Furiiru People

The Fuliru people (also spelled Fuliiru) are a Bantu ethnic group native to the South Kivu Province of the eastern region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo."Fuliiru." ''Encyclopedia of the Peoples of Africa and the Middle East, Volume 1'' (Jamie Stokes, editor) (2009). Infobase: p. 234.Johan Pottier, ''Re-Imagining Rwanda: Conflict, Survival and Disinformation in the Late Twentieth Century'' (2002). Cambridge University Press: p. 16.Furiiru
" ''Ethnologue: Languages of the World'' (16th ed) (2009). M. Paul Lewis (editor), 2009. Dallas: SIL International. They predominantly inhabit the Uvira Territory, forming the largest ethnic group within the Bafuliiru Chiefdom, located centrally and to the northwest. They also form the primary constituency in the Ruzizi Plain Chiefdom, to the northeast, near the Rwanda and Burundi borders, where some Fuliru communities reside.James Stuart Olson, ''The Peoples of Africa: An Ethnohistorical Dictionary''. Greenwood: 1996, p. 183.

According to a 2009 census, their population was estimated at over 250,000, while a 1999 estimate of Kifuliru-language speakers placed the number at 300,000. The Fuliru speak the Fuliru language, a branch of the Bantu subgroup within the Niger-Congo family, closely related to Vira, Shi, Havu, Tembo, and Nyindu. Occupationally, Fuliru primarily work in agriculture and herding, with a notable reputation in pottery and basket-weaving. Their handcrafted baskets are used for storage, decoration, and even as musical instruments.

The Fuliru, like many other communities in the eastern part of the DRC, face ongoing challenges related to access to basic needs such as clean water, healthcare, and education. Parenthetically, they face issues related to land disputes, political marginalization, and human rights abuses. The Fuliru women and girls are particularly vulnerable to sexual and gender-based violence amplified by the region's persistent armed conflicts, which have resulted in the prevalence of a pervasive culture of impunity.

Bafuliiru Chiefdom

At the onset of Belgian colonization, the establishment of chieftaincies was the primary method of governance. These chieftaincies were established with due respect to the customs and traditions of each area, particularly based on three principal criteria defined and established by the Belgian colonial administration as essential conditions for the establishment of any chieftaincy. This was done to prevent lawlessness and to avoid violating the ancestral realities that had existed for millennia. Belgian colonial administration's criteria for establishing chieftaincies varied based on the region and the ethnic group in question. The establishment of chieftaincies was often accompanied by the appointment of a local chief (''chefs de groupement'') or a traditional ruler who was then tasked with maintaining law and order in the area, as well as ensuring the well-being of the local population. However, the establishment of chieftains was controversial, particularly in areas where multiple ethnic groups co-exist. There were instances where the colonial administration had to navigate complex power dynamics and determine which ethnic group or faction should hold the position of chief. This led to tensions between different ethnic groups and, in some cases, even armed conflict. Each ethnic group, however small, was assigned a ''chiefdom'' or a ''sector'', if not, a ''grouping (groupement)''. The administrative territories were thus constituted within the limits of the chiefdom. The aim was to regroup "ethnic units" in their own geographical entities, but this led to such fragmentation that Orientale Province, which included the present-day Haut-Congo Province and the former Kivu, comprised up to 2,500 chiefdoms and groups. This approach by the Belgian colonial administration was based on the principle of indirect rule, which aimed to maintain control over the local population through traditional rulers. This system was viewed as a means of preserving the existing social and political structures of the colonized societies while ensuring their loyalty to the colonial authorities. However, this approach had some negative consequences. The proliferation of chiefdoms and groups created administrative difficulties for the colonial administration, making it challenging to maintain control over such a vast and diverse territory. Additionally, the creation of numerous chiefdoms and groups resulted in the fragmentation of ethnic groups, further exacerbating existing inter-ethnic tensions and conflicts.

The Bembe and Buyu were both grouped in the Fizi Territory, which was further subdivided into five sectors, including Itombwe, Lulenge, Mutambala, Ndandja, and Tanganyika. Conversely, the Bafuliru Chiefdom borders Rwanda and Burundi through the Ruzizi Plain in the Uvira Territory. The sandy soil of the plain is suitable for growing crops such as groundnuts and cotton, with Luvungi, Lubarika, and Luberizi being particularly noteworthy areas for such cultivation.
The Fuliru collectivity is situated in two distinct types of plateaus: the Middle Plateau and the High Plateau. The Middle Plateau spans between Luvungi and Mulenge, with the altitude gradually increasing from 100 m to 1800 meters. This plateau comprises several ''groupements'' and villages, including Namutiri, Ndolera, Bulaga, Langala, Bushokw, Bushuju, Butole, Lemera, Bwesho, Katala, Mulenge, and others. It is also a favorable environment for growing cassava, coffee, banana, beans and maize. The High Plateau, on the other hand, form a watershed between the tributaries of the Ulindi and the Elila rivers, as well as the torrents that flow into the Ruzizi River and Lake Tanganyika. The High Plateaus are characterized by a rugged landscape with steep slopes and elevations ranging from 1800 to 2700 meters. The main villages located on the High Plateaus include Kagongo, Kishusha, Mulobela, and Kashekezi. These villages are known for their cool climate and are suitable for the cultivation of crops such as Irish potatoes and beans. This plateau is mostly used for grazing cattle and is less populated compared to the Middle Plateau.

