Background
The 'Reichskonkordat' between Germany and the''Kulturkampf''
Accounts of 20th-century diplomatic relations between Germany and the Vatican commonly take as their starting point the political scene in the late 19th century. German Chancellor Bismarck's ''Kulturkampf">Otto von Bismarck">Bismarck's ''Kulturkampf'' ("Battle for Culture") of 1871–1878 saw an attempt to influence a Protestant vision of nationalism over the new German Empire, and fused anticlericalism with suspicion of the Catholic population, whose loyalty was presumed to lie with Austria and France. The Catholic Centre Party had formed in 1870, initially to represent the religious interests of Catholics and Protestants, but was transformed by the ''Kulturkampf'' into the "political voice of Catholics". Bismarck's ''Culture Struggle'' was largely a failure.Yad Vashem – ''The German Churches in the Third Reich''End of World War I
A formal realignment of Church and state relationships was considered desirable in the aftermath of the political instability of 1918 and the adoption of the Weimar constitution for the Reich along with the new constitutions in the German states in 1919.Lewy, 1964, p. 57 Key issues that the Church hoped to resolve related to state subsidies to the Church, support for Catholic schools, the appointment of bishops and the legal position of the clergy.Lewy, 1964, p. 57 The Reich government, in turn, wished for reasons of foreign policy to have friendly relations with the Holy See. Also, Germany wanted to prevent new diocesan boundaries from being established which would dilute Germany's ties to ceded German territories in the east such as Danzig andPope Pius XI
Nazi period
Nazis take power
In January 1933, Hitler became Chancellor. The passing of the Enabling Act on 23 March, in part, removed the Reichstag as an obstacle to concluding a concordat with the Vatican.Lewy, 1964, p. 62 In the discussion of the Act, Hitler offered the Reichstag the possibility of friendly co-operation, promising not to threaten the Reichstag, the President, the States, or the Churches if granted the emergency powers. With Nazi paramilitary encircling the building, he said: "It is for you, gentlemen of the Reichstag to decide between war and peace."Alan Bullock; '' Hitler: a Study in Tyranny''; Harper Perennial Edition 1991, pp. 147–148 The Act allowed Hitler and his Cabinet to rule by emergency decree for four years, though Hindenburg remained President. German Catholics were wary of the new government: In early 1933, Hitler told Hermann Rauschning that Bismarck had been stupid in starting a ''Kulturkampf'' and outlined his own strategy for dealing with the clergy which would be based initially on a policy of toleration:We should trap the priests by their notorious greed and self-indulgence. We shall thus be able to settle everything with them in perfect peace and harmony. I shall give them a few years' reprieve. Why should we quarrel? They will swallow anything in order to keep their material advantages. Matters will never come to a head. They will recognise a firm will, and we need only show them once or twice who is the master. They will know which way the wind blows.An initially mainly sporadic persecution of the Catholic Church in Germany followed the Nazi takeover. Hitler was hostile to the Catholic Church, but he was also mindful that Catholics were a large proportion of the population in Germany: almost 40% in 1933. As such, for political reasons, Hitler was prepared to restrain his anticlericalism and did not allow himself to be drawn into attacking the Church publicly as other Nazis would have liked him to do. Kershaw wrote that, following the appointment of Hitler as Chancellor by President von Hindenberg, the Vatican was anxious to reach agreement with the new government, despite "continuing molestation of Catholic clergy, and other outrages committed by Nazi radicals against the Church and its organisations".Ian Kershaw; ''Hitler: A Biography''; 2008 Edn; W.W. Norton & Co; London; p. 295 In March 1933, the British Roman Catholic periodical ''The Tablet'' in an article titled "The Ides of March" said:
