first king of Rome, while the institution of augury was attributed to his successor Numa. For Servius, an ''augurium'' is the same thing as '' auspicia impetrativa'', a body of signs sought through prescribed ritual means. Some scholars think ''auspicia'' would belong more broadly to the magistracies and the ''patres'' while the ''augurium'' would be limited to the ''rex sacrorum'' and the major priesthoods.

Ancient sources record three ''auguria'': the ''augurium salutis'' in which every year the gods were asked whether it was '' fas'' (permissible, right) to ask for the safety of the Roman people (August 5); the ''augurium canarium'', a dog sacrifice to promote the maturation of grain crops, held in the presence of the pontiffs as well as the augurs; and the ''vernisera auguria'' mentioned by Festus, which should have been a springtime propitiary rite held at the time of the harvest (''auguria messalia'').

auspex

The ''auspex'', plural ''auspices'', is a diviner who reads omens from the observed flight of birds (''avi-'', from ''avis'', "bird", with ''-spex'', "observer", from ''spicere''). See '' auspicia'' following and auspice.

auspicia

The '' auspicia'' (''au-'' = ''avis'', "bird"; ''-spic-'', "watch") were originally signs derived from observing the flight of birds within the ''templum'' of the sky. Auspices are taken by an augur. Originally they were the prerogative of the patricians, but the college of augurs was opened to plebeians in 300 BC. Only magistrates were in possession of the ''auspicia publica'', with the right and duty to take the auspices pertaining to the Roman state. Favorable auspices marked a time or location as auspicious, and were required for important ceremonies or events, including elections, military campaigns and pitched battles.

According to Festus, there were five kinds of ''auspicia'' to which augurs paid heed: ''ex caelo'', celestial signs such as thunder and lightning; ''ex avibus'', signs offered by birds; ''ex tripudiis'', signs produced by the actions of certain sacred chickens; ''ex quadrupedibus'', signs from the behavior of four-legged animals; and '' ex diris'', threatening portents. In official state augury at Rome, only the auspicia ''ex caelo'' and ''ex avibus'' were employed.

The taking of the auspices required ritual silence ''(silentium)''. Watching for auspices was called '' spectio'' or '' servare de caelo''. The appearance of expected signs resulted in '' nuntiatio'', or if they were unfavourable '' obnuntiatio''. If unfavourable auspices were observed, the business at hand was stopped by the official observer, who declared ''alio die'' ("on another day").

The practice of observing bird omens was common to many ancient peoples predating and contemporaneous with Rome, including the Greeks, Celts, and Germans.

auspicia impetrativa

''Auspicia impetrativa'' were signs that were solicited under highly regulated ritual conditions (see '' spectio'' and '' servare de caelo'') within the ''templum''.Robert Schilling, "Augurs and Augury", ''Roman and European Mythologies'' (University of Chicago Press, 1992, from the French edition of 1981), p. 116. The type of auspices required for convening public assemblies were ''impetrativa'',W. Jeffrey Tatum, ''The Patrician Tribune: Publius Clodius Pulcher'' (University of North Carolina Press, 1999), p. 127. and magistrates had the "right and duty" to seek these omens actively. These auspices could only be sought from an ''auguraculum'', a ritually constructed augural tent or "tabernacle" (''tabernaculum''). Contrast '' auspicia oblativa''.

auspicia maiora

The right of observing the "greater auspices" was conferred on a Roman magistrate holding ''imperium'', perhaps by a ''Lex curiata de imperio'', although scholars are not agreed on the finer points of law. A censor had '' auspicia maxima''. It is also thought that the ''flamines maiores'' were distinguished from the ''minores'' by their right to take the ''auspicia maiora''; see Flamen.

auspicia oblativa

Signs that occurred without deliberately being sought through formal augural procedure were ''auspicia oblativa''. These unsolicited signs were regarded as sent by a deity or deities to express either approval or disapproval for a particular undertaking. The prodigy (''prodigium'') was one form of unfavourable ''oblativa''. Contrast '' auspicia impetrativa''.

auspicia privata

Private and domestic religion was linked to divine signs as state religion was. It was customary in patrician families to take the auspices for any matter of consequence such as marriages, travel, and important business. The scant information about ''auspicia privata'' in ancient authors suggests that the taking of private auspices was not different in essence from that of public auspices: absolute silence was required, and the person taking the auspices could ignore unfavourable or disruptive events by feigning not to have perceived them. In matters pertaining to the family or individual, both lightning and ''exta'' (entrails) might yield signs for ''privati'', private citizens not authorized to take official auspices. Among his other duties, the Pontifex Maximus advised ''privati'' as well as the official priests about prodigies and their forestalling.

averruncare

In pontifical usage, the verb ''averruncare'', "to avert," denotes a ritual action aimed at averting a misfortune intimated by an omen. Bad omens ''( portentaque prodigiaque mala)'' are to be burnt, using trees that are in the tutelage of underworld or "averting" gods (see '' arbores infelices'' above). Varro says that the god who presides over the action of averting is Averruncus.