Bafuliiru ''groupements'' (groupings)

Bafuliru Chiefdom is subdivided in ''groupements'' (groupings) governed by customary chiefs (''chefs de groupement'') who are appointed by the paramount chief. ''Groupements'' are subdivided in ''localités'' (villages) which are also ruled by customary chiefs. Bafuliru Chiefdom is composed of five ''groupements'': Runingu, Itara-Luvungi, Lemera, Muhungu and Kigoma.

The Muhungu ''groupement'' consists of the following villages:

The Kigoma ''groupement'' consists of the following villages:

The Runingu ''groupement'' consists of the following villages:

The Itara-Luvungi ''groupement'' consists of the following villages:

The Lemera ''groupement'' consists of the following villages:

Clans

Alternatively, Bafuliru are not a homogeneous people; it is an amalgamation of people with diverse backgrounds, a kind of multicultural state, each with distinct origins. To be considered ''Mufuliru'' one must be born into one of the thirty-seven progenitor families (clans) of the ethnic group.

The Fuliru people are made up of about 37 clans:

* Badaka: The Badaka clan is a smaller clan within the Bafuliru Chiefdom, and is known for their expertise in metalworking and blacksmithing. They have played a significant role in the production of tools and weapons for use by other clans in the region.
* Balabwe
* Bahatu
* Bahamba: The Bahamba clan are one of the significant clans within the chiefdom and played a key role in its political and social history. The Bahambas are well known for their lineage from the royal family and have held leadership positions over the Batumba clan at some point in history. Many clan members hold authoritative positions in local government and community organizations. While they had a historical relation to the royal court, they also had an occupancy in agriculture, trade, and other economic activities.
* Bahange
* Bahembwe
* Bahofwa
* Bahundja
* Bahungu
* Bazige: The Bazige clan are believed to be descendants of Hutus from Burundi who were assimilated through exogamy.
* Baiga
* Bajojo
* Bakame
* Bakukulugu
* Bakuvi
* Balambo: The Balambo clan takes charge of the diadem detention ceremonies, which involve the safeguarding and presentation of royal headpieces. They are entrusted with the responsibility of preserving the diadems, which symbolize the authority and prestige of the Bafuliru chiefs.
* Balemera: The Balemera clan is one of the prominent royal clans within the chiefdom. Along with the Batumba clan, they have been recognized as one of the leading clans within the chiefdom and are known for their workmanship in trade and commerce.
* Balizi: The Balizi clan are believed to have migrated to the area from present-day Bunyoro in Uganda several centuries ago. They are primarily farmers, and they are known for their cultivation of beans, maize, and cassava.
* Bamioni
* Banakatanda: The Banakatanda clan is a matriarchal clan, with women traditionally holding positions of power and influence within the clan. They are known for their expertise in midwifery and for their role in selecting the next king or queen of the Bafuliru Chiefdom. Each powerful clan in the Chiefdom was assigned a role on the royal court, and the Banyakatanda women were appointed as ''kingmakers''. Since a king could be born to any of the king's wives, these women served as ''midwives'' to the queens, tasked with determining whether a newborn was fit to succeed to the throne. Moreover, upon the death of the reigning monarch, only members of these clans could confirm and announce the passing and ensure the rightful successor ascended to the throne.
* Banakyoyo
* Banamubamba
* Banamuganga
* Basamba
* Bashagakibone: The Bashagakibone clan plays a key role in the solemn process of mummification. Drawing upon ancient knowledge passed down through generations, they possess the sacred expertise required to preserve the bodies of deceased chiefs and noble figures. They ensure that the rituals of mummification are carried out according to ancient traditions, honoring the legacy of those who have passed.
* Bashimbi: The Bashimbi clan is a group of skilled farmers, rainmakers, and high-level "premiers" within the chiefdom. They are known for their expertise in producing honey, cereals, coffee, and raising livestock, including sheep, cattle, and poultry. The Bashimbi are centered around their traditional village of Kalundu, located near the Mizulo hamlet. The clan's founding father, Kashambi, was renowned as the master-maker of the "''bimole''" or torch used for fisheries in Lake Tanganyika. The Bashimbi made a pact with the Bafuliru clan, who shared a sonorous resemblance in the names of their clans. According to several oral accounts and ethnological studies of the Fuliru people, these clans recognized each other as real brothers at a particular time in history. The Bafuliru eventually absorbed the more cunning members of the Bashimbi clan. The name "''Kashambi''" is given to the progeny of the Bashimbi's founding father, who arrived with his adherents and plundered other people's belongings, establishing his dominance through his velocity and colossal throng.
* Bashamwa
* Bashashu
* Basizi: The Basizi clan is believed to be a subgroup of the Bahavu ethnic group and plays a significant role in the chiefdom's religious and spiritual practices. They have helped preserve local customs and traditions
* Basozo: The Basozo clan originally came from Bugarama in Rwanda and intermarried with the wider Fuliru population to the point where their distinct identity was practically extinguished. Their cultural roots and customs were largely assimilated into the surrounding Fuliru communities.
* Bashago
* Batere
* Batoké
* Batumba: The Batumba clan is a prominent royal lineage clan among the Bavira and Bafuliru. The Batumbas have been instrumental in shaping the chiefdom's cultural, political, and social landscape. The ''Mutumba'' are the traditional rulers of the Batumba and are considered the most respected members of the clan. The ''Mutumba'' is responsible for overseeing Batumba's affairs and maintaining the clan's customs and traditions. In some regions, the ''Mutumba'' may also hold authority or influence beyond the Batumbas and be recognized as a regional leader.
* Bavunye
* Bavurati
* Bazilangwe