itler'sDictatorship is a usurpation and his enforcement of it is a brutality. While we write these lines, with news of more arrests and repressions coming to us every hour, we remember that we have reached the Ides of March and the anniversary of a never-forgotten assassination. But Nazism's daggers cannot slay what is noblest and best in Germany. The Church, now that the Centre is no longer the key-group in German politics, may be persecuted; but HITLER will not succeed where BISMARCK failed.Robert Ventresca wrote that because of increasing harassment of Catholics and Catholic clergy, Cardinal Pacelli sought quick ratification of a treaty with the government, seeking in this way to protect the German Church. When Vice-Chancellor Papen and Ambassador to the Vatican Diego von Bergen met Pacelli in late June 1933, they found him "visibly influenced" by reports of actions being taken against German Catholic interests. The Church was keen on coming to terms with Hitler as he represented a strong resistance against Communism. The Papal Nuncio in Berlin (Cesare Osenigo) is reported to have been jubilant about Hitler's rise to power and thought that the new government would soon be offering the same concessions to the Church that Mussolini had made in Italy. Historian Michael Phayer balances Lewy and author and journalist John Cornwell stating:
Negotiations
The Catholic bishops in Germany had generally shown opposition to Hitler from the beginning of his rise to power. When theAfter my recent experience in Rome in the highest circles, which I cannot reveal here, I must say that I found, despite everything, a greater tolerance with regard to the new government. ... Let us meditate on the words of the Holy Father, who in a consistory, without mentioning his name, indicated before the whole world in Adolf Hitler the statesman who first, after the Pope himself, has raised his voice against Bolshevism.At a cabinet meeting on 20 March 1933, Hitler was confident that the Centre Party had now seen the necessity of the Enabling Act and that "the acceptance of the Enabling Act also by the would signify a strengthening prestige with regard to foreign countries." Early in March 1933, the bishops recommended that Catholics vote for the Centre Party in the elections scheduled for 5 March 1933. However, two weeks later the Catholic hierarchy reversed its previous policy: allowing the Centre Party and the Bavarian Catholic Party to vote for the Enabling Act which gave Hitler dictatorial powers on 23 March. German Catholic theologian Robert Grosche described the Enabling Act in terms of the 1870 decree on the infallibility of the Pope, and stated that the Church had "anticipated on a higher level, that historical decision which is made today on the political level: for the Pope and against the sovereignty of the Council; for the Fuhrer and against the Parliament." On 29 March 1933 Cardinal Pacelli sent word to the German bishops to the effect that they must change their position with regard to National Socialism. On 28 March 1933, the bishops themselves took up a position favourable to Hitler. According to Falconi (1966), the about-face came through the influence and instructions of the Vatican. Pope Pius XI indicated in ''
I have been attacked because of my handling of the Jewish question. The Catholic Church considered the Jews pestilent for fifteen hundred years, put them in ghettos, etc., because it recognized the Jews for what they were. In the epoch of liberalism the danger was no longer recognized. I am moving back toward the time in which a fifteen-hundred-year-long tradition was implemented. I do not set race over religion, but I recognize the representatives of this race as pestilent for the state and for the Church, and perhaps I am thereby doing Christianity a great service by pushing them out of schools and public functions.The notes of the meeting do not record any response by Berning. In the opinion of Martin Rhonheimer, who cites the above transcript, "This is hardly surprising: for a Catholic Bishop in 1933 there was really nothing terribly objectionable in this historically correct reminder. And on this occasion, as always, Hitler was concealing his true intentions."