B

bellum iustum

A "just war" was a war considered justifiable by the principles of fetial law ''(ius fetiale)''. Because war could bring about religious pollution, it was in itself ''nefas'', "wrong," and could incur the wrath of gods unless ''iustum'', "just". The requirements for a just war were both formal and substantive. As a formal matter, the war had to be declared according to the procedures of the ''ius fetiale''. On substantive grounds, a war required a "just cause," which might include ''rerum repetitio'', retaliation against another people for pillaging, or a breach of or unilateral recession from a treaty; or necessity, as in the case of repelling an invasion. See also ''Jus ad bellum''.

C

caerimonia

The English word "ceremony" derives from the Latin ''caerimonia'' or ''caeremonia'', a word of obscure etymology first found in literature and inscriptions from the time of Cicero (mid-1st century BC), but thought to be of much greater antiquity. Its meaning varied over time. Cicero used ''caerimonia'' at least 40 times, in three or four different senses: "inviolability" or "sanctity", a usage also of Tacitus; "punctilious veneration", in company with ''cura'' (carefulness, concern); more commonly in the plural ''caerimoniae'', to mean "ritual prescriptions" or "ritual acts." The plural form is endorsed by Roman grammarians.

Hendrik Wagenvoort maintained that ''caerimoniae'' were originally the secret ritual instructions laid down by Numa, which are described as ''statae et sollemnes'', "established and solemn." These were interpreted and supervised by the College of Pontiffs, flamens, ''rex sacrorum'' and the Vestals. Later, ''caerimoniae'' might refer also to other rituals, including foreign cults. These prescribed rites "unite the inner subject with the external religious object", binding human and divine realms. The historian Valerius Maximus makes clear that the ''caerimoniae'' require those performing them to attain a particular mental-spiritual state (''animus'', "intention"), and emphasizes the importance of ''caerimoniae'' in the dedication and first sentence of his work. In Valerius's version of the Gallic siege of Rome, the Vestals and the Flamen Quirinalis rescue Rome's sacred objects (''sacra'') by taking them to Caere; thus preserved, the rites take their name from the place. Although this etymology makes a meaningful narrative connection for Valerius, it is unlikely to be correct in terms of modern scientific linguistics. An Etruscan origin has sometimes been proposed. Wagenvoort thought that ''caerimonia'' derived from ''caerus'', "dark" in the sense of "hidden", hence meaning "darknesses, secrets."

In his ''Etymologiae'', Isidore of Seville says that the Greek equivalent is ''orgia'', but derives the word from ''carendo'', "lacking", and says that some think ''caerimoniae'' should be used of Jewish observances, specifically the dietary law that requires abstaining from or "lacking" certain foods.

calator

The ''calatores'' were assistants who carried out day-to-day business on behalf of the senior priests of the state such as the ''flamines maiores''. A ''calator'' was a public slave. Festus derives the word from the Greek verb ''kalein'', "to call."

capite velato

At the traditional public rituals of ancient Rome, officiants prayed, sacrificed, offered libations, and practiced augury ''capite velato'', "with the head covered" by a fold of the toga drawn up from the back. This covering of the head is a distinctive feature of Roman rite in contrast with Etruscan practice or ''ritus graecus'', "Greek rite." In Roman art, the covered head is a symbol of ''pietas'' and the individual's status as a pontifex, augur or other priest.

It has been argued that the Roman expression of piety ''capite velato'' influenced Paul's prohibition against Christians praying with covered heads: "Any man who prays or prophesies with his head covered dishonors his head."

carmen

In classical Latin, ''carmen'' usually means "song, poem, ode." In magico-religious usage, a ''carmen'' (plural ''carmina'') is a chant, hymn, spell, or charm. In essence "a verbal utterance sung for ritualistic purposes", the ''carmen'' is characterized by formulaic expression, redundancy, and rhythm. Fragments from two archaic priestly hymns are preserved, the ''Carmen Arvale'' of the Arval Brethren and the '' Carmina Saliaria'' of the Salii. The ''Carmen Saeculare'' of Horace, though self-consciously literary in technique, was also a hymn, performed by a chorus at the Saecular Games of 17 BC and expressing the Apollonian ideology of Augustus.

