Tagalog grammar (Tagalog: ''Balarilà ng Tagalog'') are the rules that describe the structure of expressions in the
Tagalog language
Tagalog ( ,According to the ''OED'' anMerriam-Webster Online Dictionary ; ''Baybayin'': ) is an Austronesian language spoken as a first language by the ethnic Tagalog people, who make up a quarter of the population of the Philippines, and as ...
, one of the languages in
the Philippines.
In Tagalog, there are nine parts of speech:
nouns (''pangngalan''),
pronouns
In linguistics and grammar, a pronoun ( glossed ) is a word or a group of words that one may substitute for a noun or noun phrase.
Pronouns have traditionally been regarded as one of the parts of speech, but some modern theorists would not con ...
(''panghalíp''),
verbs (''pandiwà''),
adverbs An adverb is a word or an expression that generally modifies a verb, an adjective, another adverb, a determiner, a clause, a preposition, or a sentence. Adverbs typically express manner, place, time, frequency, degree, or level of certainty by ans ...
(''pang-abay''),
adjectives (''pang-urì''),
prepositions (''pang-ukol''),
conjunctions (''pangatníg''),
ligatures (''pang-angkóp'') and
particle
In the physical sciences, a particle (or corpuscle in older texts) is a small localized object which can be described by several physical or chemical properties, such as volume, density, or mass.
They vary greatly in size or quantity, from s ...
s.
Tagalog is an
agglutinative
In linguistics, agglutination is a morphological process in which words are formed by stringing together morphemes (word parts), each of which corresponds to a single syntactic feature. Languages that use agglutination widely are called agglu ...
yet slightly
inflected
In linguistic Morphology (linguistics), morphology, inflection (less commonly, inflexion) is a process of word formation in which a word is modified to express different grammatical category, grammatical categories such as grammatical tense, ...
language.
Pronoun
In linguistics and grammar, a pronoun (Interlinear gloss, glossed ) is a word or a group of words that one may substitute for a noun or noun phrase.
Pronouns have traditionally been regarded as one of the part of speech, parts of speech, but so ...
s are inflected for
number
A number is a mathematical object used to count, measure, and label. The most basic examples are the natural numbers 1, 2, 3, 4, and so forth. Numbers can be represented in language with number words. More universally, individual numbers can ...
and
verb
A verb is a word that generally conveys an action (''bring'', ''read'', ''walk'', ''run'', ''learn''), an occurrence (''happen'', ''become''), or a state of being (''be'', ''exist'', ''stand''). In the usual description of English, the basic f ...
s for
focus/
voice
The human voice consists of sound made by a human being using the vocal tract, including talking, singing, laughing, crying, screaming, shouting, humming or yelling. The human voice frequency is specifically a part of human sound produ ...
and
aspect.
Verbs
Tagalog verbs are complex and are changed by taking on many affixes reflecting
focus/
trigger,
aspect and
mood. Below is a chart of the main verbal
affix
In linguistics, an affix is a morpheme that is attached to a word stem to form a new word or word form. The main two categories are Morphological derivation, derivational and inflectional affixes. Derivational affixes, such as ''un-'', ''-ation' ...
es, which consist of a variety of
prefixes,
suffix
In linguistics, a suffix is an affix which is placed after the stem of a word. Common examples are case endings, which indicate the grammatical case of nouns and adjectives, and verb endings, which form the conjugation of verbs. Suffixes can ca ...
es,
infix
An infix is an affix inserted inside a word stem (an existing word or the core of a family of words). It contrasts with '' adfix,'' a rare term for an affix attached to the outside of a stem, such as a prefix or suffix.
When marking text for ...
es, and
circumfix
A circumfix ( abbr: ) (also parafix, confix, or ambifix) is an affix which has two parts, one placed at the start of a word, and the other at the end. Circumfixes contrast with prefixes, attached to the beginnings of words; suffixes, attached a ...
es.
Conventions used in the chart:
* ''CV~'' stands for
reduplication
In linguistics, reduplication is a Morphology (linguistics), morphological process in which the Root (linguistics), root or Stem (linguistics), stem of a word, part of that, or the whole word is repeated exactly or with a slight change.
The cla ...
of the first syllable of a root word; that is, the first
consonant (if any) and the first
vowel of the word.
* ''N'' stands for a
nasal consonant, which are ''m'', ''n'', or ''ng''.
** ''m'' is used when the prefixed word starts with the consonants ''b'' or ''p''
** ''n'' is used before the consonants ''d'', ''t'', and ''l''
** in all other cases, ''ng'' /ŋ/ is used
* ''∅'' means that the verb root is used, therefore no affixes are added.
* Punctuation marks indicate the type of affix a particular bound
morpheme
A morpheme is any of the smallest meaningful constituents within a linguistic expression and particularly within a word. Many words are themselves standalone morphemes, while other words contain multiple morphemes; in linguistic terminology, this ...
is:
** hyphens mark prefixes if placed after the morpheme (''e.g., mag
-''), or suffixes if placed before it (''e.g.,
-han'')
** ' marks infixes, which is typically placed before the first vowel of the word, and after the first consonant if there is any. Thus, the word "''sumulat''" ''(sulat)'' is composed of the root word ''sulat'' and the infix '.
** ''~'' is used to separate the reduplicated morpheme (CV), from the root word, such that "''susulat''" is written as ''(su~sulat)'' and "''sumusulat''" as ''(su~sulat)''.
With object-focus verbs in the completed and progressive aspects, the infix ''-in-'' frequently becomes the prefix ''ni-'' if the root word begins with , , , or ; e.g., ''linalapitan'' or ''nilalapitan'' and ''inilagáy'' or ''ilinagáy''.
When suffixing ''-in'' and ''-an'' to a word that ends in a vowel, an
epenthetic ''h'' is inserted. This helps to distinguish them from words that have a
glottal stop
The glottal stop or glottal plosive is a type of consonantal sound used in many Speech communication, spoken languages, produced by obstructing airflow in the vocal tract or, more precisely, the glottis. The symbol in the International Phonetic ...