What the liturgical movement is to the religious realm, fascism is to the political realm. The German stands and acts under authority, under leadership – whoever does not follow endangers society. Let us say 'yes' wholeheartedly to the new form of the total State, which is analogous throughout to the incarnation of the Church. The Church stands in the world as Germany stands in politics today.On 23 July, a British minister met Cardinal Pacelli who appeared "very satisfied" with the signing of the concordat. The cardinal expressed the view that, with the guarantees given relating to Catholic education, this concordat was an improvement over the 1929 agreement with Prussia.Rhodes, p. 177 Cardinal Pacelli did sound a note of caution in that his satisfaction was based on the assumption that the German Government "remained true to its undertaking", but said also that Hitler "was becoming increasingly moderate".Rhodes, p. 177 On 24 July, Cardinal Faulhaber sent a handwritten letter to Hitler, noting that "For Germany's prestige in the East and the West and before the whole world, this handshake with the papacy, the greatest moral power in the history of the world, is a feat of immeasurable importance."Lapide, p. 102 On 4 August 1933, the British Minister reported "in conversations I have had with Cardinal Pacelli and Monsignor Pizzardo, neither gave me the feeling of the slightest regret at the eclipse of the Centre arty and its consequent loss of influence in German politics". On 19 August, Ivone Kirkpatrick had a further discussion with Cardinal Pacelli in which he expressed his "disgust and abhorrence" at Hitler's reign of terror to the diplomat. Pacelli said "I had to choose between an agreement on their lines and the virtual elimination of the Catholic Church in the Reich." Pacelli also told Kirkpatrick that he deplored the persecution of the Jews, but a pistol had been held to his head and that he had no alternative, being given only one week to decide.Lapide, p. 103 Pinchas Lapide said that while negotiations for the concordat were taking place, pressure had been put on the Vatican by the arrest of ninety-two priests, the searching of Catholic youth-club premises, and the closing down of nine Catholic publications.Lapide, p. 103 The Nazi newspaper '' Völkischer Beobachter'' wrote: "By her signature the Catholic Church has recognised National Socialism in the most solemn manner. ... This fact constitutes an enormous moral strengthening of our government and its prestige." The concordat was ratified on 10 September 1933 and Cardinal Pacelli took the opportunity to send a note to the Germans raising the topic of the social and economic condition of Jews who had converted to Catholicism but not of Jews in general. Meanwhile, although the Protestant churches, being local congregations, remained unaffected by restrictions on foreign support, Hitler's government negotiated other agreements with them which in essence put Nazi officials, most of whom were Catholics, into positions of influence or outright authority over Protestant churches. Foreseeing the potential for outright State control of their churches which these agreements portended, many Protestant church leaders simply reorganized their congregations out of the agreements, causing a schism within the Protestant Churches. These Protestant resisters attempted to rally Catholic prelates to the dangers portended by these agreements, but were simply rebuffed when the ''Reichskonkordat'' was ratified. Many of the Protestant clergy who opposed the Nazi religious program ('' Bekennende Kirche'' or Confessing Church) later suffered imprisonment or execution. Church leaders were realistic about the concordat's protections. Cardinal Faulhaber is reported to have said: "With the concordat we are hanged, without the concordat we are hanged, drawn and quartered." After the signing of the concordat, the papal nuncio exhorted the German bishops to support Hitler's régime. The bishops told their flocks to try to get along with the Nazi régime. According to Michael Phayer, the concordat prevented Pius XI from speaking out against the Nazi Nuremberg Laws in 1935, and though he did intend to speak out after the nationwide pogrom of 1938, Cardinal Pacelli dissuaded him from doing so. On 20 August 1935, the Catholic Bishops conference at Fulda reminded Hitler that Pius XI had:
exchanged the handshake of trust with you through the concordat – the first foreign sovereign to do so. ... Pope Pius spoke high praise of you. ... Millions in foreign countries, Catholics and non-Catholics alike, have overcome their original mistrust because of this expression of papal trust, and have placed their trust in your regime.In a sermon given in Munich during 1937, Cardinal Faulhaber declared:
At a time when the heads of the major nations in the world faced the new Germany with reserve and considerable suspicion, the Catholic Church, the greatest moral power on earth, through the Concordat, expressed its confidence in the new German government. This was a deed of immeasurable significance for the reputation of the new government abroad.