A ''carmen malum'' or ''maleficum'' is a potentially harmful magic spell. A fragment of the Twelve Tables reading ''si malum carmen incantassit'' ("if anyone should chant an evil spell") shows that it was a concern of the law to suppress malevolent magic. A ''carmen sepulchrale'' is a spell that evokes the dead from their tombs; a ''carmen veneficum'', a "poisonous" charm. In magic, the word ''carmen'' comes to mean also the object on which a spell is inscribed, hence a charm in the physical sense.

castus, castitas

''Castus'' is an adjective meaning morally pure or guiltless (English "chaste"), hence pious or ritually pure in a religious sense. ''Castitas'' is the abstract noun. Various etymologies have been proposed, among them two IE stems: *''k'(e)stos'' meaning "he who conforms to the prescriptions of rite"; or *''kas-'', from which derives the verb ''careo,'' "I defice, am deprived of, have none..." i.e. ''vitia''. In Roman religion, the purity of ritual and those who perform it is paramount: one who is correctly cleansed and ''castus'' in religious preparation and performance is likely to please the gods. Ritual error is a pollutant; it vitiates the performance and risks the gods' anger. ''Castus'' and ''castitas'' are attributes of the '' sacerdos'' (priest), but substances and objects can also be ritually ''castus''.

cinctus gabinus

The ''cinctus Gabinus'' ("belting from Gabii") was a way of wearing the toga thought to have originated in the nearby town of Gabii. A priest or officiant wearing it wore his toga bound around the waist in a way that left both hands free to perform ritual tasks, as the wearing of the toga usually did not.H.H. Scullard, ''A History of the Roman World: 753 to 146 BC'' (Routledge, 1935, 2013), p. 409. The cincture accompanied the veiling or covering of the head ''(capite velato)'' with a cowl-like fold of the toga. Like the conical, helmet-like headgear worn by priests such as the Salii, the Gabinian cincture was originally associated with warriors, and was worn for a solemn declaration of war. It was also part of Etruscan priestly dress.

clavum figere

''Clavum figere'' ("to nail in, to fasten or fix the nail") was an expression that referred to the fixing or "sealing" of fate. A nail was one of the attributes of the goddess Necessitas and of the Etruscan goddess Athrpa (Greek Atropos). According to Livy, every year in the temple of Nortia, the Etruscan counterpart of Fortuna, a nail was driven in to mark the time. In Rome, the senior magistrate on the Ides of September drove a nail called the ''clavus annalis'' ("year-nail") into the wall of the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus. The ceremony occurred on the ''dies natalis'' ("birthday" or anniversary of dedication) of the temple, when a banquet for Jupiter ''(Epulum Jovis)'' was also held. The nail-driving ceremony, however, took place in a ''templum'' devoted to Minerva, on the right side of the ''aedes'' of Jupiter, because the concept of "number" was invented by Minerva and the ritual predated the common use of written letters.

The importance of this ritual is lost in obscurity, but in the early Republic it is associated with the appointment of a ''dictator clavi figendi causa'', "dictator for the purpose of driving the nail," one of whom was appointed for the years 363, 331, 313, and 263 BC. Livy attributes this practice to ''religio'', religious scruple or obligation. It may be that in addition to an annual ritual, there was a "fixing" during times of pestilence or civil discord that served as a ''piaculum''. Livy says that in 363, a plague had been ravaging Rome for two years. It was recalled that a plague had once been broken when a dictator drove a ritual nail, and the senate appointed one for that purpose. The ritual of "driving the nail" was among those revived and reformed by Augustus, who in 1 AD transferred it to the new Temple of Mars Ultor. Henceforth a censor fixed the nail at the end of his term.

collegium

A ''collegium'' ("joined by law"), plural ''collegia'', was any association with a legal personality. The priestly colleges oversaw religious traditions, and until 300 BC only patricians were eligible for membership. When plebeians began to be admitted, the size of the colleges was expanded. By the Late Republic, three ''collegia'' wielded greater authority than the others, with a fourth coming to prominence during the reign of Augustus. The four great religious corporations (''quattuor amplissima collegia'') were:
*''Pontifices'', the College of Pontiffs headed by the Pontifex Maximus;
*''Augures'';
*''Quindecimviri sacris faciundis'', the fifteen priests in charge of the Sibylline Books;
*''Septemviri epulonum'', the board of seven priests who organized public banquets for religious holidays.
Augustus was a member of all four ''collegia'', but limited membership for any other senator to one.

In Roman society, a ''collegium'' might also be a trade guild or neighborhood association; see Collegium (ancient Rome).

comitia calata

The ''comitia calata'' ("calate assemblies") were non-voting assemblies ''(comitia)'' called for religious purposes. The verb ''calare'', originally meaning "to call," was a technical term of pontifical usage, found also in ''calendae'' (Calends) and '' calator''. According to Aulus Gellius, these ''comitia'' were held in the presence of the college of pontiffs in order to inaugurate the ''rex'' (the king in the Regal Period or the ''rex sacrorum'' in the Republic) or the ''flamines''. The pontifex maximus auspiciated and presided; assemblies over which annually elected magistrates presided are never ''calata'', nor are meetings for secular purposes or other elections even with a pontiff presiding.

The ''comitia calata'' were organized by ''curiae'' or ''centuriae''. The people were summoned to ''comitia calata'' to witness the reading of wills, or the oath by which ''sacra'' were renounced ('' detestatio sacrorum''). They took no active role and were only present to observe as witnesses.