, which is usually not written except when
diacritical marks are applied, such that "''basa''" (''to read'') becomes "''basahin''" while "''basa''" (''to be wet'', otherwise spelt as "''basâ''") becomes "''basaín''" pronounced with a glottal stop.
The imperative affixes are not often used in Manila, but they do exist in other Tagalog speaking provinces.
Archaic Forms
In old Tagalog, the complete and progressive aspects of actor trigger I was marked with the affix "-''ungm''-" or "-''ingm''-', while "-
um-" was used solely as the infinitive form. The rule is that when a verb has an "''i''" in its initial syllable, the infix used is "-''ingm''-" like "''tingmingin''" (''looked'', complete aspect) and "''tingmitingin''" (''is looking'', progressive aspect), otherwise "-''ungm''-" is used. This is a case called
vowel harmony
In phonology, vowel harmony is a phonological rule in which the vowels of a given domain – typically a phonological word – must share certain distinctive features (thus "in harmony"). Vowel harmony is typically long distance, meaning tha ...
.
Another archaic feature is when a verb starts in a "''b''" or "''p''", which becomes an "''n''" for the complete and progressive aspects, and "''m''" for contemplative and infinitive. The word "''pasok''" (''to enter'') therefore becomes "''nasok''" (complete), "''nanasok''" (progressive), "''mamasok''" (contemplative), and "''masok''" (infinitive).
Though these have been lost in the Manila dialect, they are preserved in some Tagalog dialects. The allophones "''d''" and "''r''" are still somewhat preserved when it comes to verbs like "dating (to arrive)" but it is sometimes ignored.
Trigger
The central feature of verbs in Tagalog and other Philippine languages is the ''
trigger system'', often called
voice
The human voice consists of sound made by a human being using the vocal tract, including talking, singing, laughing, crying, screaming, shouting, humming or yelling. The human voice frequency is specifically a part of human sound produ ...
or
focus. In this system, the
thematic relation
In certain theories of linguistics, thematic relations, also known as semantic roles or thematic roles, are the various roles that a noun phrase may play with respect to the action or state described by a governing verb, commonly the sentence's m ...
(
agent,
patient
A patient is any recipient of health care services that are performed by Health professional, healthcare professionals. The patient is most often Disease, ill or Major trauma, injured and in need of therapy, treatment by a physician, nurse, op ...
, or other oblique relationslocation, direction, etc.) of the noun marked by the direct-case particle is encoded in the verb.
Actor trigger forms
Also known as the agent trigger, agent focus, actor focus, or by the abbreviations AT or AF. This verb form triggers a reading of the direct noun (marked by "''ang''") as the
agent of the clause. The main affixes/forms under this trigger are ''-um-'', ''mag-'', ''ma-'', and ''mang-''; while their derivatives (e.g., ''maka-'', ''ma- -an'', ''magsi-'', etc.) may also function as actor focus.
Some verb roots only take one of the main affixes to form the actor trigger of that verb, such as "''tingín''" (to look) which only uses the ''-um-'' conjugation as its actor trigger form. Other root words may take two or more, such as "''sulat''" (to write) which could take ''mag-'' and ''-um-'' conjugations. In such instances, the different verb forms may have the same exact meaning, or they may have some slight nuances. In the case of "''sulat''", "''magsulat''" is closer to the meaning of physically writing a letter, while "''sumulat''" is closer to the meaning of sending a letter out. "''sayáw''" (to dance), on the other hand, has "''sumayáw''" and "''magsayáw''" which mean the same thing. Furthermore, there are a few root verbs that derive opposite meanings through these affixes, such as in the case of "''bilí''" (to buy), where "''bumilí''" means to buy and "''magbilí''" is to sell.
The difference between these four actor trigger forms are complicated and there seems to be no consistent rule dictating when one form should be used over another. That said, memorizing what affixes a verb root uses and its corresponding meaning is essential in learning Tagalog.
* ''ma-'' is only used with a few roots which are semantically intransitive, for example, ''matulog'' (to sleep) and ''maligò'' (to bathe). ''Ma-'' is not to be confused with ''ma-'', a patient-trigger prefix verb form.
Object trigger forms
Otherwise known as the patient trigger, patient focus, object focus, or by its initials OT, OF, PT, or PF. This verb form triggers a reading of the direct noun (marked by "''ang''") as the
patient
A patient is any recipient of health care services that are performed by Health professional, healthcare professionals. The patient is most often Disease, ill or Major trauma, injured and in need of therapy, treatment by a physician, nurse, op ...
of the clause. There are three main affixes/forms used in this trigger, ''-in-'', ''i-'', and ''-an'':
* ''-in'' is the most commonly used patient trigger form. It is generally used with:
** actions that involve movement towards the agent: ''kainin'' (to eat something), ''bilhín'' (to buy something).
** actions that involve permanent change: ''basagin'' (to crack something), ''patayín'' (to kill something).
** actions that involve thought: ''isipin'' (to think of something), ''alalahanin'' (to remember something).
* ''i-'' is also a benefactive trigger, but when used as an object trigger, it denotes actions which involve something that is moved away from an agent: ''ibigáy'' (to give something), ''ilagáy'' (to put something), ''itaním'' (to plant something).
* ''-an'' can also serve as a locative or benefactive trigger, but as an object trigger, it denotes actions involving a surface change (doing unto something): ''hugasan'' (to rinse something), ''walisán'' (to sweep something off), ''sulatan'' (to write on a surface).
Affixes can also be used in nouns or adjectives: ''baligtarán'' (from ''baligtád'', to reverse) (reversible), ''katamarán'' (from ''tamád'', lazy) (laziness), ''kasabihán'' (from ''sabi'', to say) (proverb), ''kasagutan'' (from ''sagót'', answer), ''bayarín'' (from ''bayad'', to pay) (payment), ''bukirín'' (from ''bukid'', farm), ''lupaín'' (from ''lupà'', land), ''pagkakaroón'' (from ''doón/roón'', there) (having/appearance), and ''pagdárasál'' (from ''dasál'', prayer). Verbs with affixes (mostly suffixes) are also used as nouns, which are differentiated by stress position. Examples are ''panoórin'' (to watch or view) and ''panoorín'' (materials to be watched or viewed), ''hangarín'' (to wish) and ''hangárin'' (goal/objective), ''arálin'' (to study) and ''aralín'' (studies), and ''bayáran'' (to pay) and ''bayarán'' (someone or something for hire).