The concordat
The Treaty with Additional Protocol n bracketswas signed 20 July 1933. It was ratified and in force starting 10 September 1933 and remains in force. The text of the concordat was released 22 July 1933 and began with a preamble that set out the common desire of both parties for friendly relations set-out in a solemn agreement. Preamble His Holiness Pope Pius XI and the President of theReception
While the highest authorities of the Catholic Church in the Vatican liked the agreement, most of the bishops and common clergy saw it negatively; this was especially true in Germany where most bishops and priests disapproved of National Socialism and thus received the news coldly; for example, most refused to even hold a Te Deum service to celebrate its approval. Catholic clergy outside Germany mostly rejected the concordat as well; for instance the British Roman Catholic periodical ''The Tablet'' openly reported the signing of the concordat negatively:Already it is being said that THE POPE OF ROME thinks of nobody save his own adherents and that he does not care how Lutherans are dragooned and how Jews are harried so long as Popish bishops, monastic orders, confessional schools, and Catholic associations are allowed full freedom. We beg our Protestant and Jewish friends to put away such suspicions. As we suggested at the outset of this brief article, the Catholic Church could have done little for other denominations in Germany if she had begun thrusting out wild hands to help them while her own feet were slipping under her. By patience and reasonableness she has succeeded in re-establishing herself, more firmly than before, on a Concordat which does not surrender one feather's weight of essential Catholic principle. She will straightway set about her sacred task, an important part of which will be the casting out of those devils which have been raging – and are raging still – in the Reich. But "this sort" of devil is not cast out save by prayer. Political action (from which the German clergy are debarred under the Concordat) by the Church would drive matters from bad to worse. We are confident, however, that Catholics will abhor the idea of enjoying complete toleration while Protestants and Jews are under the harrow, and that, quietly but strongly, the Catholic influence will be exerted in the right direction. One German out of three is a Catholic; and Catholic prestige is high in Germany's public life.Criticism of the concordat was initially from those countries who viewed Germany as a potential threat. '' Le Temps'' wrote: "This is a triumph for the National Socialist government. It took Mussolini five years to achieve this; Germany has done it in a week."Rhodes, p. 177 ''L'Ere Nouvelle'' wrote: "The contradiction of a system preaching universalism making an agreement with a highly nationalistic state has been repeated throughout Vatican history. The Church never attacks existing institutions, even if they are bad. It prefers to wait for their collapse, hoping for the emergence of a higher morality. The Polish newspaper ''Kurjer Poranny'' wrote on 19 July 1933: "Once again we see the methods of the Vatican – intransigent with the passive and amenable, but accommodating with the high-handed and ruthless. In the last century it rewarded its persecutor, Bismarck, with the highest Papal decoration, the Order of Christ. ...The Centre Party, which most courageously resisted the Nazis, has been disowned by the Vatican."Rhodes, p. 178 Ex-Chancellor Bruning reported that 300 Protestant pastors who had been on the verge of joining the Catholic Church on account of the stand it had taken against the Nazis abandoned the plan after the signing of the concordat.Rhodes, p. 178 On 24 July, the Nazi newspaper '' Völkischer Beobachter'' commented:
The provocative agitation which for years was conducted against the NSDAP because of its alleged hostility to religion has now been refuted by the Church itself. This fact signifies a tremendous moral strengthening of the National Socialist government of the Reich and its reputation.Lewy, 1964, p. 86On 26 and 27 July 1933, the Vatican daily newspaper ''
Violations
Nazi violations of the concordat commenced almost immediately after it was signed. The Nazis claimed jurisdiction over all collective and social activity, interfering with Catholic schooling, youth groups, workers' clubs and cultural societies. Theodore S. Hamerow; ''On the Road to the Wolf's Lair: German Resistance to Hitler'', Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1997, , p. 136 Hitler had a "blatant disregard" for the concordat, wrote Paul O'Shea, and its signing was to him merely a first step in the "gradual suppression of the Catholic Church in Germany".Paul O'Shea,''A Cross Too Heavy'', Rosenberg Publishing, pp. 234–235, Anton Gill wrote that "with his usual irresistible, bullying technique, Hitler then proceeded to take a mile where he had been given an inch" and closed all Catholic institutions whose functions were not strictly religious: Within the same month of signing the concordat, the Nazis promulgated their sterilization law – the Law for the Prevention of Hereditarily Diseased Offspring – a policy the Catholic Church considered deeply offensive. Days later, moves began to dissolve the Catholic Youth League. William L. Shirer, '' The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich'', Secker & Warburg, London, 