History

Origin

The origin of the Fuliru people, like that of many ethnic groups in the Great Lakes region of Africa, is complex and multifaceted, shaped by migration, colonization, and conflict. The Fuliru are believed to have originated from the Bantu-speaking people who migrated from West-Central Africa as part of the Bantu migration to Central, Eastern and Southern Africa. Most, however, are descended from Bantu groups that had settled in Southeast Africa after the initial expansion from Nigeria/Cameroon and settled in the eastern region of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in the 16th century. By the mid-1700s, the Bafuliru people had established a significant presence in the region surrounding Lake Tanganyika, specifically in the mountainous hinterland of South Kivu along the Ulindi River.

The Fuliru have a unique history as one of the only highland Bantu groups to have formed a single, relatively small state that was highly centralized. According to oral tradition, the epicenter of the Fuliru people's migratory dispersion in the middle Lwalaba Basin is located at the mouth of the Ulindi River. The Mushi historian Bishikwabo Chubaka has chronicled that after migrating from Lwindi near the Ulindi River in the mountainous hinterlands, the Fuliru eventually settled in the region now known as Uvira.

Eponym and controversies on chiefdom

The origins of the Bafuliru Chiefdom, prior to its formal establishment as an administrative chiefdom of Uvira Territory in 1928 under Belgian colonial rule, are complex and subject to historical interpretation. Various hypotheses and conjectures have been proposed to explain its emergence.

According to Alfred Moeller de Laddersous, a colonial administrator who extensively studied the Bantu communities in eastern Belgian Congo, noted that the Bahamba clan migrated from the direction of Lwindi, led by Chief Kikanwe, to their present territory, which they found uninhabited. Moeller de Laddersous describes the Bahamba as the region's earliest settlers, in an area known as "Bufulero". Over time, the Bahamba dynasty changed their eponym from Bahamba (Wahamba) to Bafuliru as a badge of their new identity. Congolese historian Jacques Depelchin traces the clan's origins to Mwami Kahamba Kalingishi, believed to have arrived in the 16th century, per Belgian colonial records, or the 17th century, as argued by historians Kingwengwe Mupe and Bosco Muchukiwa Rukakiza.
Other accounts suggest that the Bafuliru and the neighboring Vira people migrated from the northeast, crossing Lwindi and settling in the area. According to the scholar Cuypers, this migration could have included a prolonged detour through Maniema rather than a direct movement. Led by an ancestral figure named Nalwindi, the group split into two: the Bafuliru, under Kahamba Kalingishi, settled around the highlands of Lemera, while the Vira, led by Kirungu, established themselves on Munanira's peak, eventually spreading to the valley lowlands and the present-day Uvira Territory. Depelchin also observes that both "Buvira" (today's Bavira Chiefdom) and "Bufuliro" (Bafuliru Chiefdom) had multiple ''bami'' (also known as "mwami"). He firmly states that this part of the country (encompassing Bavira and Bafuliru chiefdoms) has never had one paramount chief, as the Bafuliru retained their own independent paramount chief. By 1907, colonial surveys delineated the Bafuliru's ethnic boundaries, which stretched along Lake Tanganyika and the Ruzizi Plain from Moira to the Luvivi River, encompassing territories that sometimes overlapped with Bavira lands.Bosco Muchukiwa Rukakiza points out that Chief Luhama—a central figure in Bafuliru history and founder of the Bahamba dynasty—consolidated power by dividing his domain among his three sons to foster stability and manage local demands for autonomy. Luhama's strategic division granted his eldest son, Nyamugira, to control the land from Moira to the Munyovwe River; his second son, Mutahonga, received areas from the Munyovwe to the Kise River and the eastern slopes of the Ruzizi Valley; and his third son, Lusagara, managed the mountainous regions. This arrangement retained centralized control through family ties, with power transferring from father to eldest son. Eventually, some members of the Bafuliru's Balunga clan joined the Bavira, forming a unique group that did not adopt the Bafuliru's original leadership structures. Among other prominent clans, the Bazige (Bazeke or Bahungu), who were given land by Chief Muluta to their leader Ngabwe, either overcame or were assimilated into the Bafuliru Chiefdom. Oral history suggests the Bazige had an autonomous chiefdom in the present-day Muhungu ''groupement'', which they governed under Kalunga, son of Mukobesi, before being conquered and subjugated by Mahina Mukogabwe (often referred to as Nyamugira Mukogabwe II)—a Fuliru chieftain whose reign spanned the period between 1914 and 1927. This union merged two distinct groups, with Kalunga's lineage recognized to preserve social cohesion, mutual trust, and integration within the Bafuliru. Over time, the Bazige adopted the Kifuliiru language, strengthened by intermarriage and economic exchanges, and ultimately accepted Mukogabwe as their Mwami.