Mommsen thought the calendar abbreviation ''QRCF'', given once as ''Q. Rex C. F.'' and taken as ''Quando Rex Comitiavit Fas'', designated a day when it was religiously permissible for the ''rex'' to "call" for a ''comitium'', hence the ''comitia calata''.

commentarii augurales

The ''Commentaries of the Augurs'' were written collections probably of the '' decreta'' and ''responsa'' of the college of augurs. Some scholarship, however, maintains that the ''commentarii'' were precisely ''not'' the ''decreta'' and ''responsa''. The commentaries are to be distinguished from the augurs' ''libri reconditi'', texts not for public use. The books are mentioned by Cicero, Festus, and Servius Danielis. Livy includes several examples of the augurs' ''decreta'' and ''responsa'' in his history, presumably taken from the ''commentarii''.

commentarii pontificum

The ''Commentaries of the Pontiffs'' contained a record of decrees and official proceedings of the College of Pontiffs. Priestly literature was one of the earliest written forms of Latin prose, and included rosters, acts (''acta''), and chronicles kept by the various ''collegia'', as well as religious procedure. It was often ''occultum genus litterarum'', an arcane form of literature to which by definition only priests had access. The ''commentarii'', however, may have been available for public consultation, at least by senators, because the rulings on points of law might be cited as precedent. The public nature of the ''commentarii'' is asserted by Jerzy Linderski in contrast to ''libri reconditi'', the secret priestly books.

The ''commentarii'' survive only through quotation or references in ancient authors. These records are not readily distinguishable from the '' libri pontificales''; some scholars maintain that the terms ''commentarii'' and ''libri'' for the pontifical writings are interchangeable. Those who make a distinction hold that the ''libri'' were the secret archive containing rules and precepts of the ''ius sacrum'' (holy law), texts of spoken formulae, and instructions on how to perform ritual acts, while the ''commentarii'' were the ''responsa'' (opinions and arguments) and ''decreta'' (binding explications of doctrine) that were available for consultation. Whether or not the terms can be used to distinguish two types of material, the priestly documents would have been divided into those reserved for internal use by the priests themselves, and those that served as reference works on matters external to the college. Collectively, these titles would have comprised all matters of pontifical law, ritual, and cult maintenance, along with prayer formularies and temple statutes. See also '' libri pontificales'' and '' libri augurales''.

coniectura

''Coniectura'' is the reasoned but speculative interpretation of signs presented unexpectedly, that is, of ''novae res'', "novel information." These "new signs" are omens or portents not previously observed, or not observed under the particular set of circumstances at hand. ''Coniectura'' is thus the kind of interpretation used for '' ostenta'' and '' portenta'' as constituting one branch of the " Etruscan discipline"; contrast '' observatio'' as applied to the interpretation of ''fulgura'' (thunder and lightning) and ''exta'' (entrails). It was considered an ''ars'', a "method" or "art" as distinguished from ''disciplina'', a formal body of teachings which required study or training.

The origin of the Latin word ''coniectura'' suggests the process of making connections, from the verb ''conicio'', participle ''coniectum'' (''con-'', "with, together", and ''iacio'', "throw, put"). ''Coniectura'' was also a rhetorical term applied to forms of argumentation, including court cases. The English word "conjecture" derives from ''coniectura''.

consecratio

''Consecratio'' was the ritual act that resulted in the creation of an ''aedes'', a shrine that housed a cult image, or an ''ara'', an altar. Jerzy Linderski insists that the ''consecratio'' should be distinguished from the '' inauguratio'', that is, the ritual by which the augurs established a sacred place (''locus'') or ''templum'' (sacred precinct). The consecration was performed by a pontiff reciting a formula from the '' libri pontificales'', the pontifical books. One component of consecration was the ''dedicatio'', or dedication, a form of ''ius publicum'' (public law) carried out by a magistrate representing the will of the Roman people. The pontiff was responsible for the consecration proper.

cultus

Cicero defined ''religio'' as ''cultus deorum'', "the cultivation of the gods." The "cultivation" necessary to maintain a specific deity was that god's ''cultus,'' "cult," and required "the knowledge of giving the gods their due" ''(scientia colendorum deorum)''. The noun ''cultus'' originates from the past participle of the verb ''colo, colere, colui, cultus'', "to tend, take care of, cultivate," originally meaning "to dwell in, inhabit" and thus "to tend, cultivate land ''(ager)''; to practice agriculture," an activity fundamental to Roman identity even when Rome as a political center had become fully urbanized. ''Cultus'' is often translated as "cult", without the negative connotations the word may have in English, or with the Anglo-Saxon word "worship", but it implies the necessity of active maintenance beyond passive adoration. ''Cultus'' was expected to matter to the gods as a demonstration of respect, honor, and reverence; it was an aspect of the contractual nature of Roman religion (see ''do ut des''). St. Augustine echoes Cicero's formulation when he declares that "''religio'' is nothing other than the ''cultus'' of God."

