Billy Wright (terrorist)

William Stephen Wright (7 July 1960 – 27 December 1997), known as King Rat, was a Northern Irish loyalist paramilitary leader who founded the Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF) during The Troubles. Wright had joined the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) in his home town of Portadown around 1975. After spending several years in prison, he became a Protestant fundamentalist preacher. Wright resumed his UVF activities around 1986 and, in the early 1990s, replaced Robin Jackson as commander of that organisation's Mid-Ulster Brigade. According to the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), Wright was involved in the sectarian killings of up to 20 Catholics but was never convicted for any.

In 1994, the UVF and other paramilitary groups called a ceasefire. Wright became a staunch opponent of the Northern Ireland peace process, seeing it as a sell-out to Irish nationalists and republicans. Wright drew media attention during the Drumcree standoffs of 1995 and 1996, when he supported the Protestant Orange Order's demand to march their traditional route through the Catholic district of Portadown.

During the July 1996 Drumcree crisis, Wright's unit carried out several attacks, including a sectarian murder. For breaking the ceasefire, Wright's Portadown unit was stood down by the UVF leadership. He was expelled from the UVF and threatened with assassination unless he immediately left Northern Ireland. Wright ignored these threats and formed the LVF with most of his brigade, becoming its leader. The LVF carried out a string of killings of Catholic civilians, while allegedly profiting from extortion and narcotics trafficking.

In January 1997, Wright was arrested for making death threats against a woman, and that March was convicted and sent to the Maze Prison. While imprisoned, Wright continued to direct the LVF. On 27 December 1997, Wright was assassinated by Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) prisoners with a gun smuggled into the prison. An inquiry into Wright's death concluded that serious failings had been shown in the prison authorities. It has been alleged that Wright was a police informant who received help from the Special Branch.

Early life

William Stephen "Billy" Wright, named after his grandfather, was born in Wolverhampton, England on 7 July 1960 to David Wright and Sarah McKinley, Ulster Protestants from Portadown, Northern Ireland. He was the only son of five children. Before Wright's birth, his parents had moved to England when they fell out with many of their neighbours after his grandfather had challenged tradition by running as an Independent Unionist candidate and defeated the local Official Unionist MP. The Wright family had a long tradition in Northern Ireland politics; Billy's great-grandfather Robert Wright had once served as a Royal Commissioner. His father found employment in the West Midlands industrial city of Wolverhampton.

In 1964, the family returned to Northern Ireland and Wright soon came under the influence of his maternal uncle Cecil McKinley, a member of the Orange Order. About three years later, Wright's parents separated and his mother decided to leave her children behind when she transferred once more to England. None of the Wright siblings would ever see their mother again. Wright and his four sisters (Elizabeth, Jackie, Angela and Connie) were placed in foster care by the welfare authorities. He was raised separately from his sisters in a children's home in Mountnorris, South Armagh (a predominantly Irish republican area). Wright was brought up in the Presbyterian religion of his mother and attended church twice on Sundays. The young Wright mixed with Catholics and played Gaelic football, indicating an amicable relationship with the local Catholic, nationalist population. His family were not extreme Ulster loyalists. Wright's father, while campaigning for an inquest into his son's death, later described loyalist killings as "abhorrent". Two of Wright's sisters married Catholic men, one having come from County Tipperary and whom Wright liked. Wright's sister Angela maintained that he personally got on well with Catholics, and that he was only anti-Irish republican and anti-IRA."Billy Wright: Dying by the sword". ''Politico''. Emer Woodful. 1 February 1998.
Retrieved 4 September 2011 For a while David Wright cohabitated with Kathleen McVeigh, a Catholic from Garvagh.

Whilst attending Markethill High School, Wright took a part-time job as a farm labourer where he came into contact with a number of staunchly unionist and loyalist farmers who served with the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) Reserve or the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR). The conflict known as the Troubles had been raging across Northern Ireland for about five years by this stage, and many young men such as Wright were swept up in the maelstrom of violence as the Provisional IRA ramped up its bombing campaign and sectarian killings of Catholics by loyalists continued to escalate. During this time Wright's opinions moved towards loyalism and soon he got into trouble for writing the initials "UVF" on a local Catholic primary school wall. When he refused to clean off the vandalism, Wright was transferred from the area and sent to live with an aunt in Portadown.

