Fascism In Peru

Fascism as a political philosophy in Peru held great influence among different sectors of society during the early to mid-20th century. The movement was particularly strong following the Arequipa revolution of 1930 and the end of the Leguía’s regime, although its popularity declined following the end of World War II, after the defeat and discredit of fascism worlwide. Peruvian fascism was mainly influenced by Italian fascism and, in a lesser way, Spanish falangism, while also drawing significant inspiration from Catholic tradition and the concept of ''Mestizaje'', emphasizing the unity of the Peruvian people.

Overview

According to historian José Ignacio López Soria, the fascist movement in Peru could be divided into three currents:
*''Aristocratic fascism'' ("fascismo aristocrático"), which would be driven by a militant ultramontane Catholicism that fiercely opposed Marxist atheism and Protestant liberalism.
*''Mesocratic fascism'' ("fascismo mesocrático"), popular among the middle classes, opposed the historic ruling class and sought to promote the needs of ''mestizos'' to build support among the diverse groups in Peru.
*''Popular fascism'' ("fascismo popular"), incarnated in the Unión Revolucionaria (Revolutionary Union) and with a close relation towards the masses, seeking to support the notion of class collaboration.

According to historian Eduardo González Calleja, popular fascism would lack a Catholic background, being instead motivated by a strong opposition towards capitalism and the support of a corporate state that would control the capital, manage the economy and guarantee social discipline.

History

Early foundations

The early 1930s saw an era of political polarization and a critical decade within Peruvian society, with a rise of strong mass movement in the political scene, including socialist and communist parties, including the APRA, lead by Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre. The Great Depression made Augusto B. Leguía’s 11-year length regime enter into crisis after losing much of its financial support, which was dependant on international loans. Major public works were halted, the cost of living increased, and unemployment ensued. Military institutions suffered from a lack of financial liquidity, reaching its peak with the failure to pay its troops. The regime lost its popularity and had an strong opposition of from distinct and heterogeneous groups, and the adoption of an indiscriminate reppresive policy against oppositors worsened the situation. The Leguía dictatorship, during its rule, displaced and prosecuted the '' civilistas'' from the government. By 1931, after the situation had become untenable, the military, suffering both materially and institutionally, exerted pressure over Leguía’s regime, with some internal factions within the army wanted to displace him from the government.

''Sanchezcerrismo'' and the Arequipa Revolution

Commander Luis M. Sánchez Cerro, an army officer and militarist who had witnessed the birth of the fascist movement in post-war Europe, led a coup d'état on 22 August 1930, known as the Arequipa Revolution. The rebellion, organized by Sanchez Cerro alongside military officers loyal to him, was highly successful, leading to a consequent uprising of the Lima garrison, who also demanded the resignation of Leguía as president. A group of commanders in Lima, with control of the local troops, expressed their support for their rebellious colleague in Arequipa and took power away from loyalist generals, forcing them to support Sanchez Cerro. The sublevation, with massive social support, ended the aristocratic government of Leguía and put Sánchez Cerro as the new president of Peru, establishing a right-wing junta characterized for its authoritarian and anti-communist posture.

During his regime, Sánchez Cerro promoted populist policies, such as distribution of provisions and food among the unemployed, and the confiscation of the assets of the most well-known ''leguiístas''. The newly established regime saw support from distinct sectors of society, including former ''civilistas'' and conservatives. In less than three months after the revolution, the new regime established an alliance with said, and adopted strong measures against violent, communist-led strikes in order to restore peace.

Founded in 1931, the Unión Revolucionaria (UR) was established by Sánchez Cerro as the official party of the regime, and sought to channel the masses' desperation over the effects of the 1929 global crisis for the 1931 general elections. Although not a fascist himself, Sánchez Cerro had certain admiration for Benito Mussolini and the Fascist regime in Italy, whom he regarded as “so well organized”. His party, however, got certain inspiration with Mussolini’s followers and adopted some symbols such as the classical blackshirt attire and some similar gestual postures. The organization was initially tolerable with liberal democracy, and had an heterogenic political composition among its members, including ''sanchezcerristas'', anti-''leguiistas'', liberals, ''civilistas'' and '' indigenistas'', but was still committed to a nationalist ideology.

Intellectual development of the movement

The intellectual development of fascism in Peru emerged in the early 1930s, during the years of the Sánchez Cerro presidency. Early fascist thought in Peru was influenced by European fascism, but adapted to the Peruvian socio-political context. Influenced by global developments such as the Fascist experience in Italy or the Spanish Civil War, Peruvian intellectuals explored various fascist currents, including classical fascism and falangism. This era saw a reapparition of former adherents of the civilista movement, alongside a right-leaning, nationalist youth in the university context, with figures like Luis A. Flores, Ernesto Byrne, Carlos Sayan Alvarez, Guillermo Hoyos Osores and Alfredo Herrera. These nationalist activists got interested in politics since the student mobilization against Leguía in the 1920s, and had fought the political left during their university years. This newer generation of nationalists had an ideological view closer to fascism than former liberal ideology of the ''civilista'' movement, and were one of the main political forces that supported the presidential candidacy of Sánchez Cerro as the leader of Revolutionary Union (UR). However, intellectual support for fascism wasn’t exclusive of the political right; certain left-leaning intellectuals such as the progressive Dora Mayer or the socialist Abelardo Solís were also supportive of a fascist project in Peru.

