Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov[a] (22 April 1870 – 21
January 1924), better known by his alias Lenin,[b] was a
Russian revolutionary, politician, and political theorist. He served
as head of government of Soviet
Russia from 1917 to 1922 and of the
Soviet Union from 1922 to 1924. Under his administration,
then the wider
Soviet Union became a one-party communist state
governed by the Russian Communist Party. Ideologically a communist, he
developed a variant of
Marxism known as Leninism; his ideas were
posthumously codified as Marxism–Leninism.
Born to a moderately prosperous middle-class family in Simbirsk, Lenin
embraced revolutionary socialist politics following his brother's 1887
execution. Expelled from
Kazan Imperial University for participating
in protests against the Russian Empire's Tsarist government, he
devoted the following years to a law degree. He moved to Saint
Petersburg in 1893 and became a senior Marxist activist. In 1897, he
was arrested for sedition and exiled to
Shushenskoye for three years,
where he married Nadezhda Krupskaya. After his exile, he moved to
Western Europe, where he became a prominent theorist in the Marxist
Russian Social Democratic Labour Party
Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP). In 1903, he took a key
role in a RSDLP ideological split, leading the Bolshevik faction
against Julius Martov's Mensheviks. Encouraging insurrection during
Revolution of 1905, he later campaigned for the First
War to be transformed into a Europe-wide proletarian revolution,
which as a Marxist he believed would cause the overthrow of capitalism
and its replacement with socialism. After the 1917 February Revolution
Tsar and established a Provisional Government, he returned
Russia to play a leading role in the October Revolution, in which
Bolsheviks overthrew the new regime.
Lenin's Bolshevik government initially shared power with the Left
Socialist Revolutionaries, elected soviets, and a multi-party
Constituent Assembly, although by 1918 it had centralised power in the
new Communist Party. Lenin's administration redistributed land among
the peasantry and nationalised banks and large-scale industry. It
withdrew from the
First World War
First World War by signing a treaty with the Central
Powers and promoted world revolution through the Communist
International. Opponents were suppressed in the Red Terror, a violent
campaign administered by the state security services; tens of
thousands were killed or interned in concentration camps. His
administration defeated right and left-wing anti-Bolshevik armies in
Russian Civil War
Russian Civil War from 1917 to 1922 and oversaw the
Polish–Soviet War of 1919–1921. Responding to wartime devastation,
famine, and popular uprisings, in 1921
Lenin encouraged economic
growth through the market-oriented New Economic Policy. Several
non-Russian nations secured independence after 1917, but three
Russia through the formation of the
Soviet Union in
1922. In increasingly poor health,
Lenin died at his dacha in Gorki,
Joseph Stalin succeeding him as the pre-eminent figure in the
Widely considered one of the most significant and influential figures
of the 20th century,
Lenin was the posthumous subject of a pervasive
personality cult within the
Soviet Union until its dissolution in
1991. He became an ideological figurehead behind Marxism–Leninism
and thus a prominent influence over the international communist
movement. A controversial and highly divisive historical figure, Lenin
is viewed by supporters as a champion of socialism and the working
class, while critics on both the left and right emphasize his role as
founder and leader of an authoritarian regime responsible for
political repression and mass killings.
1 Early life
1.1 Childhood: 1870–1887
1.2 University and political radicalisation: 1887–1893
2 Revolutionary activity
2.1 Early activism and imprisonment: 1893–1900
2.2 Munich, London, and Geneva: 1900–1905
Revolution of 1905
Revolution of 1905 and its aftermath: 1905–1914
2.4 First World War: 1914–1917
February Revolution and the July Days: 1917
2.6 October Revolution: 1917
3 Lenin's government
3.1 Organising the Soviet government: 1917–1918
3.2 Social, legal, and economic reform: 1917–1918
3.3 Treaty of Brest-Litovsk: 1917–1918
3.4 Anti-Kulak campaigns, Cheka, and Red Terror: 1918–1922
War and the Polish–Soviet War: 1918–1920
3.6 Comintern and world revolution: 1919–1920
3.7 Famine and the New Economic Policy: 1920–1922
3.8 Declining health and arguments with Stalin: 1920–1923
3.9 Death and funeral: 1923–1924
4 Political ideology
Marxism and Leninism
Democracy and the national question
5 Personal life and characteristics
6.1 Within the Soviet Union
6.2 In the international communist movement
7 See also
10 Further reading
11 External links
Main article: Early life of Vladimir Lenin
Lenin's childhood home in Simbirsk
Lenin's father, Ilya Nikolayevich Ulyanov, was from a family of serfs;
his ethnic origins remain unclear, with suggestions being made that he
was Russian, Chuvash, Mordvin, or Kalmyk. Despite this
lower-class background he had risen to middle-class status, studying
physics and mathematics at
Kazan Imperial University before teaching
at the Penza Institute for the Nobility. Ilya married Maria
Alexandrovna Blank in mid-1863. Well educated and from a
relatively prosperous background, she was the daughter of a wealthy
Lutheran mother, and a Russian
Jewish father who had
Christianity and worked as a physician. It is
Lenin was unaware of his mother's half-
which was only discovered by his sister Anna after his
death. Soon after their wedding, Ilya obtained a job in
Nizhny Novgorod, rising to become Director of Primary Schools in the
Simbirsk district six years later. Five years after that, he was
promoted to Director of Public Schools for the province, overseeing
the foundation of over 450 schools as a part of the government's plans
for modernisation. His dedication to education earned him the Order of
St. Vladimir, which bestowed on him the status of hereditary
An image of
Lenin at the age of three
Lenin was born in Simbirsk on 22 April 1870 and baptised
six days later; as a child he was known as "Volodya", a
diminutive of Vladimir. He was the third of eight
children, having two older siblings, Anna (born 1864) and Alexander
(born 1866). They were followed by three more children, Olga (born
1871), Dmitry (born 1874), and Maria (born 1878). Two later siblings
died in infancy. Ilya was a devout member of the Russian
Orthodox Church and baptised his children into it, although Maria—a
Lutheran by upbringing—was largely indifferent to Christianity, a
view that influenced her children.