Early years in the UVF

In the more strongly loyalist environment of Portadown, nicknamed the "Orange Citadel", Wright was, along with other working-class Protestant teenagers in the area, targeted by the loyalist paramilitary organisation, the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) as a potential recruit. On 31 July 1975, coincidentally the night following the Miami Showband killings, Wright was sworn in as a member of the Young Citizen Volunteers (YCV), the UVF's youth wing. The ceremony was conducted by swearing on the Bible placed on a table beneath the Ulster banner. He was then trained in the use of weapons and explosives. According to author and journalist Martin Dillon, Wright had been inspired by the violent deaths of UVF men Harris Boyle and Wesley Somerville, both of whom were blown up after planting a bomb on board The Miami Showband's minibus. The popular Irish cabaret band had been returning from a performance in Banbridge in the early hours of 31 July 1975 when they were ambushed at Buskhill, County Down by armed men from the UVF's Mid-Ulster Brigade at a bogus military checkpoint. Along with Boyle and Somerville, three band members had died in the attack when the UVF gunmen had opened fire on the group following the premature explosion. Boyle and Somerville had allegedly served as role models for Wright. Boyle was from Portadown. However, in his 2003 work ''The Trigger Men'', Dillon broke from this version of events and instead concluded that Wright had actually been sworn into the YCV in 1974 when he was 14 years of age. Wright's sister Angela told Dillon that her brother's decision to join the UVF had in fact had nothing to do with the Miami Showband killings and Dillon then concluded that Wright had encouraged this version of events as he felt linking his own UVF membership to the activities of his heroes Boyle and Somerville added an origin myth to his own life as a loyalist killer.

In 1975, shortly after Wright joined the organisation, he was caught in possession of illegal weapons and sentenced to five years in a wing of HMP Maze (Maze Prison) reserved for paramilitary youth offenders. Before his imprisonment Wright was taken to Castlereagh Holding Centre, a police interrogation centre with a notorious reputation for the brutality employed during grilling. According to Wright's sister Angela, he later claimed that he had been subjected to a number of indignities by the interrogating officers, including having a pencil shoved into his rectum. During his spell in prison Wright briefly joined the blanket protest, although he stepped down following an order from the UVF's Brigade Staff (Belfast leadership), who feared that prisoner participation in the protest was being interpreted as a show of solidarity with the Provisional IRA. Inside the Maze he became the wing commander of H Block 2.

Wright later claimed that his decision to join the YCV had been influenced by the Kingsmill massacre of January 1976, when ten local Protestant civilians were killed by republicans. Wright's cousin Jim Wright, future father-in-law Billy Corrigan, and brother-in-law Leslie Corrigan, were also killed by republicans in this period. Wright later said of the Kingsmill massacre, "I was 15 when those workmen were pulled out of that bus and shot dead. I was a Protestant and I realised that they had been killed simply because they were Protestants. I left Mountnorris, came back to Portadown and immediately joined the youth wing of the UVF. I felt it was my duty to help my people and that is what I have been doing ever since."
Locals say he was also "indoctrinated" by local loyalist paramilitaries; however he had personally come to the conclusion that the UVF was the only organisation that had the "moral right" to defend the Protestant people.

Wright was released from the Maze Prison in 1980. Whilst inside he had nursed a deep resentment against the British state for having imprisoned him for being a loyalist. He was met in the car park by his aunt and girlfriend. In a final act of defiance against the authorities, Wright raised his face up towards a British Army observation tower on the Maze's perimeter fence and shouted "Up the UVF". Following his release, he went to Scotland where he lived for a brief period. He had been there only six weeks when he was taken in for questioning by the Anti-Terrorist Squad based at New Scotland Yard. Although he was not charged with any offences, Wright was nonetheless handed an exclusion order banning him from Great Britain.