The formal establishment of the Bafuliru Chiefdom came on 18 August 1928, when it was recognized by the colonial authorities. Kingwengwe Mupe, a Fuliru historian, notes that Chief Matakambo, identified as the son of Mahina Mukogabwe, grandson of Nyamugira I—the first Bahamba leader—received his official appointment on 19 March 1933. Later, on 4 March 1940, Nyamugira, another of Mahina's descendants, was also made chief, consolidating Bahamba leadership over the chiefdom. There is some inconsistency in historical accounts, while some sources uphold the claim that the Bahamba clan played an instrumental role in founding the chiefdom, other narratives indicate that they supplanted the Balemera clan to establish their hegemony and royal lineage in the Bafuliru Chiefdom. Kingwengwe Mupe argues that the Bahamba clan drove out (and possibly dethroned) the Balemera clan to occupy Uvira Territory. According to Mupe's account, the Balemera clan can be traced back as the indigenous people who first inhabited the region. It is believed that the Bafuliru Chiefdom, which had its stronghold in Lemera, was the very heartland of their ancestral domain.

Barundi and Banyarwanda migration to Bafuliiru territories

Barundi

In the late 1800s, various groups established themselves in Bafuliru's lands in search of more arable soil. Led by Chief Ngabwe, the Barundi arrived from Burundi and assertively requested land from the Bavira, which they acquired between the Kiliba and Kawezi Rivers in exchange for ivory. As the tides of colonialism encroached across the region, it sparked wars of expansion on both sides. The ''Mwami'' of the Bafuliiru tenaciously claimed jurisdiction over certain villages in the Ruzizi Plain, while the ''Mwami'' of the Plain sought to establish his own authority. In the absence of a resolution, both chiefdoms resorted to warfare to vie for dominance.

After Chief Ngabwe consolidated his authority, Chief Kinyoni, a sub-chief under Burundian King Mwezi Gisabo from the Banyakarama Dynasty, established his own presence along the Ruzizi River's right bank. With swift prowess, he conquered southern villages like Kigoma, Mulenge, Kihanga, and Kalengera, expanding his dominion. He then launched a northward offensive, seizing Kiringye, Kabwiba, and Kigwena, nearly half of the Bafuliru Chiefdom. Facing significant territorial setbacks, the Bafuliru Chiefdom rebuffed to capitulate and shoved forward to defend Bwesho. Led by the renowned leader Katangaza—a respected and influential figure from Bwesho—they rallied their forces and readied themselves to face the ineluctable advance of Chief Kinyoni and his dexterous warrior, Rubisha. Following their advent in Bwesho, Rubisha and his army encountered fierce resistance from Bafuliru's army, resulting in Kinyoni being callously wounded and succumbed to a spear attack, including his son Rubwatara. His troops were subsequently expelled from every village they had captured. However, Kinyoni's troops managed to retreat to Luvungi, where they received support from Belgian colonists, who provided them with much-needed resources and supplies. This assistance allowed Kinyoni's troops to regroup and prepare for another attempt to conquer the Bafuliru Chiefdom under the guidance of Katangaza. Despite the setback, the Bafuliiru troops pursued the retreating army and eventually expelled them from Kiringye.

Banyarwanda

During the period of European penetration, the Banyarwanda, now commonly referred to as "Banyamulenge", emerged as a significant group in the region. The term "Banyarwanda" includes Hutus, Tutsis, and Twa people from Rwanda, who share the same common language and cultural heritage. In traditional Rwandan society, a feudal system existed in which Hutus were expected to leave their land available for Tutsis to graze their cows. This arrangement was enforced through a system of clientelism, where Tutsis loaned their cows to Hutus, who in turn were required to lend their land. Wealth was measured by the number of cows one possessed, and the richest Tutsis had the largest herds. At the top of this social hierarchy was the king, known as the "''Mwami''", who was believed to possess divine powers and symbolized national unity. The king surrounded himself with Tutsi warlords and Hutu advisers who oversaw the distribution of land. Over time, the Tutsis established a system of serfdom that further marginalized the Hutu people. The Belgian colonial administration formalized and solidified this social system, ultimately leading to its being perceived as an ethnic divide between Hutus and Tutsis.