D

decretum

''Decreta'' (plural) were the binding explications of doctrine issued by the official priests on questions of religious practice and interpretation. They were preserved in written form and archived.Jerzy Linderski, "The ''libri reconditi''" ''Harvard Studies in Classical Philology'' 89 (1985), pp. 218–219. Compare ''responsum''.

delubrum

A ''delubrum'' was a shrine. Varro says it was a building that housed the image of a ''deus'', "god", and emphasizes the human role in dedicating the statue. According to Varro, the ''delubrum'' was the oldest form of an ''aedes'', a structure that housed a god. It is an ambiguous term for both the building and the surrounding area ''ubi aqua currit'' ("where water runs"), according to the etymology of the antiquarian Cincius. Festus gives the etymology of ''delubrum'' as ''fustem delibratum'', "stripped stake," that is, a tree deprived of its bark ''(liber)'' by a lightning bolt, as such trees in archaic times were venerated as gods. The meaning of the term later extended to denote the shrine built to house the stake. Compare ''aedes'', ''fanum'', and ''templum''.

Isidore connected the ''delubrum'' with the verb ''diluere'', "to wash", describing it as a "spring-shrine", sometimes with annexed pool, where people would wash before entering, thus comparable to a Christian baptismal font.

detestatio sacrorum

When a person passed from one ''gens'' to another, as for instance by adoption, he renounced the religious duties ''( sacra)'' he had previously held in order to assume those of the family he was entering. The ritual procedure of ''detestatio sacrorum'' was enacted before a calate assembly.

deus, dea, di, dii

''Deus'', "god"; ''dea'', "goddess", plural ''deae''; ''di'' or ''dii'', "gods", plural, or "deities", of mixed gender. The Greek equivalent is ''theos'', which the Romans translated with ''deus''. Servius says that ''deus'' or ''dea'' is a "generic term" ''(generale nomen)'' for all gods. In his lost work ''Antiquitates rerum divinarum'', assumed to have been based on pontifical doctrine, Varro classified ''dii'' as ''certi, incerti, praecipui'' or ''selecti'', i.e. "deities whose function could be ascertained", those whose function was unknown or indeterminate, main or selected gods. Compare ''divus''. For etymological discussion, see Deus and Dyeus. See also List of Roman deities.

devotio

The ''devotio'' was an extreme form of ''votum'' in which a Roman general vowed to sacrifice his own life in battle along with the enemy to chthonic deities in exchange for a victory. The most extended description of the ritual is given by Livy, regarding the self-sacrifice of Decius Mus. The English word "devotion" derives from the Latin. For another ''votum'' that might be made in the field by a general, see ''evocatio''.

dies imperii

A Roman emperor's ''dies imperii'' was the date on which he assumed ''imperium'', that is, the anniversary of his accession as emperor. The date was observed annually with renewed oaths of loyalty and ''vota pro salute imperatoris'', vows and offerings for the wellbeing ''(salus)'' of the emperor. Observances resembled those on January 3, which had replaced the traditional vows made for the ''salus'' of the republic after the transition to one-man rule under Augustus. The ''dies imperii'' was a recognition that succession during the Empire might take place irregularly through the death or overthrow of an emperor, in contrast to the annual magistracies of the Republic when the year was designated by the names of consuls serving their one-year term.

The ''dies Augusti'' or ''dies Augustus'' was more generally any anniversary pertaining to the imperial family, such as birthdays or weddings, appearing on official calendars as part of Imperial cult. References to a ''dies Caesaris'' are also found, but it is unclear whether or how it differed from the ''dies Augusti''.

Nero observed his dies imperii/''decennalia'' - the 10-year anniversary of being emperor on October 13, 64 AD.

dies lustricus

The ''dies lustricus'' ("day of purification") was a rite carried out for the newborn on the eighth day of life for girls and the ninth day for boys. Little is known of the ritual procedure, but the child must have received its name on that day; funerary inscriptions for infants who died before their ''dies lustricus'' are nameless. The youngest person found commemorated on a Roman tombstone by name was a male infant nine days old (or 10 days in Roman inclusive counting). Because of the rate of infant mortality, perhaps as high as 40 percent, the newborn in its first few days of life was held as in a liminal phase, vulnerable to malignant forces (see List of Roman birth and childhood deities). Socially, the child did not exist. The ''dies lustricus'' may have been when the child received the ''bulla'', the protective amulet that was put aside when a boy passed into adulthood.

dies natalis

A ''dies natalis'' was a birthday ("natal day"; see also ''dies lustricus'' above) or more generally the anniversary of a founding event. The Romans celebrated an individual's birthday annually, in contrast to the Greek practice of marking the date each month with a simple libation. The Roman ''dies natalis'' was connected with the cult owed to the Genius. A public figure might schedule a major event on his birthday: Pompeius Magnus ("Pompey the Great") waited seven months after he returned from his military campaigns in the East before he staged his triumph, so he could celebrate it on his birthday. The coincidence of birthdays and anniversaries could have a positive or negative significance: news of Decimus Brutus's victory at Mutina was announced at Rome on his birthday, while Caesar's assassin Cassius suffered defeat at Philippi on his birthday and committed suicide.Feeney, ''Caesar's Calendar,'' p. 149. Birthdays were one of the dates on which the dead were commemorated.

