Functional approaches
Information structure has been described at length by a number of linguists as a grammatical phenomenon. Lexicogrammatical structures that code prominence, or focus, of some information over other information has a particularly significant history dating back to the 19th century. Recent attempts to explain focus phenomena in terms of discourse function, including those byFormalist approaches
Standard formalist approaches to grammar argue that phonology and semantics cannot exchange information directly (''See Fig. 1''). Therefore, syntactic mechanisms including features and transformations include prosodic information regarding focus that is passed to the semantics and phonology. Focus may be highlighted either prosodically or syntactically or both, depending on the language. In syntax this can be done assigning focus markers, as shown in (1), or by preposing as shown in (2): (1) I saw OHNf. (2) OHNf, I saw. In (1), focus is marked syntactically with the subscripted ‘f’ which is realized phonologically by a nuclear pitch accent. Clefting induces an obligatory intonation break. Therefore, in (2), focus is marked via word order and a nuclear pitch accent. In English, focus also relates to phonology and has ramifications for how and whereProminence and meaning
Focus directly affects the semantics, or meaning, of a sentence. Different ways of pronouncing the sentence affects the meaning, or, what the speaker intends to convey. Focus distinguishes one interpretation of a sentence from other interpretations of the same sentence that do not differ in word order, but may differ in the way in which the words are taken to relate to each other. To see the effects of focus on meaning, consider the following examples: (6) John only introduced Bill to SUE. In (6), accent is placed on Sue. There are two readings of (6) – broad focus shown in (7) and narrow focus shown in (8): (7) John only ntroduced Bill to SUEf. (8) John only introduced Bill to UEf. The meaning of (7) can be summarized as ''the only thing John did was introduce Bill to Sue''. The meaning of (8) can be summarized as ''the only person to whom John introduced Bill is Sue''. In both (7) and (8), focus is associated with the focus sensitive expression ''only''. This is known as association with focus. The class of focus sensitive expressions in which focus can be associated with includes exclusives (''only'', ''just'') non-scalar additives (''merely'', ''too'') scalar additives (''also'', ''even''), particularlizers (''in particular'', ''for example''), intensifiers, quantificational adverbs, quantificational determiners, sentential connectives, emotives, counterfactuals, superlatives, negation and generics. It is claimed that focus operators must c-command their focus.Alternative semantics
In the alternative semantics approach to focus pioneered by Mats Rooth, each constituent has both an ordinary denotation and a focus denotation which are composed by parallel computations. The ordinary denotation of a sentence is simply whatever denotation it would have in a non-alternative-based system while its focus denotation can be thought of as the set containing all ordinary denotations one could get by substituting the focused constituent for another expression of the same semantic type. For a sentence such as (9), the ordinary denotation will be the proposition which is true iff Mary likes Sue. Its focus denotation will be the set of each propositions such that for some contextually relevant individual 'x', that proposition is true iff Mary likes 'x'. (9) Mary likes UEsub>f. In formal terms, the ordinary denotation of (9) will be as shown below: * . Focus denotations are computed using the ''alternative sets'' provided by alternative semantics. In this system, most unfocused items denote the singleton set containing their ordinary denotations. * * Focused constituents denote the set of all (contextually relevant) semantic objects of the same type. * , where ''E'' is the domain of type theory">entities An entity is something that exists as itself, as a subject or as an object, actually or potentially, concretely or abstractly, physically or not. It need not be of material existence. In particular, abstractions and legal fictions are usually ...Structured meanings
Following Jacobs and Williams, Krifka argues differently. Krifka claims focus partitions the semantics into a background part and focus part, represented by the pair: :: The logical form of which represented inFocus marking
It has been claimed that ''new'' information in the discourse is accented while ''given'' information is not. Generally, the properties of ''new'' and ''given'' are referred to as a word's discourse status. Definitions of ''new'' and ''given'' vary. Halliday defines ''given'' as " anaphorically" recoverable, while ''new'' is defined to be "textually and situationally non-derivable information". To illustrate this point, consider the following discourse in (12) and (13): (12) Why don’t you have some French TOAST? (13) I’ve forgotten how to MAKE French toast. In (13) we note that the verb ''make'' is not given by the sentence in (12). It is discourse new. Therefore, it is available for accentuation. However, ''toast'' in (13) is given in (12). Therefore, it is not available for accentuation. As previously mentioned, pitch accenting can relate to focus. Accented words are often said to be in focus or F-marked often represented by F-markers. The relationship between accent placement is mediated through the discourse status of particular syntactic nodes. The percolation of F-markings in a syntactic tree is sensitive to argument structure and head-phrase relations.Selkirk and accent placement