Between 1935 and 1955, the colonial power of Belgium in the Belgian Congo, which had guardianship over Ruanda-Urundi, officially encouraged and facilitated the immigration of Rwandans to Kivu. The Rwandans who migrated to Itombwe and Uvira during this time were predominantly Tutsis, and were favored by Belgian colonists due to their perceived superiority over the Hutus.

Unusually in contacts with the Tutsi pastoralists from Banyarwanda group, the Fuliru were neither conquered nor assimilated by them, but instead engaged in trade and occasional cattle raiding, leading to a deep and long-lasting social interaction that particularly impacted both groups. The Banyarwanda were later leased land starting from Mulenge all the way to Upper Sange from the Bafuliru, in term for the cattle for every time period and many of them settled in remote areas, including Kalamba, the Ruzizi Plain, and the Mulenge hills, before spreading to other parts of southern Kivu. The Belgian colonial administration, through the ''Mission d'immigration des Banyarwanda'' (MIB), facilitated the immigration of Rwandans to other parts of the Belgian Congo. Between 10,000 of Rwandan families were established in various regions of Belgian Congo, including the current Masisi Territory, the Bwito Chiefdom in the Rutshuru Territory, the Buzi-Ziralo grouping (''groupement'') in the Kalehe Territory, and Moba in Katanga. Other eastern regions such as Baraka and Marungu were also prepared to welcome the immigrants. This immigration policy was officially supported by the Belgian colonial government, which aimed to promote economic development and expand its control over the region. However, the influx of Rwandans led to tensions and conflicts with the local population, contributing to the ongoing ethnic tensions in the region.

Another factor that fostered this immigration of Rwandans was the recruitment of labor. Between the 1920s and 1950s, the colonial authorities in Belgian Congo actively recruited labor for large mining companies such as the ''Union Minière du Haut-Katanga'' and Kivu, particularly in Kalima and Kamituga. Many of these workers were Rwandan and were hired under contract, but they did not renounce their nationality or property, which remained in Rwanda. This immigration of Rwandans was also facilitated by the establishment of a chiefdom for the Banyarwanda after the arrival of numerous laborers brought by missionaries from neighboring Rwanda.

Monsignor Faustin Ngabu, who was the president of the Episcopate of Congo and the bishop of the Diocese of Goma, acknowledged this historical event in his Easter pastoral letter of 11 April 1998 (French: ''Lettre Pastorale du 11 avril 1998'').

In the letter, he stated:

"With us, the main tribes or socio-political communities are called, I quote in alphabetical order: Bahavu, Bahunde, Banande, Banyanga, Barega, Bashi, Batembo. The Banyarwanda (Hutus and Tutsis), at least those who were, those who no longer want this title and those who still identify with this term, will want to understand that, in their case, the notion of "tribe" that they give themselves when they declare themselves Hutu and Tutsi cannot be understood in the same sense as that of the other communities mentioned above. Indeed, unlike that of the Hutus and Tutsis, the Havu, Hunde, Nande, Nyanga and Tembo communities each have their "Mwami" and their "Balu" or "Vakama", who are respectively their heads of state and leading executives in the precolonial context. These communities have their traditional values which are based on their languages, their territories, their customs and their own family, matrimonial, cultural, economic, political and religious organizations. For the case of Hutus and Tutsis, after 23 years already spent in this diocese, I am not able to say the same; how does each of these two Hutu and Tutsi groups constitute a tribe? It is up to them to understand it and convince others of it."

The marginalization of Fuliiru communities

Since the 1960s, the cohabitation between the Banyarwanda and their Congolese neighbors has been plagued by problems, resulting in serious social tensions and violence. The escalation of these tensions and violence has led to lethal conflict of a social, cultural, economic, and security nature. Human rights organizations estimate that as of May 1996, the total number of deaths from the conflict stands around 70,000.

The tension within Bafuliru communities originates from the circumstance where Rwandan refugees, placed by the Belgian colonial administration and the United Nations in the eastern region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, failed to uphold their designated status upon their arrival. Instead, they profess to be a newly established ethnic group known as "Banyamulenge" (literally 'those who live in Mulenge') through an entirely fabricated ethnogenesis. This emerging identity allowed them to lay claim to land and resources in the area, setting off conflicts with Fuliru, who consider Mulenge as their ancestral homeland.
Following the nation's independence, the Banyarwanda, both Tutsi and Hutu, striven to establish recognition of their rights as "indigenous", vouching they possessed two "''chefferies''" (traditional chiefdoms) unrecognized by other ethnic groups. The Tutsi contended that their migration to the Congo Basin coincided with that of their Fuliru, Vira, Bembe, and Lega counterparts, antedating the establishment of the Congo Free State, and consequently, should be entitled to equivalent ethnic rights as other communities. In 1976, Faustin Tabazi Rugama, a Munyamulenge writer, attempted to legitimize the notion of a tribe called "Banyamulenge" that presumably held sway in Mulenge prior to the Berlin Conference. This "historical and scientific" apologia was unlikely intended to equate the "Banyamulenge" pseudo-tribe with the indigenous Congolese ethnic groups. Under the pressure of Gisaro Muhoza, a Rwandan university administrator and revered as the creator of the term "Banyamulenge", Rugama used the term in his thesis. According to René Lemarchand, Banyamulenge constitute a "Rwandan-origin" community that established themselves in the Kivu region and were not known by this name during the colonial period. Using "Banyamulenge" as an ethnic identify, they campaigned for Congolese citizenship along with land possessed by indigenous Fuliru populace.