The date when a temple was founded, or when it was rededicated after a major renovation or rebuilding, was also a ''dies natalis'', and might be felt as the "birthday" of the deity it housed as well. The date of such ceremonies was therefore chosen by the pontiffs with regard to its position on the religious calendar. The "birthday" or foundation date of Rome was celebrated April 21, the day of the Parilia, an archaic pastoral festival. As part of a flurry of religious reforms and restorations in the period from 38 BC to 17 AD, no fewer than fourteen temples had their ''dies natalis'' moved to another date, sometimes with the clear purpose of aligning them with new Imperial theology after the collapse of the Republic.

The birthdays of emperors were observed with public ceremonies as an aspect of Imperial cult. The ''Feriale Duranum'', a military calendar of religious observances, features a large number of imperial birthdays. Augustus shared his birthday (September 23) with the anniversary of the Temple of Apollo in the Campus Martius, and elaborated on his connection with Apollo in developing his special religious status.

A birthday commemoration was also called a ''natalicium,'' which could take the form of a poem. Early Christian poets such as Paulinus of Nola adopted the ''natalicium'' poem for commemorating saints. The day on which Christian martyrs died is regarded as their ''dies natalis''; see Calendar of saints.

dies religiosus

According to Festus, it was wrong ''(nefas)'' to undertake any action beyond attending to basic necessities on a day that was '' religiosus'' on the calendar. On these days, there were to be no marriages, political assemblies, or battles. Soldiers were not to be enlisted, nor journeys started. Nothing new was to be started, and no religious acts ''(res divinae)'' performed. Aulus Gellius said that ''dies religiosi'' were to be distinguished from those that were ''nefasti''.

dies vitiosus

The phrase ''diem vitiare'' ("to vitiate a day") in augural practice meant that the normal activities of public business were prohibited on a given day, presumably by '' obnuntiatio'', because of observed signs that indicated defect ''(morbus''; see '' vitium''). Unlike a ''dies religiosus'' or a ''dies ater'' ("black day," typically the anniversary of a calamity), a particular date did not become permanently ''vitiosus,'' with one exception. Some Roman calendars ''(fasti)'' produced under Augustus and up to the time of Claudius mark January 14 as a ''dies vitiosus'', a day that was inherently "vitiated". January 14 is the only day to be marked annually and officially by decree of the Roman senate ''(senatus consultum)'' as ''vitiosus''. LInderski calls this "a very remarkable innovation." One calendar, the ''Fasti Verulani'' (c. 17–37 AD), explains the designation by noting it was the '' dies natalis'' of Mark Antony, which the Greek historian and Roman senator Cassius Dio says had been declared ἡμέρα μιαρά ''(hēmera miara)'' (= ''dies vitiosus'') by Augustus. The emperor Claudius, who was the grandson of Antony, rehabilitated the day.

dirae

The adjective ''dirus'' as applied to an omen meant "dire, awful." It often appears in the feminine plural as a substantive meaning "evil omens." ''Dirae'' were the worst of the five kinds of signs recognized by the augurs, and were a type of oblative or unsought sign that foretold disastrous consequences. The ill-fated departure of Marcus Crassus for the invasion of Parthia was notably attended by ''dirae'' (see Ateius Capito). In the interpretive etymology of ancient writers, ''dirae'' was thought to derive from ''dei irae'', the grudges or anger of a god, that is, divine wrath. ''Dirae'' is an epithet for the Furies, and can also mean curses or imprecations, particularly in the context of magic and related to ''defixiones'' (curse tablets). In explaining why Claudius felt compelled to ban the religion of the druids, Suetonius speaks of it as ''dirus'', alluding to the practice of human sacrifice.

disciplina Etrusca

The collective body of knowledge pertaining to the doctrine, ritual practices, laws, and science of Etruscan religion and cosmology was known as the ''disciplina Etrusca''. Divination was a particular feature of the ''disciplina''. The Etruscan texts on the ''disciplina'' that were known to the Romans are of three kinds: the ''libri haruspicini'' (on haruspicy), the ''libri fulgurales'' (lightning), and the ''libri rituales'' (ritual). Nigidius Figulus, the Late Republican scholar and praetor of 58 BC, was noted for his expertise in the ''disciplina''. Extant ancient sources on the ''Etrusca disciplina'' include Pliny the Elder, Seneca, Cicero, Johannes Lydus, Macrobius and Festus.