List of triggers and examples
The actor trigger marks the direct noun as the
agent (doer) of the action:
*''Bumilí ng saging
ang lalaki sa tindahan para sa unggóy.''
:''
The man bought a banana at the store for the monkey.''
The object trigger marks the direct noun as the
patient (receiver) of the action:
*''Binilí ng lalaki
ang saging sa tindahan para sa unggóy.''
:''The man bought
the banana at the store for the monkey.''
The
locative trigger marks the direct noun as the
location or direction of an action or the area affected by the action.
:''The man bought a banana
at/from the store.''
*''Binilhán ng lalaki ng saging
ang tindahan.'' (''formal/dated form'')
*''Pinagbilhán ng lalaki ng saging
ang tindahan.'' (''colloquial form'')
The
benefactive trigger marks the direct noun as the person or thing that benefits from the action; i.e., the
beneficiary of an action.
:''The man bought a banana
for the monkey''.
*''Ibinilí ng lalaki ng saging
ang unggóy.'' (''formal/dated form'')
*''Binilhán ng lalaki ng saging
ang unggóy.'' (''colloquial form'')
The
instrumental
An instrumental or instrumental song is music without any vocals, although it might include some inarticulate vocals, such as shouted backup vocals in a big band setting. Through Semantic change, semantic widening, a broader sense of the word s ...
trigger marks the direct noun as the
means by which the action is performed.
*''Ipinambilí ng lalaki ng saging
ang pera'' ''ng asawa niyá.''
:''The man bought a banana
with his spouse's
money.''
The
reason
Reason is the capacity of consciously applying logic by drawing valid conclusions from new or existing information, with the aim of seeking the truth. It is associated with such characteristically human activities as philosophy, religion, scien ...
trigger marks the direct noun as the
cause or reason why an action is performed. It is mostly used exclusively with verbs of emotion.
* ''Ikinagulat ng lalaki'' ''
ang pagdatíng ng unggóy''.
:''The man got surprised
because of the monkey's
arrival.''
Aspect
The
aspect of the verb indicates the progressiveness of the verb. It specifies whether the action happened, is happening, or will happen. Tagalog verbs are conjugated for time using aspect rather than tense, which can be easily expressed with phrases and time prepositions.
Infinitive ''(Pawatas)''
This serves as the base form of the verb, and is not marked by aspect. It is typically used in modal and
subjunctive
The subjunctive (also known as the conjunctive in some languages) is a grammatical mood, a feature of an utterance that indicates the speaker's attitude toward it. Subjunctive forms of verbs are typically used to express various states of unrealit ...
constructions. It is also used in standard Tagalog as the basis for the
imperative form of the verb, by adding a second-person pronoun, such as ''ka/mo'' (you) and ''kayó/ninyó'' (you all), directly after it.
This is formed by affixing a verbal trigger suffix to the root word.
Examples of infinitive use in modal sentences:
Perfective ''(Naganáp)''
Also known as the ''complete'' or ''completed aspect''. This implies that the action was done in the past, prior to the time of speaking or some other specified time. This aspect is characterized by:
* the use of the infix ''-in-'' in all triggers except the actor trigger
* the alteration of initial ''m'' to ''n'' in ''mag-'', ''ma-'', and ''mang-'' (actor triggers II, III, and IV)
* no change with ''-um-'' (actor trigger I)
In the complete aspect of the object trigger ''-in'', that suffix ''-in'' (or ''-hin'') is removed. This is in contrast with other triggers where the trigger affix remains.
On its own, the perfective verb may not necessarily imply that the action is completed.
Adding the particle ''na'' directly after it strengthens the notion that it is in fact completed. Compare this with the difference between English
simple past
The simple past, past simple, or past indefinite, in English equivalent to the preterite, is the basic form of the past tense in Modern English. It is used principally to describe events in the past, although it also has some other uses. Regular E ...
and
past perfect
The pluperfect (shortening of plusquamperfect), usually called past perfect in English, characterizes certain verb forms and grammatical tenses involving an action from an antecedent point in time. Examples in English are: "we ''had arrived''" ...
tenses.
Imperfective ''(Nagaganap)''
Also known as the ''progressive'' or ''uncompleted aspect''. This implies that the action has started, is ongoing, and not yet completed. It is also used with
habitual actions, or actions that signify
general facts. This aspect is characterized by the reduplication of the first syllable of the root word, followed by application of the same morphological rules as seen with the complete aspect. If the base form of the verb has its stress on the last syllable, a
secondary stress usually falls on the reduplicated syllable.
Contemplative ''(Magaganap)''
This implies that the action has not yet started but anticipated. This aspect is characterized solely by the reduplication of the first syllable of the root word.
In the contemplative aspect of the actor trigger ''-um-'', that infix ''-um-'' is removed.
Recently Complete ''(Katatapos)''
This implies that the action has just been completed before the time of speaking or before a specified time. This aspect is unique in that it does not use the direct case marker ''ang'' to mark a focused argument. All nouns bound to a verb in this aspect are only marked by the indirect and oblique markers.
It is often taught that to form this aspect, the first syllable of the word should be reduplicated followed by adding the prefix ''ka-''. In colloquial speech however, the prefix ''kaka-'' is used instead without any reduplication. A verb in this aspect is always followed by the particle ''lang''.
Mood
Tagalog verbs also have affixes expressing
grammatical mood
In linguistics, grammatical mood is a grammatical feature of verbs, used for signaling modality. That is, it is the use of verbal inflections that allow speakers to express their attitude toward what they are saying (for example, a statement ...
; some examples are
indicative
A realis mood ( abbreviated ) is a grammatical mood which is used principally to indicate that something is a statement of fact; in other words, to express what the speaker considers to be a known state of affairs, as in declarative sentence
Dec ...
,
potential
Potential generally refers to a currently unrealized ability. The term is used in a wide variety of fields, from physics to the social sciences to indicate things that are in a state where they are able to change in ways ranging from the simple r ...