Not long after his release from the Maze Prison, Wright was re-arrested, along with a number of UVF operatives in the area on evidence provided by Clifford McKeown, a "supergrass" within the movement. Wright was charged with murder, attempted murder, and the possession of explosives. He was detained in Crumlin Road Prison for ten months. The cases, however, ended without any major convictions after McKeown changed his mind and ceased giving evidence.

Born-again Christian

Wright returned to Portadown and initially tried to avoid paramilitarism. He found a job as an insurance salesman and married his girlfriend Thelma Corrigan, by whom he had two daughters, Sara and Ashleen. He took in his sister Angela's son to be raised alongside his own children when she went to live in the United States. He was regarded as a good father. In 1983, he became a born again Christian and lay preacher in the Free Presbyterian Church and began working as a gospel preacher in County Armagh. He had studied Christianity whilst in prison to pass the time."The State sanctioned the murder of my son". ''Sunday Herald''. Chris Anderson. 5 September 1999.
Retrieved 5 September 2011, via HighBeam.com

As a consequence of his religious conversion, Wright eschewed the highlife favoured by many of his loyalist contemporaries such as Johnny Adair and Stephen McKeag, abstaining from alcohol, tobacco and illegal drugs. He read a lot, including Irish history and theology. In particular he studied the history of Protestantism in Europe. Wright's religious faith had contradictory influences on his life. On the one hand, he argued that his faith drove him to defend the "Protestant people of Ulster", while at the same time, he conceded that the cold-blooded murder of non-combatant civilians would ensure his damnation. He spoke of this dilemma during an interview with Martin Dillon:

When asked by Dillon whether or not the conflict was a religious war, he replied: "I certainly believe religion is part of the equation. I don't think you can leave religion out of it".

Angela Wright later claimed that her brother had foreseen the September 11 attacks when he told her that as she was living in New York she was abiding in a "city of sin"; he then went on to predict that the World Trade Center towers would be destroyed from the air.

Mid-Ulster UVF commander

In the late 1980s, after a five-year absence from the organisation, Wright resumed his UVF activities. This was in consequence of the November 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement which angered unionists because it gave the Irish Government an advisory role in Northern Ireland's government. There were frequent raids by the RUC and British Army on his home in Portadown's Corcrain estate. Although he was arrested repeatedly on suspicion of murder and conspiracy, he never faced any charges.

Wright rapidly ascended to a position of prominence within the UVF ranks, eventually assuming leadership of the local Portadown unit. He became commander of the UVF's Mid-Ulster Brigade in the early 1990s, having taken over from his mentor Robin "the Jackal" Jackson, who had been the leader since July 1975 and one of Wright's instructors in the use of weaponry. Jackson was implicated in the 1974 Dublin car bombings, the Miami Showband killings and a series of sectarian attacks. Founded in 1972 by its first commander Billy Hanna, the Mid-Ulster Brigade operated mainly around the Portadown and Lurgan areas. It was a self-contained, semi-autonomous unit which maintained a considerable distance from the Brigade Staff in Belfast. Holding the rank of brigadier, Wright directed up to 20 sectarian killings, according to the Northern Ireland security forces, although he was never convicted in connection with any of them.

In March 1991, the Mid-Ulster UVF killed three Catholic civilians in the Craigavon mobile shop shootings. The gunman shot two teenage girls in the head, then forced a male customer to lie on the pavement and shot him also. Loyalist sources later told the '' Sunday World'' newspaper the attack had been ordered and planned in Portadown by Billy Wright and Mark Fulton.