Both parents were monarchists and liberal conservatives, being
committed to the emancipation reform of 1861 introduced by the
Tsar Alexander II; they avoided political radicals and there
is no evidence that the police ever put them under surveillance for
subversive thought. Every summer they holidayed at a rural
manor in Kokushkino. Among his siblings,
Lenin was closest
to his sister Olga, whom he often bossed around; he had an extremely
competitive nature and could be destructive, but usually admitted his
misbehaviour. A keen sportsman, he spent much of his free
time outdoors or playing chess, and excelled at school, the
disciplinarian and conservative Simbirsk Classical
In January 1886, when
Lenin was 15, his father died of a brain
haemorrhage. Subsequently, his behaviour became erratic
and confrontational and he renounced his belief in God. At
the time, Lenin's elder brother Alexander—whom he affectionately
knew as Sasha—was studying at
Saint Petersburg University. Involved
in political agitation against the absolute monarchy of the
Tsar Alexander III, Alexander Ulyanov studied the writings
of banned leftists and organised anti-government protests. He joined a
revolutionary cell bent on assassinating the
Tsar and was selected to
construct a bomb. Before the attack could take place the conspirators
were arrested and tried, and in May, Alexander was executed by
hanging. Despite the emotional trauma of his father's and
Lenin continued studying, graduated from school at
the top of his class with a gold medal for exceptional performance,
and decided to study law at
University and political radicalisation: 1887–1893
Kazan University in August 1887,
Lenin moved into a
nearby flat. There, he joined a zemlyachestvo, a form of
university society that represented the men of a particular
region. This group elected him as its representative to
the university's zemlyachestvo council, and in December, he took part
in a demonstration against government restrictions that banned student
societies. The police arrested
Lenin and accused him of being a
ringleader in the demonstration; he was expelled from the university,
and the Ministry of Internal Affairs exiled him to his family's
Kokushkino estate. There, he read voraciously, becoming
enamoured with Nikolay Chernyshevsky's 1863 pro-revolutionary novel
What Is To Be Done?.
Lenin's mother was concerned by her son's radicalisation, and was
instrumental in convincing the Interior Ministry to allow him to
return to the city of Kazan, but not the university. On
his return, he joined Nikolai Fedoseev's revolutionary circle, through
which he discovered Karl Marx's 1867 book Capital. This sparked his
interest in Marxism, a socio-political theory that argued that society
developed in stages, that this development resulted from class
struggle, and that capitalist society would ultimately give way to
socialist society and then communist society. Wary of his
political views, Lenin's mother bought a country estate in Alakaevka
village, Samara Oblast, in the hope that her son would turn his
attention to agriculture. He had little interest in farm management,
and his mother soon sold the land, keeping the house as a summer
Lenin came under the influence of Karl Marx.