, social, causative and distributed.
Indicative
Nagdalá siyá ng liham.
"''(S)he brought a letter.''"
Bumilí kamí ng bigás sa palengke.
"''We bought rice in the market.''"
Kumain akó.
"''I ate.''"
Hindî siyá nagsásalitâ ng Tagalog.
"''(S)he does not speak Tagalog.''"
Causative ''magpa-''
Nagpadalá siyá ng liham sa kaniyáng iná.
"''He sent (literally: caused to be brought) a letter to his mother.''"
Distributive ''maN-''
Namilí kamí sa palengke.
"''We went shopping in the market.''"
Social ''maki-''
Nakikain akó sa mga kaibigan ko.
"''I ate with my friends.''"
Potential ''maka-/makapag-''
Hindî siyá nakapagsásalitâ ng Tagalog.
"''(S)he was not able to speak Tagalog.''"
Nouns
While Tagalog nouns are not
inflected
In linguistic Morphology (linguistics), morphology, inflection (less commonly, inflexion) is a process of word formation in which a word is modified to express different grammatical category, grammatical categories such as grammatical tense, ...
, they are usually preceded by case-marking
particles
In the physical sciences, a particle (or corpuscle in older texts) is a small localized object which can be described by several physical or chemical properties, such as volume, density, or mass.
They vary greatly in size or quantity, from s ...
. These follow an
Austronesian alignment
Symmetrical voice, also known as Austronesian alignment or the Austronesian focus system, is a typologically unusual kind of morphosyntactic alignment in which "one argument can be marked as having a special relationship to the verb". This speci ...
, also known as a ''trigger'' system, which is a distinct feature of
Austronesian languages
The Austronesian languages ( ) are a language family widely spoken throughout Maritime Southeast Asia, parts of Mainland Southeast Asia, Madagascar, the islands of the Pacific Ocean and Taiwan (by Taiwanese indigenous peoples). They are spoken ...
. There are three basic cases: ''
direct
Direct may refer to:
Mathematics
* Directed set, in order theory
* Direct limit of (pre), sheaves
* Direct sum of modules, a construction in abstract algebra which combines several vector spaces
Computing
* Direct access (disambiguation), ...
'' (''ang/si''); ''indirect'' (''ng/ni''); and ''
oblique'' (''sa/kay'').
The direct case marks the noun which has a special relation to the verb in the clause. Here, it is the verb's ''
trigger'' that determines what
semantic role (agent, patient, etc.) the noun is in. The indirect case marks the agent or patient, or both, that isn't marked with the direct case in the clause. The oblique case marks the location, benificiary, instrument, and any other oblique
argument
An argument is a series of sentences, statements, or propositions some of which are called premises and one is the conclusion. The purpose of an argument is to give reasons for one's conclusion via justification, explanation, and/or persu ...
that isn't marked with the direct case.
In clauses using the ''
actor trigger'', the direct case would mark the
agent of the verb (corresponding to the
subject in the English
active voice
Active voice is a grammatical voice prevalent in many of the world's languages. It is the default voice for clauses that feature a transitive verb in nominative–accusative languages, including English and most Indo-European languages
...
), the indirect would mark the
patient
A patient is any recipient of health care services that are performed by Health professional, healthcare professionals. The patient is most often Disease, ill or Major trauma, injured and in need of therapy, treatment by a physician, nurse, op ...
(
direct object
In linguistics, an object is any of several types of arguments. In subject-prominent, nominative-accusative languages such as English, a transitive verb typically distinguishes between its subject and any of its objects, which can include but ...
), while any other argument would be marked by the oblique case. In the ''
object trigger'', the reverse occurs, wherein the direct would mark the patient and the indirect marking the agent. When other verb triggers are used (i.e, ''
locative, beneficiary, instrumental, causal triggers''), both agent and patient would be marked by the indirect case, the focused oblique argument marked with the direct case, and any other argument by the oblique case.
One of the functions of trigger in Tagalog is to code
definiteness, analogous to the use of definite and indefinite articles (i.e., the & a) in English. That said, an argument marked with the direct case is always definite. Whereas, when a patient argument is marked with the
''in''direct case, it is generally indefinite, but an agent argument marked with the same
''in''direct case would be understood as definite. To make it indefinite, the numeral ''isá'' (one) is used.
The indirect particle is also used as a
genitive
In grammar, the genitive case ( abbreviated ) is the grammatical case that marks a word, usually a noun, as modifying another word, also usually a noun—thus indicating an attributive relationship of one noun to the other noun. A genitive can ...
marker. It is for this reason that Tagalog lean more towards a
VOS word order, as an indirect (ng/ni) argument directly following a direct (ang/si) argument might be misinterpreted as a possessive construction. For instance with the sentence above, ''kumain ang pusà ng isdâ'' may be read as "''the cat of the fish ate''".
The oblique particle and the
locative derived from it are similar to prepositions in English, marking things such as location and direction.
The case particles fall into two
classes: one used with names of people (
proper) and one for everything else (
common
Common may refer to:
As an Irish surname, it is anglicised from Irish Gaelic surname Ó Comáin.
Places
* Common, a townland in County Tyrone, Northern Ireland
* Boston Common, a central public park in Boston, Massachusetts
* Cambridge Com ...
).
The common indirect marker is spelled ''ng'' and pronounced . ''Mgá'', pronounced , marks the common plural.
Tagalog has associative plural in addition to additive plural.
Cases
Common noun affixes
Examples
Note that in Tagalog, even proper nouns require a case marker.
Pronouns
Like nouns, personal pronouns are categorized by case. As above, the indirect forms also function as the genitive.
Pronoun sequences are (), , , and .
Examples:
"I wrote."
"He/She/They wrote me a letter."
Note: If "" is removed from the sentence, it becomes "I was written on"
"I will give this to him/her/them."
Genitive pronouns follow the word they modify. Oblique pronouns can take the place of the genitive pronoun but they precede the word they modify.
"My house."
The inclusive dual pronoun has largely disappeared from the Manila Dialect. It survives in other Tagalog dialects, particularly those spoken in the rural areas. However is used to replace the pronoun sequence ''
erb'', (I
erbyou).