divus

The adjective ''divus'', feminine ''diva'', is usually translated as "divine." As a substantive, ''divus'' refers to a "deified" or divinized mortal. Both ''deus'' and ''divus'' derive from Indo-European ''*deywos'', Old Latin ''deivos''. Servius confirms that ''deus'' is used for "perpetual deities" ''(deos perpetuos)'', but ''divus'' for people who become divine ''(divos ex hominibus factos = gods who once were men)''. While this distinction is useful in considering the theological foundations of Imperial cult, it sometimes vanishes in practice, particularly in Latin poetry; Vergil, for instance, mostly uses ''deus'' and ''divus'' interchangeably. Varro and Ateius, however, maintained that the definitions should be reversed. See also Imperial cult: ''Divus, deus'' and the ''numen''.

do ut des

The formula ''do ut des'' ("I give that you might give") expresses the reciprocity of exchange between human being and deity, reflecting the importance of gift-giving as a mutual obligation in ancient society and the contractual nature of Roman religion. The gifts offered by the human being take the form of sacrifice, with the expectation that the god will return something of value, prompting gratitude and further sacrifices in a perpetuating cycle. The ''do ut des'' principle is particularly active in magic and private ritual. ''Do ut des'' was also a judicial concept of contract law.

In Pauline theology, ''do ut des'' was viewed as a reductive form of piety, merely a "business transaction", in contrast to God's unilateral grace (χάρις, ''charis''). Max Weber, in '' The Sociology of Religion'', saw it as "a purely formalistic ethic." In ''The Elementary Forms of Religious Life'', however, Émile Durkheim regarded the concept as not merely utilitarian, but an expression of "the mechanism of the sacrificial system itself" as "an exchange of mutually invigorating good deeds between the divinity and his faithful."

E

effatio

The verb ''effari'', past participle ''effatus'', means "to create boundaries ''(fines)'' by means of fixed verbal formulas." ''Effatio'' is the abstract noun. It was one of the three parts of the ceremony inaugurating a ''templum'' (sacred space), preceded by the consulting of signs and the '' liberatio'' which "freed" the space from malign or competing spiritual influences and human effects. A site ''liberatus et effatus'' was thus "exorcized and available." The result was a ''locus inauguratus'' ("inaugurated site"), the most common form of which was the ''templum''. The boundaries had permanent markers (''cippi'' or '' termini''), and when these were damaged or removed, their ''effatio'' had to be renewed.

evocatio

The "calling forth" or "summoning away" of a deity was an ''evocatio'', from ''evoco, evocare'', "summon." The ritual was conducted in a military setting either as a threat during a siege or as a result of surrender, and aimed at diverting the favor of a tutelary deity from the opposing city to the Roman side, customarily with a promise of a better-endowed cult or a more lavish temple. As a tactic of psychological warfare, ''evocatio'' undermined the enemy's sense of security by threatening the sanctity of its city walls (see pomerium) and other forms of divine protection. In practice, ''evocatio'' was a way to mitigate otherwise sacrilegious looting of religious images from shrines.

Recorded examples of evocations include the transferral of Juno Regina ("Juno the Queen", originally Etruscan ''Uni'') from Veii in 396 BC; the ritual performed by Scipio Aemilianus in 146 BC at the defeat of Carthage, involving Tanit (Juno Caelestis); and the dedication of a temple to an unnamed, gender-indeterminate deity at Isaura Vetus in Asia Minor in 75 BC. Some scholars think that Vortumnus (Etruscan ''Voltumna'') was brought by evocation to Rome in 264 BC as a result of M. Fulvius Flaccus's defeat of the Volsinii. In Roman myth, a similar concept motivates the transferral of the Palladium from Troy to Rome, where it served as one of the '' pignora imperii'', sacred tokens of Roman sovereignty. Compare '' invocatio'', the "calling on" of a deity.

Formal evocations are known only during the Republic. Other forms of religious assimilation appear from the time of Augustus, often in connection with the establishment of the Imperial cult in the provinces.

''Evocatio'', "summons", was also a term of Roman law without evident reference to its magico-religious sense.

exauguratio

A site that had been inaugurated ''(locus inauguratus)'', that is, marked out through augural procedure, could not have its purpose changed without a ceremony of reversal. Removing a god from the premises required the correct ceremonial invocations. When Tarquin rebuilt the temple district on the Capitoline, a number of deities were dislodged by ''exauguratio'', though Terminus and Juventas "refused" and were incorporated into the new structure. A distinction between the ''exauguratio'' of a deity and an ''evocatio'' can be unclear. The procedure was in either case rare, and was required only when a deity had to yield place to another, or when the site was secularized. It was not required when a site was upgraded, for instance, if an open-air altar were to be replaced with a temple building to the same god.

