Campaign finances
Opinion polls
Results
Vote share by district
Pre-election Political Context and Public Climate
The political landscape of the Czech Republic between 1998 and 2002 was significantly shaped by the so-called “Opposition Agreement” (Opposiční smlouva), a controversial power-sharing pact between the Czech Social Democratic Party (ČSSD) and the Civic Democratic Party (ODS). Following the 1998 election, ČSSD formed a minority government with the tacit parliamentary support of ODS, which abstained from no-confidence votes in exchange for influence over constitutional and legislative matters. This arrangement faced public criticism and declining trust in mainstream parties, as it blurred traditional party divisions and was widely perceived as a self-serving elite bargain. Disillusionment with the political establishment contributed to a decline in voter turnout, which fell from 74% in 1998 to 58% in 2002. Economically, the Czech Republic witnessed moderate growth and increased foreign investment in the early 2000s, partially due to macroeconomic stabilization and the anticipation of European Union accession. Key political debates included pension reform, healthcare funding, privatization of state enterprises, and the pace of EU integration. The accession process was a defining feature of the campaign, with ČSSD strongly supporting integration, while ODS maintained a more cautious, sovereignty-focused stance.Importance of the Czech Social Democratic Party’s (CSSD) Victory
There was a significant improvement in the then socio-economic situation of the state, which the people of Czech Republic were associating with the CSSD and its 2002 campaigning effects. Vladmir Spidla, the successor of Social Democratic leader Milos Zeman, was completely against the ‘Opposition Agreement’ that was signed between them and the Civic Democratic Party (ODS), a move that analysts suggest may have contributed to increased public support for the CSSD during the 2002 campaign. The ‘Opposition Agreement’ was a cooperative policy between the two majority parties, under which they were obligated to work together in tasks such as taking political decisions, attending control groups and advisory boards, and implementing an electoral law that would work to benefit both the parties, which the CSSD had to break away from to function as the majority party after the victory in 2002. ODS had been considered as a straightforward Czech party owing to its open support for the joining of Czech Republic in the EU. But it was the party’s agenda of protecting the national interests of the country and its people, which they used as a topic of their party election campaign. ODS experienced a decline in support compared to previous elections, securing second place with 24.7% of the vote.Parliamentary Stability
CSSD only had a minority representation in the cabinet during the electoral term that existed between 1998 and 2002. Impulsive actions or any minor disruptions could have proved threatening for the already weakened state of the parliament, because of which no party acted out of their expected decorum as state ministers. This was also the time when the total strength of the Ministers of Parliament (MP) was on the rise consistently, which was another evidence for the stability of the parliament. The following electoral term of 2002–2006, which was after the CSSD came to power, also witnessed well-behaved MPs, despite the number of MPs that were leaving was much higher than what was observed in the earlier three electoral terms. The foremost reason was that a large section of the parliamentary ministers were resigning from their office. An individual who holds the position as an MP also has the privilege of holding the position of a minister, while ministers are prohibited from becoming members of parliamentary groups, as stated by the Constitution of the Czech Republic. Post the 2002 parliamentary elections, out of the total strength of the ministers from the committee of Vladmir Spidla, 76.5% also doubled as CD members. The second reason was that nine members of the Chamber of Deputies (CD) were elected to the European Parliament, owing to which their places were taken up by substitutes assigned in the list of candidates. The Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSCD), during the 2002 elections, had opted to change the branding of the party, by adding new faces to the parliament, as a way of attracting the attention of potential voters; the percentage of new members was 61% in 2002, which is way higher than that in 1998, which was 16.7%. This strategy was followed by a 20% share of seats, up from 12% previously, suggesting increased voter responsiveness to the party’s changes.New Laws
Before the 2002 parliamentary elections, the Constitutional Court, in 2001, had agreed to a provision of increasing the threshold of the coalition parties to make their way into the parliament. Keeping the 2002 elections in mind, the CSSD took the first step to suggest new electoral regulations. This new electoral regulation aimed to modify the number of electoral districts in accordance with the number of regions (14) that were put forth in the previous years, while the structure of seat distribution was determined by the d’Hondt structure. Even though there was minor opposition from certain groups of senators and deputies against the rising threshold of alliance-based parties to join the parliament, both houses of the parliament were in favour of this law and approved of it in January 2002.Kopecký, 2004, p. 352. It was after this rule was passed that the 2002 parliamentary elections were held in June 2002.Patterns in Voting Preferences