The 1st–2nd dual pronoun "" referring to "you and I" is traditionally used as follows:
(Manila Dialect: )
"You and I are friends." (Manila Dialect: “We are friends.")
Examples:
(We are lovers.)
(Our house is fixed.)
(The destinations are beautiful at ours.)
As previously mentioned, the pronoun sequence ''
erb'', (I
erbyou) may be replaced by .
"I love you."
"I will give you money."
"I saw you at the store yesterday."
"You are my friend."
The inclusive pronoun refers to the first and second persons. It may also refer to a third person(s).
The exclusive pronoun refers to the first and third persons but excludes the second.
"We (you and me) have no rice."
"We (someone else and me, but not you) have no rice."
The second person singular has two forms. is the non-enclitic form while is the
enclitic which never begins a sentence. The plural form is also used politely in the singular, similar to French .
Native nouns are
genderless, hence means ''he,'' ''she,'' or
''they'' (singular).
Polite or formal usage
Tagalog, like many languages, marks the
T–V distinction
The T–V distinction is the contextual use of different pronouns that exists in some languages and serves to convey formality or familiarity. Its name comes from the Latin pronouns '' tu'' and '' vos''. The distinction takes a number of forms ...
: when addressing a single person in polite/formal/respectful settings, pronouns from either the 2nd person plural or the 3rd person plural group are used instead of the singular 2nd person pronoun. They can be used with, or in lieu of, the iterations without losing any degree of politeness, formality, or respect:
* or ("you" sgl.) becomes ("you" pl.) or ("they")
* (post-substantive "your") becomes or (more polite), (post-substantive "your" pl.) or (post-substantive "their")
* ("yours" sgl. or pre-substantive "your" sgl.) becomes ("yours" pl. or pre-substantive "your" pl.) or ("theirs" or pre-substantive "their")
Example:
English: "What's your name?"
Casual:
Respectful: or ?
Using such pluralized pronouns is quite sufficient for expressing politeness, formality or respect, particularly when an affirmative (or negative) iteration isn't necessary.
Additionally, the formal second-person pronouns (), , , and , third-person forms and , and their oblique forms , , and are, by custom,
reverentially capitalized in religious contexts. Purists who frame this capitalization as nonstandard and inconsistent do not apply it in written form.
Demonstrative pronouns
Tagalog's demonstrative pronouns are as follows.
Notes:
- Although ''dine'' and ''dito'' both mean ''here'', its difference is the first one pertains to the speaker only while the second one includes the listener. Lost in Standard Filipino/Tagalog (Manila dialect: dito) but still survive in province dialects like Batangas. The same goes for direct, indirect, oblique, locative, existential, and manner (nearest to speaker).
- ''Yaón'' is an old-fashioned word which means ''that''.The
modern word is ''iyón''.
- The oblique are verbs and locative are pseudo-verbs; for instance, dumito, dumidito, and didito for oblique; and narito, naririto, and nandito for oblique. However, some are archaic and some are old-fashioned.
- Words like ''pariné, paritó, pariyón, and paroón'' are combined with pa+(oblique word). These were old-fashioned and/or archaic but still survive in dialects.
- The contractions are: 're, 'to, 'yan, 'yun, n'yan, gan'to, gan'yan, gan're, gano'n (gayon)
*Many Tagalog speakers may use ''itó'' in place of ''iré/aré''.
Examples:
Anó itó?
"What's this?"
Sino ang lalaking iyón?
"Who is that man?"
Gáling kay Pedro ang liham na itó.
"This letter is from Pedro."
Nandito akó.
"I am here."
Kakain silá roón.
"They will eat there."
Saán ka man naróroon.
"Wherever you are."
Kumain niyán ang batà.
"The child ate some of that."
Ayón palá ang salamín mo!
"So that's where your glasses are!"
Heto isáng regalo para sa iyó.
"Here's a gift for you."
Adjectives
Just like English adjectives, Tagalog adjectives modify a noun or a pronoun.
Forms
Simple (''Payák'')
These consist of only the root word.
Examples: hinóg (''ripe''), sabog (''exploded''), ganda (''beautiful'')
Affixed (''Maylapì'')
These consist of the root word and one or more affixes.
Examples: tinanóng (''questioned''), kumakain (''eating''), nagmámahál (''loving'')
Repeating (''Inuulit'')
These are formed by the repetition of the whole or part of the root word.
Examples: puláng-pulá (''really red''), putíng-putî (''really white''), araw-araw (''every day''), gabí-gabí (''every night'')
Compound (''Tambalan'')
These are compound words.
Examples: ngiting-aso (''literally: "dog smile", meaning: "big smile"''), balát-sibuyas (''literally: "onion-skinned", meaning: "crybaby"'')
Types
Descriptive (''Panlarawan'')
This states the size, color, form, smell, sound, texture, taste, and shape.
Examples: muntî (''little''), biluhabà (''oval''), matamis (''sweet''), malubhâ (''serious'')
Proper (''Pantangì'')
This states a specific noun. This consists of a common noun and a proper noun. The proper noun (that starts with a capital letter) is modifying the type of common noun.
Examples: wikang Ingles (''English language''), kulturang Espanyol (''Spanish culture''), pagkaing Iloko (''Ilokano food'')
''Pamilang''
This states the number, how many, or a position in order. This has multiple types.
* Sequence (''Panunurán'') – This states the position in an order. Examples: ikatló (''third''), una (''first''), pangalawá (''second'')
* Quantitative (''Patakarán'') – This states the actual number. Examples: isa (''one''), apat (''four''), limang libo (''five thousand'')
* Fraction (''Pamahagì'') – This states a part of a whole. Examples: kalahatì (''half''), limáng-kawaló (''five-eights''), sangkapat (''fourth'')
* Monetary (''Pahalagá'') – This states a price (equivalent to money) of a thing or any bought item. Examples: piso (''one peso''), limampung sentimo (''fifty centavos''), sandaang piso (''one hundred pesos'')
* Collective (''Palansák'') – This states a group of people or things. This identifies the number that forms that group. Examples: dalawahan (''by two''), sampú-sampû (''by ten''), animan (''by six'')
* ''Patakdâ'' – This states the exact and actual number. This cannot be added or subtracted. Examples: iisa (''only one''), dadalawa (''only two''), lilima (''only five'')
Degrees of Comparison
Just like English adjectives, Tagalog adjectives have 3 degrees of comparison.