While most of Wright's unit's victims were Catholic civilians, some were republican paramilitaries. On 3 March 1991, the Mid-Ulster UVF shot dead three Provisional IRA men, along with a middle-aged civilian, in an ambush outside Boyle's Bar in Cappagh, County Tyrone. Wright was widely blamed by nationalists and much of the press for having led this attack. According to Paul Larkin in his book ''A Very British Jihad: collusion, conspiracy and cover-up in Northern Ireland'', UVF members at Cappagh claimed they had to drag Wright into the car as he became so frenzied once he started shooting that he didn't want to stop. British journalist Peter Taylor, however, stated in his book ''Loyalists'' that reliable UVF sources told him Wright was not involved. The RUC arrested Wright after the shootings. During the interrogation he provided the RUC with an alibi which placed him in Dungannon when the Cappagh attack occurred, and the RUC confirmed this. Wright considered Cappagh to have been a successful UVF operation. ''The Guardian'' newspaper quoted him as saying, "I would look back and say that Cappagh was probably our best". The Cappagh attack surprised the Provisional IRA East Tyrone Brigade, as it had been carried out in a village which was an IRA stronghold, a departure from the usual arbitrary killings of Catholic civilians. Wright boasted that he and his Mid-Ulster unit had "put the East Tyrone Brigade of the IRA on the run" and "decimated" them. But according to authors Henry McDonald and Jim Cusack in their book "UVF: The Endgame", the UVF leadership insists Wright was not behind the Cappagh killings, instead it was UVF units from outside Portadown and that the UVF leadership even encouraged the "King Rat" myth for the media to help the heat to be taken off the units who were actually responsible for the attack. Furthermore, they state the Mid-Ulster UVF is not just the Portadown unit, but that it is made up of units from Dungannon, south Londonderry, Armagh City, Cookstown, Lurgan and smaller rural units from mid-Ulster.

The IRA tried to kill Wright on five occasions. On 23 October 1992 they planted a bomb under his car on West Street, Portadown. Wright found the bomb, which had fallen off, after being told a man was seen crouching beside the car. In June 1994, RUC officers visited Wright to warn him that someone had been seen tampering with his car. The officers were with him while he searched his car, but found nothing. Wright then sat in the car and started it, which detonated a bomb planted in the engine and set the car on fire. He escaped with minor injuries. The North Armagh Brigade of the IRA claimed responsibility.

As part of the Northern Ireland peace process, the IRA called a ceasefire in July 1994. This was followed by the Combined Loyalist Military Command (CLMC) calling a ceasefire on 13 October 1994. Wright was initially caught up in the euphoria, calling it "the happiest day of my life". However he became skeptical of the IRA's ceasefire, and soon he publicly disagreed with the UVF leadership calling their ceasefire. Wright "detested what he saw as concessions to rishnationalists enshrined in the tentative peace process, and accused the leaders of unionism and loyalism of betraying the cause". He eventually denounced the peace process as a sell-out.

Journalist Susan McKay, writing in ''The Guardian'', was one of the first to report that Wright at this time ran a lucrative protection racket and was one of the most significant drug dealers in the Portadown area, primarily in ecstasy.

King Rat

Wright's unit called themselves the "Brat pack". The nickname "King Rat" was first given to Wright by the Mid-Ulster Ulster Defence Association (UDA) commander Robert John Kerr as a form of pub bantering. According to journalist and author Paul Larkin, Kerr sat inside a pub and jokingly bestowed a nickname on each patron as they entered. When Wright walked through the door, Kerr gave him the sobriquet of "King Rat"."Death of a Journalist". ''Cic Saor''. 20 December 2006. Retrieved 21 June 2011
/ref> ''Sunday World'' journalists Martin O'Hagan and Jim Campbell picked up on it and satirically named them the "rat pack"; they also used the name "King Rat" to identify Wright. Much to Wright's annoyance, the name became popular with the media. In response, Wright had the newspaper's offices bombed and issued a death threat to O'Hagan and anyone who worked for the paper.

In an interview with Martin Dillon, he blamed the police raids, republican death threats and the "King Rat" nickname as factors which eventually caused the break-up of his marriage. He nevertheless maintained cordial relations with his ex-wife, Thelma, whom he described as a "good Christian".