In September 1889, the Ulyanov family moved to the city of Samara,
Lenin joined Alexei Sklyarenko's socialist discussion
Lenin fully embraced
Marxism and produced a
Russian language translation of Marx and Friedrich Engels's 1848
political pamphlet, The Communist Manifesto. He began to
read the works of the Russian Marxist Georgi Plekhanov, agreeing with
Plekhanov's argument that
Russia was moving from feudalism to
capitalism and so socialism would be implemented by the proletariat,
or urban working class, rather than the peasantry. This
Marxist perspective contrasted with the view of the agrarian-socialist
Narodnik movement, which held that the peasantry could establish
Russia by forming peasant communes, thereby bypassing
capitalism. This Narodnik view developed in the 1860s with the
People's Freedom Party and was then dominant within the Russian
Lenin rejected the premise of the
agrarian-socialist argument, but was influenced by agrarian-socialists
Pyotr Tkachev and Sergei Nechaev, and befriended several
In May 1890, Maria—who retained societal influence as the widow of a
nobleman—persuaded the authorities to allow
Lenin to take his exams
externally at the University of St Petersburg, where he obtained the
equivalent of a first-class degree with honours. The graduation
celebrations were marred when his sister Olga died of
Lenin remained in Samara for several years,
working first as a legal assistant for a regional court and then for a
local lawyer. He devoted much time to radical politics,
remaining active in Sklyarenko's group and formulating ideas about how
Marxism applied to Russia. Inspired by Plekhanov's work, Lenin
collected data on Russian society, using it to support a Marxist
interpretation of societal development and counter the claims of the
Narodniks. He wrote a paper on peasant economics; it was
rejected by the liberal journal Russian Thought.
Main article: Revolutionary activity of Vladimir Lenin
Early activism and imprisonment: 1893–1900
In late 1893,
Lenin moved to Saint Petersburg. There, he
worked as a barrister's assistant and rose to a senior position in a
Marxist revolutionary cell that called itself the "Social-Democrats"
after the Marxist Social Democratic Party of Germany.
Marxism within the socialist movement, he
encouraged the founding of revolutionary cells in Russia's industrial
centres. By late 1894, he was leading a Marxist workers'
circle, and meticulously covered his tracks, knowing that police spies
tried to infiltrate the movement. He began a romantic
relationship with Nadezhda "Nadya" Krupskaya, a Marxist
schoolteacher. He also authored a political tract
criticising the Narodnik agrarian-socialists, What the "Friends of the
People" Are and How They Fight the Social-Democrats, based largely on
his experiences in Samara; around 200 copies were illegally printed in
Lenin hoped to cement connections between his Social-Democrats and
Emancipation of Labour, a group of Russian Marxist émigrés based in
Switzerland; he visited the country to meet group members Plekhanov
and Pavel Axelrod. He proceeded to Paris to meet Marx's
Paul Lafargue and to research the
Paris Commune of 1871,
which he considered an early prototype for a proletarian
government. Financed by his mother, he stayed in a Swiss
health spa before travelling to Berlin, where he studied for six weeks
at the Staatsbibliothek and met the Marxist activist Wilhelm
Liebknecht. Returning to
Russia with a stash of illegal
revolutionary publications, he travelled to various cities
distributing literature to striking workers. While
involved in producing a news sheet, Rabochee delo ("Workers' Cause"),
he was among 40 activists arrested in St. Petersburg and charged with
Lenin (seated centre) with other members of the League of Struggle
Emancipation of the Working Class in 1897
Refused legal representation or bail,
Lenin denied all charges against
him but remained imprisoned for a year before sentencing.
He spent this time theorising and writing. In this work he noted that
the rise of industrial capitalism in
Russia had caused large numbers
of peasants to move to the cities, where they formed a proletariat.
From his Marxist perspective,
Lenin argued that this Russian
proletariat would develop class consciousness, which would in turn
lead them to violently overthrow Tsarism, the aristocracy, and the
bourgeoisie and to establish a proletariat state that would move
In February 1897, he was sentenced without trial to three years' exile
in eastern Siberia. He was granted a few days in
Saint Petersburg to
put his affairs in order and used this time to meet with the
Social-Democrats, who had renamed themselves the League of Struggle
Emancipation of the Working Class. His journey to
eastern Siberia took 11 weeks, for much of which he was accompanied by
his mother and sisters. Deemed only a minor threat to the government,
he was exiled to a peasant's hut in Shushenskoye, Minusinsky District,
where he was kept under police surveillance; he was nevertheless able
to correspond with other revolutionaries, many of whom visited him,
and permitted to go on trips to swim in the
Yenisei River and to hunt
duck and snipe.
In May 1898, Nadya joined him in exile, having been arrested in August
1896 for organising a strike. She was initially posted to Ufa, but
persuaded the authorities to move her to Shushenskoye, claiming that
Lenin were engaged; they married in a church on 10 July
1898. Settling into a family life with Nadya's mother
Elizaveta Vasilyevna, in
Shushenskoye the couple translated English
socialist literature into Russian. Keen to keep up with
developments in German Marxism – where there had been an
ideological split, with revisionists like
Eduard Bernstein advocating
a peaceful, electoral path to socialism –
devoted to violent revolution, attacking revisionist arguments in A
Protest by Russian Social-Democrats. He also finished The
Russia (1899), his longest book to date,
which criticised the agrarian-socialists and promoted a Marxist
analysis of Russian economic development. Published under the
pseudonym of "Vladimir Ilin", upon publication it received
predominantly poor reviews.