Positive (''Lantáy'')
This only compares one noun/pronoun.
Example: maliít (''small''), kupas (''peeled''), matabâ (''fat'')
Comparative (''Pahambíng'')
This is used when 2 nouns/pronouns are being compared. This has multiple types.
* Similar (''Magkatulad'') – This is the comparison when the traits compared are fair. Usually, the prefixes ga-, sing-/kasíng-, and magsing-/magkasíng- are used.
* Dissimilar (''Di-magkatulad'') – This is the comparison if it shows the idea of disallowance, rejection or opposition.
** ''Palamáng'' – the thing that is being compared has a positive trait. The words "higít", "lalo", "mas", "di-hamak" and others are used.
** ''Pasahol'' – the thing that is being compared has a negative trait. The words "di-gaano", "di-gasino", "di-masyado" and others are used.
Superlative (''Pasukdól'')
This is the highest degree of comparison. This can be positive or negative. The prefix "pinaká" and the words "sobra", "ubod", "tunay", "talaga", "saksakan", and "hari ng ___" are used, as well as the repetition of the adjective.
Degrees of Description
These degrees have no comparison.
''Lantáy''
This is when the simple/plain form of the adjective is being used for description.
Examples: matalino (''smart''), palatawá (''risible'')
''Katamtaman''
This is when the adjective is accompanied by the words "medyo", "nang kauntî", "nang bahagyâ" or the repetition of the root word or the first two syllables of the root word.
Examples: medyo matabâ (''somewhat fat''), malakás nang bahagyâ (''slightly strong''), malakás-lakás (''somewhat strong''), matabáng nang kauntî (''a little bit insipid'')
''Masidhî''
This is when the adjective is accompanied by the words "napaka", "ubod ng", "saksakan ng", "talagáng", "sobrang", "masyadong" or the repetition of the whole adjective. The description in this degree is intense.
Examples: napakalakas (''so strong''), ubod ng baít (''really kind''), talagáng mabangó (''truly fragrant''), sobrang makinis (''oversmooth'')
Number
There are rules that are followed when forming adjectives that use the prefix "ma-".
Singular (''Isahan'')
When the adjective is describing only one noun/pronoun, "ma-" and the root word is used.
Examples: ''
ma''sayá (''happy''), ''
ma''lungkót (''sad'')
Plural (''Maramihan'')
When the adjective is describing two or more noun/pronoun, "ma-" is used and the first syllable or first two letters of the root word is repeated.
Examples: ''
ma''
liliít (''small''), ''
ma''
gagandá (''beautiful'')
The word "mgá" is not needed if the noun/pronoun is right next to the adjective.
Example: Ang
''ma''gagandáng damít ay kasya kiná Erica at Bel. (''The beautiful clothes can fit to Erica and Bel.'')
Ligature
The ligature (''pang-angkóp'') connects, or links, modifiers (like adjectives and adverbs) to the words that they are modifying. It has two
allomorph
In linguistics, an allomorph is a variant phonetic form of a morpheme, or in other words, a unit of meaning that varies in sound and spelling without changing the meaning. The term ''allomorph'' describes the realization of phonological variatio ...
s:
;''na''
This is used if the preceding word ends with a consonant other than ''n''. It is not combined with the preceding word but separated, appearing between the modifier and the word it modifies.
Example: ("loving person")
;''-ng''
This suffixed allomorph is used if the preceding word ends with a vowel or ''n''; in the latter case, the final ''n'' is lost and replaced by the suffix:
Examples: ("good creation of God"); () ("ideal citizen")
Conjunctions
Tagalog uses numerous conjunctions, and may belong to one of these possible functions:
# separate non-contrasting ideas (e.g. "and")
# separate contrasting ideas (e.g. "but")
# give explanations (e.g. "if")
# provide circumstances (e.g. "when")
# indicate similarities (e.g. "where")
# provide reasons (e.g. "because")
# indicate endings (e.g. "
n orderto")
Modifiers
Modifiers alter, qualify, clarify, or limit other elements in a sentence structure. They are optional grammatical elements but they change the meaning of the element they are modifying in particular ways. Examples of modifiers are adjectives (modifies nouns), adjectival clauses, adverbs (modifies verbs), and adverbial clauses. Nouns can also modify other nouns. In Tagalog, word categories are fluid: A word can sometimes be an adverb or an adjective depending on the word it modifies. If the word being modified is a noun, then the modifier is an adjective, if the word being modified is a verb, then it is an adverb. For example, the word ''
'mabilís'
'' means 'fast' in English. The Tagalog word ''
'mabilís'
'' can be used to describe nouns like ''
'kuneho'
'' ('rabbit') in ''
'kunehong mabilís'
'' ('quick rabbit'). In that phrase, ''
'mabilís was used as an adjective. The same word can be used to describe verbs, one can say 'tumakbóng mabilís' which means 'quickly ran'. In that phrase, 'mabilis' was used as an adverb. The Tagalog word for 'rabbit' is 'kuneho' and 'ran' is 'tumakbó' but they showed up in the phrases as 'kuneho-ng' and 'tumakbó-ng'. Tagalog uses something called a "linker" that always surfaces in the context of modification. Modification only occurs when a linker is present. Tagalog has the linkers ''-ng'' and ''na.'' In the examples mentioned, the linker -
''ng'' was used because the word before the linker ends in a vowel. The second linker, ''na ''is used everywhere else (the ''na'' used in modification is not the same as the adverb ''na'' which means 'now' or 'already'). Seeing the enclitics ''-ng ''and ''na'' are good indications that there is modification in the clause. These linkers can appear before or after the modifier.
The following table summarizes the distribution of the linker:
Sequence of modifiers in a noun phrase
The following tables show a possible word order of a noun phrase containing a modifier. Since word order is flexible in Tagalog, there are other possible ways in which one could say these phrases. To read more on Tagalog word order, head to the Word Order section.