First and Second Congo Wars

In the early stages of the First and Second Congo Wars, a large contingent of Banyamulenge traversed into Bafuliru communities to provide support to the Tutsi members of the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (AFDLC). This influx of Banyamulenge played a pivotal role in enabling the AFDLC to seize control of the region from local chiefs and civilians who were uprooted from their ancestral lands against their will. The conflict was marked by brutal violence against the civilian population. On 6 October 1996, Banyamulenge rebels launched an assault on Lemera, a town situated in the north-western region of the Uvira Territory in South Kivu Province, resulting in the loss of several dozen lives. A total of 37 individuals, including two medical personnel, lost their lives in a hospital massacre. The armed assailants also pillaged the Lemera Hospital, the largest hospital in the region, located approximately 85 kilometers north of Uvira.

In October 1998, a large number of people were brutally killed and displaced in Uvira, including the former Mulenge post chief, Ladislas Matalambu, who met his demise on 1 October 1998, at 7:30 p.m. Additionally, Alexis Deyidedi, the former administrative secretary of the Bafuliiru Chiefdom, was assassinated on 2 October 1998, at 11 p.m. The AFDL troops forced many Bafuliru, Babembe, Warega, and Bavira individuals to flee and take refuge in neighboring countries such as Burundi, Tanzania, Uganda, Kenya, Zambia, and Mozambique. The displacement caused a ripple effect of the humanitarian crisis, with many facing severe challenges, including inadequate food and water supplies, inadequate medical facilities, and substandard living conditions.

On 14 May 2000, the ''Rassemblement Congolais pour la Démocratie'' (RCD), a rebel group comprising mainly Banyamulenge child soldiers, perpetrated a massacre in the village of Katogota. The victims, numbering 375 in total, were primarily from the Bafuliru community and were brutally murdered in cold blood. Some were mercilessly gunned down, while others suffered the grisly fate of having their throats slashed, and their bodies were thrown into the Ruzizi River to dispose of the evidence. The rebels also set fire to their homes, leaving many others to burn to death. The horrors of the Katogota massacre caused many to flee their homes, including up to 3,500 Congolese, mainly from the Bafuliru and Babembe communities, who sought refuge in Burundi on 10 June 2004, to escape ongoing ethnic persecution.

Ongoing violence

The ongoing violence in the Bafuliru communities has been exacerbated by political instability, resource scarcity, and deep-seated mistrust between the various groups. The situation is further complicated by the involvement of different armed groups, including militias and rebel factions, who compete for control over the region's resources and strategic locations. The proliferation of weapons and the absence of effective governance has allowed these groups to act with impunity, perpetrating horrific acts of violence against civilians and engaging in illicit activities, including the illegal exploitation of mineral resources. The impact of the conflict on the local population has been devastating, with many families displaced from their homes, and their livelihoods destroyed. The absence of adequate humanitarian assistance has only exacerbated the already dire situation, with many facing severe challenges, including food and water insecurity, inadequate medical care, and substandard living conditions.

In June 2014, 35 Fuliru were killed in an attack on the town of Mutarule. The attack was believed to be ethnically motivated. The massacres were carried out mainly by Barundi and Banyamulenge rebel groups in a determined, planned, systematic and methodical manner, and were inspired by ethnic hatred. In January 2019, Twirwaneho and Gumino, a Banyamulenge rebel groups, reportedly torched homes and property belonging to the Bafuliru in the village of Babengwa. Between February 2019 and 2020, a large number of Bafuliru were killed and displaced, leading them to the Bijombo camp in Bavira Chiefdom of Uvira Territory. Despite efforts to prioritize and act on serious cases in the immediate aftermath of the ethnic violence, there have been few prosecutions and fewer convictions, as well as a near total lack of investigations of those who organized and financed the violence.

Language

Kifuliru is a member of the Bantu branch of the Niger-Congo language family. The English linguist Malcolm Guthrie classified it in the D50 subgroup along with Shi, Havu, Vira, Tembo, and Nyindu, placing Kifuliru among the African Great Lakes Bantu languages. Achille Emile Meeussen and linguists at the Royal Museum for Central Africa in Tervuren categorized Kifuliru under J54, describing it as an "interlacustrine" language. The Fuliru are connected to the Vira in a Fuliru-Vira culture cluster. Both ethnic groups are interlacustrine, living between the African Great Lakes.Daniel P. Biebuyck, ''Lega Culture: Art, Initiation, and Moral Philosophy Among a Central African People''. University of California Press: 1973, p. 20 and p. 183. Kifuliru is commonly spoken in the Uvira Territory, with over 275,000 speakers. It is mutually intelligible with several neighboring languages, including Nyindu and Vira, with which it shares 90% lexical similarity, and Shi, with which it has about 70% lexical similarity.