Drumcree standoff

The Drumcree conflict, stemming from an Orange Order protest at Drumcree Church after their parade had been banned from marching through the predominantly nationalist Catholic Garvaghy area of Portadown, returned to the headlines in 1995 with trouble expected in Wright's Portadown stronghold. Just before the July marching season Irish government representative Fergus Finlay held a meeting with Wright in which the latter pledged his loyalty to the peace process and David Ervine in particular, although Wright also warned Finlay that loyalist views had to be respected. Cracks began to show however as Wright felt that the UVF response to the trouble had been inordinately low-key whilst his taste for the Progressive Unionist Party (PUP) strategy also began to wane as the party moved increasingly towards a form of socialism, an ideology repugnant to Wright. A further problem arose when Wright, who by that time was a popular loyalist figure across Northern Ireland, travelled to the Shankill Road in Belfast in late 1995 to try to overturn a ban preventing an Orange Order parade entering a neighbouring Catholic area. Wright had hoped to bring local UVF units onto the streets of the Shankill to force an overturning of the ban but the Shankill commanders refused to put their units at Wright's disposal, having assured the British authorities that they would not in a series of secret negotiations. Wright returned to Portadown in disgust, accusing the Belfast UVF of having surrendered. Nonetheless, when Wright was arrested in late 1995 for intimidation he was still on good terms with the UVF, whose magazine ''Combat'' called for his release.

In January 1996, Wright once again travelled to Belfast where he dropped a verbal bombshell by announcing that the Mid-Ulster Brigade would no longer operate under the authority of the Brigade Staff.The Billy Wright Inquiry – Report, chaired by The Right Honourable Lord MacLean. 14 September 2010. pp.56–57
Retrieved 6 September 2011 That same year Wright was ordered to attend a meeting called by the Brigade Staff at "the Eagle", their headquarters above a chip shop (bearing the same name) on the Shankill Road, to answer charges of alleged drug dealing and being a police informer. The latter accusation came about after the loss of a substantial amount of weapons from the Mid-Ulster Brigade and a large number of its members had been arrested. Wright refused to attend and continued to flout Brigade Staff authority.Bruce, Steve (2004). "Turf War and Peace: Loyalist Paramilitaries Since 1994", ''Terrorism and Political Violence'', Vol.16, Number 3, pp.501–21. Routledge. p.510

Following the decision by RUC Chief Constable Hugh Annesley to ban the Orange parade through the Garvaghy Road area of Portadown in the summer of 1996, a protest campaign of road blockages and general disruption was organised across Northern Ireland by the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). The protests, which led to a reversal of the ban, saw no official UVF involvement although Wright, despite not being a member of the Orange Order, was personally involved and led a sizeable force of his men to Drumcree. Wright and the Mid-Ulster Brigade attracted considerable attention from the global media as they made a show of strength and defended the Orangemen's right to march their traditional route. The brigade manned the barricades, and brought homemade weapons to the church; among these was a mechanical digger and a petrol tanker. There was intelligence that Wright and his unit had planned to attack the British Army and police who were blocking the Orangemen's passage. Television cameras broadcast Wright directing rioters on Drumcree hill against the security forces. Wright even held a meeting with one of the central figures in the operation, UUP leader David Trimble, and he was often seen in the company of Harold Gracey, Grand Master of the Portadown District Orange Lodge.

Wright stood around , had close-cropped blond hair and cold, pale blue eyes.
Peter Taylor had been at Drumcree that July and got a close-up view of Wright. Taylor described Wright as a "charismatic leader". Clad in neat jeans, white T-shirt and wearing a single gold earring, he displayed a muscular build. Flanked by two bodyguards, Wright's sudden appearance at Drumcree had inspired much admiration from the young boys and girls who were present. Journalist David McKittrick in the ''Belfast Telegraph'' described Wright as having been heavily tattooed, who walked with a "characteristic strut that radiated restrained menace"; and had a "bullet head, close-cropped with small ears and deep-set, piercing eyes".Billy Wright: the loyalist assassin too violent for his comrades
"Billy Wright: the loyalist assassin too violent for his comrades". ''Belfast Telegraph. David McKittrick. 15 September 2010]. Retrieved 10 September 2011 Martin Dillon, who had interviewed him in his home in Portadown, admitted that he had been pleasant and charming throughout the interview, yet throughout the encounter Dillon had "sensed a dark side to his character". Wright was also considered to have been a "political thinker and capable strategist".The Rosemary Nelson Inquiry Report. p.155. Retrieved 27 September 2011