Enclitic particles
Tagalog has enclitic particles that have important information conveying different nuances in meaning. Below is a list of Tagalog's enclitic particles.
# and
#*: now, already
#*: still, else, in addition, yet
#, : even, even if, even though
#: although
#: indeed; used to affirm or to emphasise. Also softens imperatives.
# (after a vowel: ): too, also
# (contracted as ): limiting particle; only or just
# (after a vowel: ): a reporting particle that indicates the preceding information as secondhand; they say, he said, reportedly, supposedly, etc.
# (less respectful form: ): marker indicating politeness.
#: used to end yes-and-no questions and optionally in other types of questions, similar to Japanese and Chinese ''ma'' (嗎), but not entirely.
#: for now, for a minute, and yet (when answering in the negative).
#: used in making contrasts; softens requests; emphasis
#: expresses cause; because
#: expresses wonder; I wonder; perhaps (we should do something); also optionally used in yes-and-no questions and other forms of questions
#: expresses that the speaker has realized or suddenly remembered something; realization particle; apparently
# (contracted as/informal: ): expresses uncertainty; probably, perhaps, seems
#: used in cause and effect; as a result
#: expresses hope, unrealized condition (with the verb in completed aspect), used in
conditional sentence
A conditional sentence is a sentence in a natural language that expresses that one thing is contingent on another, e.g., "If it rains, the picnic will be cancelled." They are so called because the impact of the sentence’s main clause is ''con ...
s.
The order listed above is the order in which the particles follow if they are used in conjunction with each other. A more concise list of the orders of monosyllabic particles from Rubino (2002) is given below.
# /
#
# ~
# ~
# /
#
The particles and cannot be used in conjunction with each other as well as and .
:*
::"Oh yes, your grandmother has apparently arrived."
:*
::"Do change it as well."
Note for "/ and /": If the preceding letter is a consonant except y and w, the letter d is used in any word, vice versa for r e.g., , instead of
Although in everyday speech, this rule is often ignored.
:*
::"Perhaps his brother still hasn’t a wife."
:*
::"I wonder, is the only thing that they'll be giving us?"
:*
::"Have you already studied the Spanish language?"
:*
::"He's still young, is why."
:*
::"Please, do write your name here first."
The words and , which mean “he said”/“she said”/“they said”, are sometimes joined to the real translations of “he said”/”she said”, which is , and “they said”, which is . They are also joined to the Tagalog of “you said”, which is . But this time, both and mean “supposedly/reportedly”.
:*
::"He/she supposedly said."
:*.
::"They supposedly said."
:*
::"You supposedly said."
Although the word is a native Tagalog word for “because” and not slang, it is still not used in formal writing. The Tagalog word for this is or . Thus, the formal form of is or . This is sometimes shortened to or , so is also written as or . In both formal and everyday writing and speech, (the oblique form of ; thus, its exact translation is “because of”) is also synonymous to (), so the substitute of for is . Most of the time in speech and writing (mostly every day and sometimes formal), as the Tagalog of “because” is reduced to , so is spoken simply as .
Word order
Tagalog has a flexible word order compared to English. While the verb always remains in the initial position, the order of noun phrase complements that follows is flexible. An example provided by Schacter and Otanes can be seen in (1).
The flexibility of Tagalog word order can be seen in (2). There are six different ways of saying 'The man gave the woman a book.' in Tagalog. The following five sentences, along with the sentence from (1), include the same grammatical components and are all grammatical and identical in meaning but have different orders.
The principles in (3) help to determine the ordering of possible noun phrase complements. In a basic clause where the patient takes the nominative case, principles (i) and (ii) requires the actor to precede the patient. In example (4a), the patient, ''
'liham (letter) takes the nominative case and satisfies principles (i) and (ii). The example in (4b) shows that the opposite ordering of the agent and patient does not result in an ungrammatical sentence but rather an unnatural one in Tagalog.
In example (5), the verb, ''
'binihag','' (captivated) is marked for active voice and results in the actor ('
''Kuya Louis'
'') to take the nominative case. Example (5) doesn't satisfy principles (i) and (ii). That is, principle (i) requires the Actor ('
''Kuya Louis'
'') to precede all other arguments. However, since the Actor also takes the nominative case, principle (ii) requires the phrase '
''Kuya Louis to come last. The preferred order of agent and patient in Tagalog active clauses is still being debated. Therefore, we can assume that there are two "unmarked" word orders: VSO or VOS.
A change in word order and trigger generally corresponds to a change in definiteness ("the" vs "a") in English. Example (6) shows a change in word order, triggered by the indirect, "ng." Example (7) shows a change in word order, triggered by the direct, ''"ang."''
DIR:direct
INDIR:indirect
Word order may be inverted (referred to in Tagalog grammar as ''Kabalikáng Anyô'') by way of the inversion marker '
''ay'' ' ('' ’y'' after vowels in informal speech, not usually used in writing). Contrary to popular belief, this is not the
copula 'to be' as '
''ay'
'' does not behave as an existential marker in an SVO structure and an inverted form VSO does not require ''
'ay since the existentiality is denoted by case marking. A slight, but optional, pause in speech or a comma in writing may replace the inversion marker. This construction is often viewed by native speakers as formal or literary.
In this construction (ay-inversion), the ''
'ay appears between the fronted constituent and the remainder of the clause. The fronted constituent in the construction includes locations and adverbs. Example (8)- (11) shows the inverted form of the sentences in the previous examples above.
In (8) and (11), the fronted constituent is the subject. On the other hand, in (9), the fronted constituent is the object. Another example of a fronted constituent in Tagalog is, ''wh-phrases''. Wh-phrases include interrogative questions that begin with: who, what, where, when, why, and how. In Tagalog, wh-phrases occur to the left of the clause. For example, in the sentence, 'Who are you?'
'', ''which translates to, '
''Sino ka? occurs to the left of the clause. The syntactic tree of this sentence is found in (12a). As we can see in (12a), the complementizer position is null. However, in the case where an overt complementizer is present, Sabbagh (2014) proposes that the wh-phrase lowers from Spec, CP, and adjoins to TP when C is overt (12b). The operation in (12b) is known as, WhP lowering.