One notable dialect of Kifuliru is Kivuluga, a fusion of Shi and Kifuliru, which is predominantly spoken in the Itara-Luvungi ''groupement''. This dialect emerged due to the region's close linguistic proximity of Shi and Kifuliru speakers.

Economy

Agriculture and food practices

The Bafuliru economy relies heavily on agriculture, with their lands in South Kivu Province among the most densely cultivated in the country. More than 90% of the population makes their livelihood by producing food crops or through industrial work involving the processing of crops. Principal food crops include cassava, corn, rice, plantains, and, to a lesser extent, bananas, beans, and peanuts.

Manioc and banana

According to Bafuliru folklore, cassava originated from Lwindi Chiefdom and was introduced by them during their migration. Today, cassava remains a vital food source for the Bafuliru, particularly for those inhabiting the Ruzizi Plain and the entire Bafuliru Chiefdom. Having a cassava field is regarded as a treasure trove and is highly valued by the community. Besides its roots, cassava leaves are also consumable, and its stems are used for lumber. Cassava's significance goes beyond its dietary value and practical uses. It has a significant role in the community's governance, serving as a source of tax revenue. Eighty percent of all taxes collected come from cassava alone. This tax collection method enables tax collectors to fill the state treasury at both community and zone levels, which, in turn, supports the local markets of the Bafuliru Chiefdom.
The banana plant is an adaptable crop that thrives in nearly every region of the Bafuliru Chiefdom. It has a significant role in the chiefdom's customs and traditions, particularly during marriage ceremonies. In Fuliru mythology, it is believed that one cannot engage in any strenuous activities without a banana. Specifically, during a wedding ceremony or after mourning, an individual intending to marry must present a jar of fermented banana and sorghum beverage, referred to as "''I mbindi ya mavu yo kudeterakwo''" in Kifuliru, meaning "the jar of alcohol that allows you to speak". This jar of banana alcohol must be offered to the attendees; otherwise, the speaker is unable to convey a meaningful message. The beverage is also called ''Kasigisi''.

The banana tree is also ritually associated with childbirth; the umbilical cord is sometimes buried near banana fields, followed by a ceremonial gathering two months later where family and friends pour ''Kasigisi'' over the burial mound in a festive ritual.

Rice, bean, and corn

Rice grown in the Bafuliru Chiefdom belongs to the genus ''Oryza'' and Ozyresatira species. Its various types include IR5, L9, and IRON 282. It is primarily an income generator rather than a food source at the CEP Kabwe, Kaliri, and at the Community Development Center (''Cenre Developpement Communautaire''; CDC) base in Kiringye.

Beans are grown predominantly in the central part of Lemera, covering areas from Rubanga to Mulenge. They are marketed in Bukavu and Uvira, with a large portion exported to nearby countries like Burundi and Rwanda. While beans, alongside rice, are exported, they usually fetch lower prices due to the local population's modest consumption of these foods as dietary staples. Traditionally, a bean dish is served with cassava '' mbundu''. Corn is heavily cultivated in the Ruzizi Plain—especially in the Itara-Luvungi ''groupement''—and the Hauts Plateaux, where it serves as the main dietary staple. Most Bafuliru in the Hauts Plateaux consume corn, though not all prefer it.

Peanut and coffee

Peanuts are mainly grown in Luvungi and Lubarika, though they are also present in Lemera and Rubanga. Peanuts are a local treat and are also exported to nearby countries like Rwanda and Burundi. Some are sold in Bukavu. Two types of coffee are grown in the Bafuliru Chiefdom: ''Coffea arabica'' and ''Coffea canephora''. Among them, ''arabica'' is the most widespread. Exporting coffee to Burundi is a common practice.

Livestock and social structure

In addition to agriculture, the Fuliru are known for their cattle-based economy, which distinguishes them from many other Bantu highland groups. Livestock rearing—including cows, goats, and sheep—is practiced especially by wealthier households and serves multiple roles: providing milk, meat, prestige, and fulfilling social obligations such as bride price or ceremonial offerings. Veterinary practices and animal husbandry techniques are employed as part of climate adaptation strategies. Livelihood strategies are heavily influenced by household wealth, with asset ownership (e.g., land size, livestock, solar panels, radios, and mobile phones) determining whether a household is classified as poor, average, or wealthy. Poorer families typically cultivate plots smaller than 0.5 hectares and possess few assets, while wealthier households may own over 1 hectare of land and multiple forms of property.

Additionally, hunting and fishing are practiced using traditional methods. Fuliru hunters employ spears, machetes, dogs, and traps, while fishing is done with nets, hooks, water diversion techniques, and the use of plant-based poisons.