As a result of the Belfast leadership's inaction, Wright ordered several killings on his own initiative. On 9 July 1996, at the height of the Drumcree standoff, the dead body of Catholic taxi driver, Murder of Michael McGoldrick, Michael McGoldrick, was found in his cab in a remote lane at Aghagallon, near Lurgan, a day after having picked up a fare in the town. He had been shot five times in the head. Both the UVF and the UDA released statements emphatically denying involvement in McGoldrick's killing. According to PUP leader David Ervine, Wright had ordered the killing for the purpose of incriminating the UVF Brigade Staff by making it appear as if they had sanctioned it. To further Wright's ploy, a handgun had been sent down to the Mid-Ulster Brigade from the Shankill UVF arms dump, but as the weapon had no forensic history the plot backfired. Several years later, Clifford McKeown, the former supergrass, was convicted of the murder of McGoldrick. McKeown, who had claimed that the killing was a birthday present for Wright, was sentenced to 24 years imprisonment for his involvement in the murder.

Leader of the Loyalist Volunteer Force

Wright, along with the Portadown unit of the Mid-Ulster Brigade, was stood down on 2 August 1996 by the UVF's Brigade Staff for the unauthorised attack on McGoldrick, insubordination, and undermining the peace process. Wright was expelled from the UVF and also threatened with execution by the Combined Loyalist Military Command if he did not leave Northern Ireland.

Wright expressed the following sentiments regarding the CLMC death threat in an interview with journalist Emer Woodful in late August 1996:

My heart goes out to my family at a time like this. Well, if you think you're right, then you're right. Although I have done nothing wrong except express an opinion that's the prevalent opinion of the people of Northern Ireland and I will always do that, dear, no matter what the price. Well, I've been prepared to die for long many a year. I don't wish to die, but at the end of the day no one will force their opinions down my throat – no one.

Other units of the Mid-Ulster Brigade soon affirmed their loyalty to the leadership. Wright ignored an order to leave Northern Ireland by 1 September 1996, and hours before the deadline attended a Royal Black Preceptory march and a celebration at a club in Portadown's Corcrain estate, receiving a hero's welcome at both events. The security services reported that every lodge and band participating stopped near Billy Wright so that members could shake his hand. On 4 September, at least 5,000 loyalists attended a rally in Portadown in support of Wright. The rally was addressed by Reverend William McCrea (a DUP Member of Parliament) and Harold Gracey (head of the Portadown Orange Lodge). McCrea made a speech critical of David Ervine and Billy Hutchinson for what he felt was their involvement in the death threats. McCrea's sharing of the stage with a militant such as Wright caused uproar, although he argued that he was merely supporting Wright's entitlement to freedom of speech.

Ignoring the threat, Wright, in a public show of defiance, formed the Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF), taking members mainly from the officially-disbanded Portadown unit of the UVF Mid-Ulster Brigade. According to writers John Robert Gold and George Revill, Wright's "mythical stature" amongst loyalists "provided him with the status necessary to form the LVF" in the traditional UVF stronghold of Portadown. Appearing at a Drumcree protest rally, Wright made the following statement: "I will not be leaving Ulster, I will not change my mind about what I believe is happening in Ulster. But all I would like to say is that it has broken my heart to think that fellow loyalists would turn their guns on me, and I have to ask them, 'For whom are you doing it?'".Ireland Revisited Week 21. ''The Examiner''. Paul Malone. 8 February 2011.
Retrieved 2 October 2011 Wright's hardline stance won the support of a number of leading loyalists, including UVF colleague Jackie Mahood, Frankie Curry of the Red Hand Commandos and Alex Kerr of the UDA. Kerr, another key figure at the Drumcree standoff, had also been ordered by the Combined Loyalist Military Command to leave Northern Ireland on pain of execution.