This operation of lowering can also be applied in sentences to account for the verb-initial word order in Tagalog. The subject-lowering analysis states that "the subject lowers from Spec, TP and adjoins to a projection dominated by TP.".
[Sabbagh (2014), 70 (55)] If we use the example from (2),
Nagbigáy ang lalaki ng libró sa babae. and applied subject lowering, we would see the syntax tree in (13a).If we lowered the subject, ang lalaki, to an intermediate position within VP, we would be able to achieve a VOS word order and still satisfy subject lowering.
This can be seen in (13b).

Lowering is motivated by a prosodic constraint called, WeakStart. This constraint is largely based on the
phonological hierarchy. This constraint requires the first phonological element within a phonological domain to be lower on the prosodic hierarchy than elements that follow it, within the same domain.
[Sabbagh (2014), 59]
Negation
There are three negation words: ''hindî'', ''walâ'', and ''huwág''.
Hindî negates verbs and equations. It is sometimes contracted to ''‘dî''.
*''Hindî akó magtatrabaho bukas.''
:"I will not work tomorrow."
*''Hindî mayaman ang babae.''
:"The woman is not rich."
Walâ is the opposite of ''may'' and ''mayroón'' ("there is").
*''Walâ akóng pera.''
*''Akó ay waláng pera.''
:"I do not have money."
*''Waláng libró sa loób ng bahay niyá.''
:"There are no books in his house."
Huwág is used in expressing negative commands. It can be used for the infinitive and the future aspect. It is contracted as ''‘wag''.
*''Huwág kang umiyák.''
:"Do not cry."
*''Huwág kayóng tumakbó rito.''
:"Do not run here."
There are two (or more) special negative forms for common verbs:
*''Gustó/Ibig/Nais ko nang kumain.''
:"I would like to eat now." (Positive)
*''Ayaw ko pang kumain.''
:"I don't want to eat yet." (Negative)
Interrogative words
Tagalog's interrogative words are: ''alín'', ''anó'', ''bákit'', ''gaáno'', ''gaálin'', ''makáilan'', ''ilán'', ''kailán'', ''kaníno'', ''kumustá'', ''magkáno'', ''nakaníno'', ''nasaán'', ''níno'', ''paáno'', ''pasaán'', ''saán'', ''tagasaán'', and ''síno''. With the exceptions of ''bakit'', ''kamustá(maáno)'', and ''nasaán'', all of the interrogative words have optional plural forms which are formed by reduplication. They are used when the person who is asking the question anticipates a plural answer and can be called wh-phrases. The syntactic position of these types of phrases can be seen in
(12a).
Gaano (from ''ga-'' + ''anó'') means ''how'' but is used in inquiring about the quality of an adjective or an adverb. The root word of the modifier is prefixed with ''ga-'' in this construction (16a).Ilán means ''how many'' (16b). Kumustá is used to inquire how something is (are).(16c) It is frequently used as a greeting meaning ''How are you?'' It is derived from the Spanish ''¿cómo está?''. Magkano (from ''mag-'' + ''gaano'') means ''how much'' and is usually used in inquiring the price of something (16d). Paano (from ''pa-'' + ''anó'') is used in asking ''how'' something is done or happened (16e).
Nino (from ''ni'' + ''anó'') means ''who'', ''whose'', and ''whom'' (18a). It is the indirect and genitive form of ''sino''. Sino (from ''si'' + ''anó'') means ''who'' and ''whom'' and it is in the direct form (18b). Kanino (from ''kay'' + ''anó'') means ''whom'' or ''whose'' (18c). It is the oblique form of ''sino'' (who).
See also
*
Abakada alphabet
*
Commission on the Filipino Language
The Commission on the Filipino Language (CFL), also referred to as the (KWF), is the official regulating body of the Filipino language and the official government institution tasked with developing, preserving, and promoting the various local ...
*
Filipino alphabet
The modern Filipino alphabet (), otherwise known as the Filipino alphabet (), is the alphabet of the Filipino language, the official national language and one of the two official languages of the Philippines. The modern Filipino alphabet is ma ...
*
Filipino orthography
*
Tagalog phonology
*
Old Tagalog
Old Tagalog (; Baybayin: pre-virama: , post-virama rus kudlit ; post-virama amudpod ᜎᜓᜋᜅ᜕ ᜆᜄᜎᜓᜄ᜕), also known as Old Filipino, is the earliest form of the Tagalog language during the Classical period. It is the primary l ...
Notes
Bibliography
* Kroeger, P. R. (1991). Phrase structure and grammatical relations in Tagalog
* Ramos, T. (1971). Tagalog Structures. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. p. 126.
* Rubino, C. (2002). Tagalog-English, English-Tagalog dictionary / Taláhuluganang Pilipino-Ingglés, Ingglés-Pilipino Taláhuluganang. Conshohocken, PA: Hippocrene Books.
* Sabbagh, J. (2014). Word order and Prosodic‐Structure constraints in Tagalog. Syntax, 17(1), 40–89.
* Sabbagh, J. (2011). Adjectival passives and the structure of VP in Tagalog. ''Lingua, 121'', 1424–1452.
* Scontras, G. & Nicolae A. (2014). Saturating syntax: Linkers and modification in Tagalog. ''Lingua, 149'', 17–33.
*''Baybayin: Paglalayag sa Wika at Panitikan 8'' by Remedios Infantado pp. 133–134, 169
*''Bagong Likha: Wika at Pagbasa 4'', by Ester V. Raflores , pp. 239, 252–253, 267–268, 283, 326–327, 341–342
*''Pinagyamang Pluma 9,'' by Ailene G. Baisa-Julian, Mary Grace G. del Rosario, Nestor S. Lontoc , p. 86, 383
mga-uri-ng-pang-uri.pdf ''samutsamot.files.wordpress.com''. Retrieved 19 June 2019.
* ''Baybayin: Paglalayag sa Wika at Panitikan 7'' by Ramilito Correa p. 19
External links
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