The contemporary electoral system in the Czech Republic came into existence in 2002 itself, which was brought about by an attempt at election reform. It was a result of a compromise that the parties had no choice but to accept collectively, after the Constitutional Court had announced its decision in 2001.Lebeda, T. (2007). ''Electoral systems and voting behaviour: The case of the House of Deputies’ elections in the Czech Republic''. Contemporary European Studies, (02), p. 28. http://www.ces.upol.cz/wp-content/uploads/2014/12/CES_2_2007_25to48.pdf The Opposition Agreement forced CSSD and ODS to make some adjustments to the republic system, which included the introduction of the electoral reform. This step further led to the creation of the proportional system, which benefited the stronger parties and their achievements, while neglecting the weaker parties, to see to it that competent and efficient governments are created who can take necessary actions during crises. This step restricted the representation of parties that were smaller through the system of high natural thresholds, which existed for the advantage of the two majority and strong parties. It was at this stage that the Czech Republic realised its lack of a proper electoral law that would turn elections to the House of Deputies, in 2002, a reality. This prompted parties to negotiate a compromise that complied with the Constitutional Court ruling while addressing internal power dynamics. So that it does not work against the law passed by the Constitutional Court, and nor does it clash with the changes occurring in the Senate, wherein the CSSD and ODS did not stand to win the majority votes.Lebeda, 2007, p. 29. It was after all of these steps that the new electoral system was implemented in 2002. However, the reform did not fully meet the intended goals set by party leaders regarding systemic stability and representation. This new electoral reform was expected to produce great benefits for bigger parties, while putting the smaller parties at the risk of lack of proper representation.Lebeda, 2007, p. 30. But, there were specific conditions under which this disproportionate representation of smaller parties was possible. That is because in 2002, all the election-contesting parties had almost equal representation, as all of them were large in size, and the Coalition that was the smallest in size was able to secure 14% of seats. But, in the same year, the voter only had two preferential votes available to him, when previously it was four.Party Income during 2002 Election
CSSD and ODS were the only two parties that reported notable increases in revenue across multiple election years. Their strong electoral performance allowed them to receive generous government subsidies.Havlík, V., & Pinková, A. (2013). ''Electoral Legislation Reforms, State Funding and Political Parties in the Czech Republic: A Sign of the Cartelization of Party Politics?'' Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft, 42(4), p. 397. https://doi.org/10.15203/ozp.99.vol42iss4 In addition to public funding, both parties also generated income from private donations, membership fees, and revenue from their own economic activities such as property holdings and affiliated enterprises. These diversified income streams contributed to their financial stability and campaign capabilities. From 2002 onward, both parties experienced noticeable increases in revenue. Notably, CSSD saw a significant spike in income in 2001—a non-election year—which was largely attributed to the relocation of its party headquarters, likely tied to asset restructuring and increased internal fundraising efforts.Havlík & Pinková, 2013, p. 398.Coalition Formation
Following the 2002 parliamentary elections, the Czech Social Democratic Party (ČSSD) formed a coalition government with the Christian and Democratic Union – Czechoslovak People's Party (KDU-ČSL) and the Freedom Union – Democratic Union (US-DEU). The coalition held 101 out of 200 seats, giving it a narrow majority in the Chamber of Deputies. President Václav Havel officially tasked Vladimír Špidla with forming the new government, and the administration was sworn in on 15 July 2002.Inter-Parliamentary Union. (2002). ''Czech Republic: Elections held in 2002''Government Formation and EU Accession
Following the 2002 parliamentary elections, the Czech Social Democratic Party (ČSSD) formed a coalition government with the Christian and Democratic Union – Czechoslovak People's Party (KDU-ČSL) and the Freedom Union – Democratic Union (US-DEU). The coalition held 101 out of 200 seats, giving it a narrow majority in the Chamber of Deputies. President Václav Havel officially tasked Vladimír Špidla with forming the new government, and the administration was sworn in on 15 July 2002.Inter-Parliamentary Union. (2002). ''Czech Republic: Parliamentary elections Poslanecka Snemovna, 2002''. Retrieved 9 May 2025, from https://archive.ipu.org/parline-e/reports/arc/2083_02.htm The coalition agreement prioritized EU accession, fiscal reform, and social welfare policies. Despite ideological differences, the coalition maintained political cohesion in its early phase. Since 2001, the Czech Republic had been preparing for its scheduled accession to the European Union in 2004. The Špidla-led government emphasized alignment with EU standards through judicial reform, anti-corruption campaigns, and institutional restructuring. Notably, legislation was passed in 2001 to protect Czech Television (CT) from political influence.UNHCR. (2002). ''Freedom in the World 2002 – Czech Republic''. https://www.refworld.org/reference/annualreport/freehou/2001/en/50891 These efforts reflected ČSSD’s campaign promise to strengthen democratic institutions and promote public sector transparency. The government also framed social policy as a critical dimension of EU readiness, focusing on welfare and value-based governance.Potůček, M. (2004). ''Accession and social policy: the case of the Czech Republic''. ''Journal of European Social Policy'', 14(3), 253–266. https://doi.org/10.1177/0958928704044623Flood Response in 2002