The term could also be used for removing someone from a priestly office ''(sacerdotium)''. Compare '' inauguratio''.

eximius

An adjective, "choice, select," used to denote the high quality required of sacrificial victims: "Victims ''( hostiae)'' are called 'select' ''(eximiae)'' because they are selected ''(eximantur)'' from the herd and designated for sacrifice, or because they are chosen on account of their choice ''(eximia)'' appearance as offerings to divine entities ''( numinibus)''." The adjective here is synonymous with ''egregius'', "chosen from the herd ''(grex, gregis)''." Macrobius says it is specifically a sacerdotal term and not a "poetic epithet" ''(poeticum ἐπίθετον)''.

exta

The ''exta'' were the entrails of a sacrificed animal, comprising in Cicero's enumeration the gall bladder (''fel''), liver (''iecur''), heart (''cor''), and lungs (''pulmones''). The ''exta'' were exposed for litation (divine approval) as part of Roman liturgy, but were "read" in the context of the ''disciplina Etrusca''. As a product of Roman sacrifice, the ''exta'' and blood are reserved for the gods, while the meat ''(viscera)'' is shared among human beings in a communal meal. The ''exta'' of bovine victims were usually stewed in a pot (''olla'' or ''aula''), while those of sheep or pigs were grilled on skewers. When the deity's portion was cooked, it was sprinkled with ''mola salsa'' (ritually prepared salted flour) and wine, then placed in the fire on the altar for the offering; the technical verb for this action was '' porricere''.

F

fanaticus

''Fanaticus'' means "belonging to a ''fanum''," a shrine or sacred precinct. ''Fanatici'' as applied to people refers to temple attendants or devotees of a cult, usually one of the ecstatic or orgiastic religions such as that of Cybele (in reference to the Galli), Bellona-Ma, or perhaps Silvanus. Inscriptions indicate that a person making a dedication might label himself ''fanaticus'', in the neutral sense of "devotee". Tacitus uses ''fanaticus'' to describe the troop of druids who attended on the Icenian queen Boudica. The word was often used disparagingly by ancient Romans in contrasting these more emotive rites to the highly scripted procedures of public religion, and later by early Christians to deprecate religions other than their own; hence the negative connotation of "fanatic" in English.

Festus says that a tree struck by lightning is called ''fanaticus'', a reference to the Romano-Etruscan belief in lightning as a form of divine sign. The Gallic bishop Caesarius of Arles, writing in the 5th century, indicates that such trees retained their sanctity even up to his own time, and urged the Christian faithful to burn down the ''arbores fanatici''. These trees either were located in and marked a ''fanum'' or were themselves considered a ''fanum''. Caesarius is somewhat unclear as to whether the devotees regarded the tree itself as divine or whether they thought its destruction would kill the ''numen'' housed within it. Either way, even scarcity of firewood would not persuade them to use the sacred wood for fuel, a scruple for which he mocked them.

fanum

A ''fanum'' is a plot of consecrated ground, a sanctuary, and from that a temple or shrine built there. A ''fanum'' may be a traditional sacred space such as the grove (''lucus'') of Diana Nemorensis, or a sacred space or structure for non-Roman religions, such as an Iseum (temple of Isis) or Mithraeum. Cognates such as Oscan ''fíísnú'', Umbrian ''fesnaf-e'', and Paelignian ''fesn'' indicate that the concept is shared by Italic peoples. The Greek temenos was the same concept. By the Augustan period, ''fanum'', ''aedes'', ''templum'', and ''delubrum'' are scarcely distinguishable in usage, but ''fanum'' was a more inclusive and general term.

The ''fanum'', Romano-Celtic temple, or ambulatory temple of Roman Gaul was often built over an originally Celtic religious site, and its plan was influenced by the ritual architecture of earlier Celtic sanctuaries. The masonry temple building of the Gallo-Roman period had a central space (''cella'') and a peripheral gallery structure, both square. Romano-Celtic ''fana'' of this type are found also in Roman Britain.

The English word "profane" ultimately derives from Latin ''pro fano'', "before, i.e. outside, the temple", "In front of the sanctuary," hence not within sacred ground.

fata deorum

''Fata deorum'' or the contracted form ''fata deum'' are the utterances of the gods; that is, prophecies. These were recorded in written form, and conserved by the state priests of Rome for consultation. The ''fata'' are both "fate" as known and determined by the gods, or the expression of the divine will in the form of verbal oracles. ''Fata deum'' is a theme of the ''Aeneid,'' Virgil's national epic of Rome.

The Sibylline Books ''(Fata Sibyllina'' or ''Libri Fatales)'', composed in Greek hexameters, are an example of written ''fata''. These were not Roman in origin but were believed to have been acquired in only partial form by Lucius Tarquinius Superbus. They were guarded by the priesthood of the ''decemviri sacris faciundis'' "ten men for carrying out sacred rites", later fifteen in number: ''quindecimviri sacris faciundis''. No one read the books in their entirety; they were consult