1960, pp. 234–235 Clergy, religious sisters, and lay leaders began to be targeted with thousands of arrests over the ensuing years, on trumped up charges of currency smuggling or immorality. Priests were watched closely and frequently denounced, arrested and sent to concentration camps.Paul Berben; ''Dachau: The Official History 1933–1945''; Norfolk Press; London; 1975; ; p. 142 From 1940, a dedicated Clergy Barracks had been established at Dachau concentration camp. Intimidation of clergy was widespread. Cardinal Faulhaber was shot at. Cardinal Innitzer had his Vienna residence ransacked in October 1938, and Bishop Sproll of Rottenburg was jostled and his home vandalised. William Shirer wrote that the German people were not greatly aroused by the persecution of the churches by the Nazi Government. The majority were not moved to face death or imprisonment for the sake of freedom of worship, being too impressed by Hitler's early foreign policy successes and the restoration of the German economy. Few, he wrote, "paused to reflect that the Nazi regime intended to destroy Christianity in Germany, if it could, and substitute the old paganism of the early tribal Germanic gods and the new paganism of the Nazi extremists."William L. Shirer; ''The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich''; Secker & Warburg; London; 1960; p. 240 Anti-Nazi sentiment grew in Catholic circles as the Nazi government increased its repressive measures against their activities. In his history of the German Resistance, Hoffmann writes that, from the beginning: After constant confrontations, by late 1935, Bishop Clemens August von Galen of Münster was urging a joint pastoral letter protesting against an "underground war" against the church. By early 1937, the church hierarchy in Germany, which had initially attempted to co-operate with the new government, had become highly disillusioned. In March,World War II
From 1940, the Gestapo launched an intense persecution of the monasteries, invading, searching and appropriating them. The Provincial of the Dominican Province of Teutonia, Laurentius Siemer, a spiritual leader of the German Resistance, was influential in the Committee for Matters Relating to the Orders, which formed in response to Nazi attacks against Catholic monasteries and aimed to encourage the bishops to intercede on behalf of the Orders and oppose the Nazi state more emphatically.Laurentius SiemerAfter World War II
Pius XII put a high priority on preserving the concordat from the Nazi era, although the bishops were unenthusiastic about it and the Allies considered the request inappropriate. After the war, the concordat remained in place and the Catholic Church was restored to its previous position.Ehler, Sidney Z.; Morrall, John B. ''Church and state through the centuries'' pp. 518–519, org pub 1954, reissued 1988, Biblo & Tannen, 1988, WhenAssessment
Anthony Rhodes regarded Hitler's desire for a concordat with the Vatican as being driven principally by the prestige and respectability it brought to his regime abroad, while at the same time eliminating the opposition of the Centre Party. Rhodes took the view that if the survival of Catholic education and youth organisations was taken to be the principal aim of papal diplomacy during this period then the signing of the concordat to prevent greater evils was justified. Many of the Centre Party deputies were priests who had not been afraid to raise their voices and would almost certainly have voted against Hitler's assumption of dictatorial powers. The voluntary dissolution of the Centre Party removed that obstacle and Hitler had absolute power and brought respectability to the state: "Within six months of its birth, the Third Reich had been given full approval by the highest spiritual power on earth".Rhodes, p. 177 Ian Kershaw considered the role of the Centre Party in Hitler's removal of almost all constitutional restraints as "particularly ignominious." John Cornwell views Cardinal Pacelli as being an example of a "fellow traveller" of the Nazis who, through the concordat, was willing to accept the generosity of Hitler in the educational sphere (more schools, teachers and student slots), so long as the Church withdrew from the social and political sphere, at the same time as Jews were being dismissed from universities and Jewish student slots were being reduced. He argues that the Catholic Centre Party vote was decisive in the adoption of dictatorial powers by Hitler and that the party's subsequent dissolution was at Pacelli's prompting. Michael Phayer is of the opinion that a muted response to the attacks on Mosaic Jews was due to the concordat conditioned German bishops to avoid speaking out against anything that was not strictly related to church matters. Carlo Falconi described the concordat as "The Devil's Pact with Hitler".Notes
References
* Lapide, Pinchas. ''Three Popes and the Jews'', 1967, Hawthorn Books * Lewy, Guenter. ''The Catholic Church and Nazi Germany'', 1964, Weidenfeld & Nicolson * Phayer, Michael. ''The Catholic Church and the Holocaust: 1930–1965'', 2000, Indiana University Press, * Rhodes, Anthony. ''The Vatican in the Age of the Dictators'', 1973, Hodder & Stoughton, * Carroll, James. '' Constantine's Sword'', 2001, Mariner Books, * Falconi, Carlo. "The Popes in the Twentieth Century", Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1967External links