The Pontifical Catholic University of Peru, Catholic Action and other Catholic groups supported Ferrero Rebagliati's concept of mesocratic fascism. The movement was inspired by Italian fascism and Spanish falangism.

Another main outlet for fascism became the Peruvian Fascist Brotherhood, formed by ex-Prime Minister José de la Riva-Agüero y Osma. Riva-Agüero became more supportive of fascism after he returned to Catholicism in 1932, believing, according to López Soria, that Peru should "return to the medieval, Catholic, Hispanic tradition as embodied now by fascism" and he used the teachings of Bartolomé Herrera and Alejandro Deustua to support his ideology. The Fascist Brotherhood initially enjoyed some prestige but it receded into the background after Peru entered the Second World War on the side of the Allies.Rees 1990, p. 324. Moreover, the group's credibility was damaged by its leader becoming increasingly eccentric in his personal behaviour.

Fascist-inspired governments

The most popular fascist faction in Peru was Revolutionary Union (UR), which was initially founded by President Luis Miguel Sánchez Cerro in 1931 as the state party of his dictatorship. President Sánchez Cerro, who had humble origins, was highly charismatic, familiar with the populace's customs and was recognized as courageous after overthrowing President Augusto B. Leguía. UR quickly found support from former Civilista Party members and the traditional oligarchy families who wanted to protect themselves from other populist movements. After President Sánchez Cerro's assassination in 1933, the group came under the leadership of Luis A. Flores, who sought to mobilise mass support and even set up a Blackshirt movement in imitation of the Italian model. Óscar R. Benavides, who took office after the assassination, also led an authoritarian conservative regime from 1933 to 1939. During his government, Benavides built a strong relationship with Peru's business leaders.

The Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana (APRA) was inspired by Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre's observations of fascist and communist parties during his time in Europe. During the 1930s APRA developed certain similarities with fascism, such as calling for a new national community and founding a small paramilitary wing, but then it very quickly changed course and emerged as a mainstream social democratic party.Griffin 1991, pp. 148–152.

In 1944, APRA formed the National Democratic Front political coalition beside the far-right Reformist Democratic Party and the fascist Revolutionary Union party, excluding the Peruvian Communist Party. The alliance led to the triumph of ultraconservative José Luis Bustamante y Rivero becoming president the same year. The overall defeat of Revolutionary Union in the 1944 elections shook confidence in the movement and it faded.

Post-WWII era

The end of World War II saw a discredition of fascism worldwide, both academically and politically, leading to its marginalization in Peru. Peruvian fascism lost most of its political presence, becoming more of an underground current rather than a mainstream ideology. Many intellectuals who had previously supported or sympathized with fascism during the 1930s and 1940s adapted to the new political landscape by accepting electoral mechanisms, and some of them went on to join right-wing or center-right parties while others participated as collaborators of dictatorships. Since Latin America did not suffer the horrors of war and there was not an open process of defascistization or denazification as it was in Germany, Revolutionary Union could continue their operations during the post-war years. However, the organization decayed politically and failed to regain the influence it had during the 1930s.

Luis A. Flores, former leader of the ''urrista'' movement, returned from his nine-year long exile in 1945 and resumed his fascist advocacy despite the end of the war. In 1946, Flores held briefly a senatorial seat representing the department of Piura until 1948, and in 1949, he was designated as the official ambassador to Italy, where he remained in charge until 1950. During this period, Flores initially supported Manuel A. Odría’s regime; however, over time, a rivalry developed between them that culminated in the political decline of the former. The ''urrista'' movement would last until the 1980s, disappearing entirely before the end of the Cold War, with remnants persisting up to the early days of Shining Path terrorism.

21st Century

In 2013, the short-lived Legionary Action () was established in Lima, marking the emergence of the first contemporary fascist organization in years. The group upheld the legacy of Sánchez Cerro and considered itself as the heirs of the former Revolutionary Union, proclaiming a Third Positionist ideology radically opposed towards both liberalism and communism. Such as its claimed predecessor, ''Acción Legionaria'' also adopted the classical blackshirt attire and the usage of fascist symbology. It also had close ties with the Brazilian neo-fascist organization ''Frente Nacionalista'' (National Front). During its period of activities, Legionary Action attempted to become a fascist political party, but would be eventually dissolved in 2016.

Other organizations that have expressed certain sympathies with fascism are ''Los Insurgentes'' and ''Los Combatientes del Pueblo'', two splinter groups of the civil association '' La Resistencia''. During the COVID-19 crisis, both groups engaged in spreading information and coordinating protests and grassroots mobilization in opposition to the lockdowns, mask usage and the mandatory vaccination policies, which they viewed as steps towards the establishment of a New World Order (NWO). Some members of said organizations have been closely associated with National Socialist sympathizers.

See also

* Conservatism in Peru
* Liberalism in Peru
* Communism in Peru
* Anarchism in Peru

References

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Further reading

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Peru
Political history of Peru
Anti-communism in Peru
Far-right politics in Peru