Selkirk develops an explicit account of how F-marking propagates upSchwarzschild and accent placement
Schwarzschild points out weaknesses in Selkirk’s ability to predict accent placement based on facts about the discourse. Selkirk’s theory says nothing about how accentuation arises in sentences with entirely old information. She does not fully articulate the notion of discourse status and its relation to accent marking. Schwarzschild differs from Selkirk in that he develops a more robust model of discourse status. Discourse status is determined via the entailments of the context. This is achieved through the definition in (16): (16) Definition of given: An utterance of U counts as given if it has a salient antecedent A and ::a. if U is type type theory, e, then A and U corefer; ::b. otherwise: modulo -type-shifting, A entails the existential F-closure of U. The operation in (16b) can apply to any constituent. -type-shifting "is a way of transforming syntactic constituents into full propositions so that it is possible to check whether they are entailed by the context". For example, the result of -type-shifting the VP in (17) is (18): (17) ums a happy tune (18) ''x'' 'x'' hums a happy tuneref name=German/> Note that (18) is a full proposition. The existential F-closure in (16b) refers to the operation of replacing the highest F-marked node with an existentially closed variable. The operation is shown in (19) and (20): (19) ''x'' f tune f">'x'' hums [a happy f tune ff">_happy_<sub>f<_sub>_tune_<sub>f<_sub>.html" ;"title="'x'' hums [a happy f tune f">'x'' hums [a happy f tune ff (20) ''Y''''x''[''x'' hums ''Y''] Given the discourse context in (21a) it is possible to determine the discourse status of any syntactic node in (21b): (21) ::a. Sean [hummed a happy tune] VP ::b. Angie ummed [Chopin’s Funeral Marchf">hopin’s_Funeral_March.html" ;"title="ummed [Chopin’s Funeral March">ummed [Chopin’s Funeral MarchfVP If the VP in (21a) is the salient antecedent for the VP in (21b), then the VP in (21b) counts as given. -type-shifed VP in (21a) is shown in (22). The existential F-closure of the VP in (21b) is shown in (23): (22) ''x''[''x'' hums a happy tune] (23) ''Y''''x''[''x'' hums ''Y''] (22) entails (23). Therefore, the VP of (21b) counts as given. Schwarzschild assumes an optimality theoretic grammar. Accent placement is determined by a set of violable, hierarchically ranked constraints as shown in (24): (24) ::a. GIVENness: A constituent that is not F-marked is given. ::b. Foc: A Foc-marked phrase contains an accent ::c. AvoidF: Do not F-mark ::d. HeadArg: A head is less prominent than its internal argument. The ranking Schwarzschild proposes is seen in (25): (25) GIVENness, Foc >> AvoidF >> HeadArg As seen, GIVENness relates F-marking to discourse status. Foc relates F-marking to accent placement. Foc simply requires that a constituent(s) of an F-marked phrase contain an accent. AvoidF states that less F-marking is preferable to more F-marking. HeadArg encodes the head-argument asymmetry into the grammar directly.=Responses
= Recent empirical work by German ''et al.'' suggests that both Selkirk’s and Schwarzschild’s theory of accentuation and F-marking makes incorrect predictions. Consider the following context: (26) Are the children playing their game? (27) Paul took down their tent that they play their game in. It has been noted that prepositions are intrinsically weak and do not readily take accent. However, both Selkirk and Schwarzschild predict that in the narrow focus context, an accent will occur at most on the preposition in (27) as shown in (28): (28) Paul took down their tent that they f trace (linguistics)">t f">n_<sub>f<_sub>_trace_(linguistics).html" ;"title="lay their game [in f trace (linguistics)">t ffoc]. However, the production experiment reported in German ''et al.'' showed that subjects are more likely to accent verbs or nouns as opposed to prepositions in the narrow focused context, thus ruling out accent patterns shown in (28). German ''et al.'' argue for a stochastic constraint-based grammar similar to Anttila and Boersma that more fluidly accounts for how speakers accent words in discourse.See also
* Information structure * Topic–comment *Notes
References
* Cinque, Guglielmo (1993). "A null theory of phrase and compound stress". ''Linguistic Inquiry'' 24: 239–267. * Neeleman, Ad and Tanya Reinhart (1998). "Scrambling and the PF-Interface". In ''The Projection of Arguments'', CSLI Publications, 309–353. *Ocampo, Francisco (2003). "On the notion of focus in spoken Spanish: An empirical approach". In ''Theory, Practice, and Acquisition'', ed. by Paula Kempchinsky and Carlos-Eduardo Pineros. Sommerville: Cascadilla Press, 207–226. * Pereltsvaig, Asya (2002). "Topic and focus as linear notions: evidence from Russian and Italian". ''Proceedings of the Conference on the Interaction between Syntax and Pragmatics at UCL''. *Szendrői, Kriszta (2004). 'Focus and the interaction between syntax and pragmatics'. '' Lingua'' 114(3), 229–254. *Xu, Y., C. X. Xu and X. Sun (2004). 'On the temporal domain of focus'. In ''Proceedings of International Conference on Speech Prosody 2004'', Nara, Japan: 81–84. {{DEFAULTSORT:Focus (Linguistics) Grammatical categories Syntactic entities Semantics Formal semantics (natural language)