In August 2002, severe flooding struck large parts of the Czech Republic, especially Prague and South Bohemia. The new government led by Prime Minister Špidla launched an immediate emergency response. National rescue operations, temporary relocations, and legislative funding for disaster recovery were implemented. Around 200,000 people were evacuated, and the damage was estimated at more than $3 billion USD.Worldpress. (2002, August). ''Czech Republic: Testing a New Government''. https://www.worldpress.org/Europe/701.cfm Contemporary reports noted broad public approval of the government’s flood response, particularly its emergency relief measures.Voter Turnout and Public Sentiment
Voter turnout in the 2002 election dropped to 58%, compared to 74% in the 1998 election.Czech Academy of Sciences. (2002). ''Chamber of Deputies Election in the Czech Republic 2002''. https://www.soc.cas.cz/en/publications/chamber-deputies-election-czech-republic-2002 Analysts linked the decline to growing disillusionment with coalition politics and the blurred ideological lines between major parties. The termination of the “Opposition Agreement” between ČSSD and ODS was seen by voters as an attempt to restore political distinction. The election also witnessed increased support for the Communist Party, reflecting dissatisfaction among sections of the electorate.Representation of Women and Youth
The 2002 election led to a slight increase in female and young deputies in the Chamber. Women held 17% of parliamentary seats, up from 15% in 1996.Císař, O., & Vráblíková, K. (2022). ''Gender and Political Representation in Central Europe''. In V. Guasti & K. Vráblíková (Eds.), ''Democratic Representation in Visegrad Countries'' (pp. 101–118). Palgrave Macmillan. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-91225-3_7 The parties also introduced more candidates under 35, signaling generational change in Czech politics. The Communist Party (KSČM) notably revamped its image with 61% of its elected MPs being newcomers. Despite some progress, gender parity and youth participation remained limited at senior levels.Pre-election Campaigns and Media Coverage
The 2002 election campaigns were marked by a notable emphasis on television debates and media visibility. ČSSD presented Vladimír Špidla as a moderate and consensus-oriented leader, contrasting him with the more assertive style of ODS figures. Campaign messaging focused on social welfare, EU integration, and government transparency. According to a report by the European Journalism Centre, mainstream media remained officially neutral, but some editorial biases were noted, especially in tabloid coverage of the Communist Party’s rebranding. Political advertising on TV and in print media saw a rise in expenditure compared to 1998, indicating the growing role of mass media in Czech elections.Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). (2002). ''Republic of Czech – Parliamentary Elections, 14–15 June 2002: Final Report''. https://www.osce.org/files/f/documents/e/5/16109.pdfJudicial and Institutional Reforms
One of the key priorities of the post-election government was aligning Czech institutions with European Union legal frameworks. Judicial independence, anti-corruption measures, and civil service reforms were emphasized in policy programs. In 2002, the Czech Parliament passed amendments to laws regulating the Constitutional Court and public prosecutor’s office.European Commission. (2002). ''2002 Regular Report on the Czech Republic’s Progress towards Accession'', p. 27. https://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/archives/pdf/key_documents/2002/cr_en.pdf According to the European Commission’s regular progress report, the reforms were viewed as broadly successful but required further implementation, particularly in staffing and administrative transparency.European Commission. (2002). ''2002 Regular Report on the Czech Republic’s Progress towards Accession'', p. 30. https://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/archives/pdf/key_documents/2002/cr_en.pdfSecurity and NATO Cooperation
In parallel with its EU integration, the Czech Republic deepened its security ties with NATO during the 2002–2004 period. The 2002 election did not change the country’s foreign policy orientation, and the new coalition continued to support NATO-led operations. In November 2002, the Prague NATO Summit was hosted in the capital, marking the first such event in a post-Communist country.NATO. (2002). ''Prague Summit Declaration''. Issued by the Heads of State and Government participating in the meeting of the North Atlantic Council in Prague. https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/official_texts_19552.htm The summit emphasized alliance enlargement and anti-terror cooperation, and Špidla’s government pledged to increase defense readiness and reform procurement practices.Electoral System and Legal Framework
The 2002 Czech parliamentary elections were held under a proportional representation system using party lists in 14 electoral regions. Seats in the Chamber of Deputies were distributed using the d’Hondt method, with a 5% national threshold required for party entry. These rules slightly favored larger parties in the allocation process.OSCE. (2002). ''Parliamentary Elections, 14–15 June 2002: Final Report''. p. 4. https://www.osce.org/files/f/documents/e/5/16109.pdf Ahead of the elections, amendments were introduced to improve electoral transparency and media access. Provisions also addressed campaign financing regulations, aligning the framework with European Union standards ahead of planned accession in 2004.European Commission. (2002). ''2002 Regular Report on the Czech Republic’s Progress towards Accession''. p. 29. https://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/archives/pdf/key_documents/2002/cr_en.pdf The elections were monitored by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), which concluded that the process met international democratic standards. Minor concerns were noted regarding campaign finance oversight and legal dispute resolution, but the overall administration was considered efficient and peaceful.OSCE. (2002). ''Parliamentary Elections, 14–15 June 2002: Final Report''. p. 6. https://www.osce.org/files/f/documents/e/5/16109.pdfReferences
{{Czech elections 2002 elections in Europe, Czech Republic