They were joined by other loyalists disaffected by the peace process, giving them a maximum strength estimated at around 250 activists. They operated outside the Combined Loyalist Military Command and ignored the ceasefire order of October 1994. Wright denounced the UVF leadership as "communists", for the left wing inclinations of some of their public statements about reconciliation with nationalists. Wright was strongly anti-communist and his belief in this was increased by a series of meetings he held with representatives of far right Christian groups from the southern states of the US. From these meetings, organised by Pastor Kenny McClinton, Wright was introduced to conspiracy theories about the role of communists in bringing down Christian morality, ideas that appealed to him. In a somewhat similar vein, Wright also enjoyed close relations with a Bolton-based cell of activists belonging to the neo-Nazi organisation Combat 18 and had members of this group staying in Portadown during the build-up to the Drumcree stand-off in 1997. The UVF in its turn, regarded Wright setting up a rival loyalist organisation in the Mid-Ulster area as "treason". Members of the Belfast UVF often contemptuously referred to Wright as "Billy Wrong", with one UVF leader suggesting that Wright was motivated by "religious zealotry and blind bigotry". The LVF was proscribed by Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Mo Mowlam in June 1997.

Wright personally devised the LVF's codename of "Covenant" which was used to claim its attacks."Religion and Violence: the Case of Paisley and Ulster Evangelicals". ''The Irish Association – Paper presented by Steve Bruce''. UK: University of Aberdeen. 11 October 2003
Retrieved 25 June 2012 The LVF published a document stating their aims and objectives

The use of the Ulster conflict as a crucible for far-reaching, fundamental and decisive change in the United Kingdom constitution. To restore Ulster's right to self-determination. To end Irish nationalist aggression against Ulster in whatever form. To end all forms of Irish interference in Ulster's internal affairs. To thwart the creation and/or implementation of any All-Ireland/All-Island political super-structure regardless of the powers vested in such institutions. To defeat the campaign of de-Britishization and Gaelicisation of Ulster's daily life."Quis Separabit? Loyalist transformation and the strategic environment". Chapter Seven. ''Academia.edu''. Lindsey Harris. Papers by Lyndsey Harris.
Retrieved 9 September 2011. Document is held in the Linen Hall Library, Belfast.

Imprisonment

Despite a series of sectarian murders and attacks on Catholic property by the LVF from 1996 to early 1997 (although they were not claimed by the organisation), Wright was not arrested until January 1997. He was charged with committing an act with intent to pervert the course of justice, and making death threats against a woman, Gwen Read. This threat followed an altercation with Read's family and LVF members. On 7 March he was sentenced to eight years imprisonment for both offences and initially imprisoned at HMP Maghaberry. On 18 March, he was visited by DUP politician Peter Robinson (who later became First Minister of Northern Ireland in 2008). During the meeting, Wright told Robinson he believed an attempt on his life by republicans was imminent.

He was sent to the Maze in April 1997. He demanded and was granted an LVF section in C and D wings of H-block 6 (H6) for himself and 26 fellow inmates. INLA prisoners were housed in the A and B wings, and the Irish Republican Socialist Party (IRSP, the political wing of the INLA) warned there would be trouble if the prisoners were not kept segregated. In August 1997, LVF prisoners, led by Wright, rioted over their visiting accommodation in the Maze.The Billy Wright Inquiry: The August Riot and the Loyalist Volunteer Force's Return to H-Block 6: Background. p.286
/ref>

Wright continued to direct LVF operations from the prison, although his deputy Mark "Swinger" Fulton served as its nominal leader. LVF membership increased during Wright's imprisonment; by October 1997, membership in the organisation was between 150 and 200, many of them former UVF members disillusioned with the ceasefire. It was afterwards discovered that he had kept an irregular diary whilst in prison. On some of the pages he had made subtle threats to Catholic human rights solicitor Rosemary Nelson (killed in 1999 by a Red Hand Defenders

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