Culture

Music

Bafuliru music is characterized by a variety of traditional instruments such as the ngoma (drum), xylophone, and flute, which are used to create complex rhythms and melodies. The melodic strains of traditional instrument permeate the air, accompanied by the hypnotic rhythm of indigenous dance, which envelops the senses with its entrancing cadence. The ngoma, in particular, is an essential instrument in Bafuliru music, and it is often played during various social and religious events. Bafuliru music also incorporates a form of call-and-response singing, where one group of singers will lead with a phrase, and another group will respond with a harmonized phrase. This technique creates a rich and layered sound that is both engaging and captivating. Bafuliru also have songs that praise their leaders and ancestors, and these are often performed during political rallies and other communal events.

Wedding songs are central to the Fuliru oral tradition. Serving both an educational and entertainment function, these songs convey cultural wisdom, teaching politeness, respect, and environmental awareness to the young couple and the wider community. Before the introduction of literacy in the 20th century, these songs were memorized and performed orally. Through the medium of song, Bafuliru wedding traditions offer insight into their worldview and everyday life.

Religion

Traditional beliefs

Before the advent of Christianity, Bafuliru adhered to a traditional belief system centered around the worship of a supreme deity known as Rurema, Nakalema or Nakalemeka, whom they regarded as the creator of all things in both the terrestrial and celestial realms. Rurema was perceived as an invisible and transcendent force beyond human reach. Intermediaries played a crucial role in connecting the people to this deity. Among the most significant spiritual leaders representing Rurema were Mushabo, Budisi, and Mugajalugulu, to whom the Bafuliru turned in matters that seemed beyond their control.

Catholicism

Catholicism made its initial inroads into Bafuliru Chiefdom with the construction of the first chapel in Luvungi in 1933, overseen by the parish of Nyangezi in the neighboring Walungu Territory. However, the growth of the Catholic Church in the region took a notable turn in 1974, when the influence of the Banyamulenge community shaped its direction. This influence saw the diaconate of Bibangwa becoming a focal point for anti-Fuliru activities orchestrated by the Banyamulenge. It contributed to the arming of Tutsi groups in the ''Hauts Plateaux''. As a result, the Church was perceived by some as complicit in fostering divisions and hatred between the Bafuliru and the populations of the ''Hauts Plateaux''.

Protestantism

The Bafuliru were introduced to Protestantism through Swedish missionaries David and Svea Flood, who arrived in the Itara-Luvungi ''groupement'' in 1921. Their mission encountered resistance from Mwami Nyamugira Mukogabwe II, who was initially hesitant about foreign religious influences that could threaten traditional beliefs. Despite these challenges, the Floods managed to convert a local boy, a milestone that would eventually lead to the broader acceptance of Christianity within the Bafuliru community. The chief himself later embraced the faith, and through the work of the Floods and their successors, Protestantism gained a strong foothold in the region. By the mid-1920s, following a formal agreement between Uvira's territorial authorities and Protestant missionaries, Protestant churches began to proliferate, with congregations established in key locations such as Lemera, Ndolera, Luvungi, and Kigoma ''groupement''.

Attire

In the past, Fuliru wore skirts of cloth made from tree bark, and cloaks made of animal hides. These have long been replaced by Western-style clothing. However, handmade beaded necklaces and bracelets are still worn. The woven fabrics, adorned with intricate patterns of vivid hues have honed their craft over generations.

Architecture and art

Traditional Fuliru dwellings are circular, beehive-shaped huts constructed from wood, reeds, and straw, often enclosed by tall hedges. Homes include a central living area (''Bululi'') and sleeping quarters (''Kisika''). Ethnographic accounts from Frédéric Hautmann describe Fuliru settlements as closely integrated with their environment, using local materials like clay, banana fibers, and stones in both domestic construction and ritual practices. Spiritual customs such as placing stones at high-altitude passes while calling for spiritual assistance ("''Kilima mbua'', ''aide-moi''") reflect the sacred dimensions of the landscape.

The Fuliru are also skilled artisans and blacksmiths. They traditionally extracted iron from stone (known locally as ''matare'') to manufacture tools such as hoes, machetes, spears, razors, and knives. Woodworking is another prominent craft, producing canoes, plates, mortars, and pestles. Clay is used to make a variety of utensils, including jugs and storage containers. One distinctive practice involves the burial of the placenta in a shallow grave near the home, sealed in a ritual clay pot with holes that, according to local belief, allow the "spirit of the placenta" to remain connected to the outside world.

Funeral rites and social succession

When a Fuliru person died, mourning lasted for five days. If the deceased had given birth to twins, the mourning lasted six days. During the mourning ceremony, the family members of the deceased are shaved. The eldest son is enthroned in the place of the deceased by being handed a spear, a symbol of power that signified that all other family members owed him allegiance. At the same time, the younger brother of the deceased is also enthroned as the guardian of the king (''mwami'') by being given a machete, symbolizing that he would work for the newly enthroned son. If the deceased had only daughters, no enthronement took place. Instead, a guardian is appointed to watch over the deceased's family.

During this mourning period, no family member is allowed to bathe, and if married, they had to stay away from their spouse, as it is considered a taboo.

References

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Ethnic groups in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
Bantu peoples