Munich, London, and Geneva: 1900–1905
Lenin in 1916, while in Switzerland
After his exile,
Lenin settled in
Pskov in early 1900.
There, he began raising funds for a newspaper,
Iskra ("Spark"), a new
organ of the Russian Marxist party, now calling itself the Russian
Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP). In July 1900,
Russia for Western Europe; in Switzerland he met other
Russian Marxists, and at a
Corsier conference they agreed to launch
the paper from Munich, where
Lenin relocated in September.
Containing contributions from prominent European Marxists,
smuggled into Russia, becoming the country's most
successful underground publication for 50 years. He first
adopted the pseudonym "Lenin" in December 1901, possibly based on the
River Lena; he often used the fuller pseudonym of "N.
Lenin", and while the N did not stand for anything, a popular
misconception later arose that it represented "Nikolai".
Under this pseudonym, he published the political pamphlet What Is To
Be Done? in 1902; his most influential publication to date, it dealt
with Lenin's thoughts on the need for a vanguard party to lead the
proletariat to revolution.
Lenin in Munich, becoming his personal
secretary. They continued their political agitation, as
Lenin wrote for
Iskra and drafted the RSDLP programme, attacking
ideological dissenters and external critics, particularly the
Socialist Revolutionary Party
Socialist Revolutionary Party (SR), a Narodnik
agrarian-socialist group founded in 1901. Despite
remaining a Marxist, he accepted the Narodnik view on the
revolutionary power of the Russian peasantry, accordingly penning the
1903 pamphlet To the Village Poor. To evade Bavarian
Lenin moved to London with
Iskra in April 1902,
there becoming friends with fellow Russian Marxist Leon
Trotsky. In London,
Lenin fell ill with erysipelas and was
unable to take such a leading role on the
Iskra editorial board; in
his absence, the board moved its base of operations to
The second RSDLP Congress was held in London in July 1903.
At the conference, a schism emerged between Lenin's supporters and
those of Julius Martov. Martov argued that party members should be
able to express themselves independently of the party leadership;
Lenin disagreed, emphasising the need for a strong leadership with
complete control over the party. Lenin's supporters were
in the majority, and
Lenin termed them the "majoritarians"
(bol'sheviki in Russian; thus Bolsheviks); in response, Martov termed
his followers the "minoritarians" (men'sheviki in Russian; thus
Mensheviks). Arguments between
Bolsheviks and Mensheviks
continued after the conference; the
Bolsheviks accused their rivals of
being opportunists and reformists who lacked discipline, while the
Lenin of being a despot and autocrat.
Enraged at the Mensheviks,
Lenin resigned from the
board and in May 1904 published the anti-Menshevik tract One Step
Forward, Two Steps Back. The stress made
Lenin ill, and to
recuperate he went on a hiking holiday in rural
Switzerland. The Bolshevik faction grew in strength; by
the spring, the whole RSDLP Central Committee was
Bolshevik, and in December they founded the newspaper
Revolution of 1905
Revolution of 1905 and its aftermath: 1905–1914
In January 1905, the Bloody Sunday massacre of protesters in St.
Petersburg sparked a spate of civil unrest in the
Russian Empire known
Revolution of 1905.
Bolsheviks to take
a greater role in the events, encouraging violent
insurrection. In doing so, he adopted SR slogans regarding
"armed insurrection", "mass terror", and "the expropriation of gentry
land", resulting in Menshevik accusations that he had deviated from
orthodox Marxism. In turn, he insisted that the Bolsheviks
split completely with the Mensheviks; many
Bolsheviks refused, and
both groups attended the Third RSDLP Congress, held in London in April
Lenin presented many of his ideas in the pamphlet
Two Tactics of Social
Democracy in the Democratic Revolution,
published in August 1905. Here, he predicted that Russia's liberal
bourgeoisie would be sated by a transition to constitutional monarchy
and thus betray the revolution; instead he argued that the proletariat
would have to build an alliance with the peasantry to overthrow the
Tsarist regime and establish the "provisional revolutionary democratic
dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry".
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The uprising has begun. Force against Force. Street fighting is
raging, barricades are being thrown up, rifles are cracking, guns are
booming. Rivers of blood are flowing, the civil war for freedom is
blazing up. Moscow and the South, the
Caucasus and Poland are ready to
join the proletariat of St. Petersburg. The slogan of the workers has
become: Death or Freedom!
Lenin on the
Revolution of 1905
In response to the revolution of 1905—which had failed to overthrow
Nicholas II accepted a series of liberal reforms
in his October Manifesto. In this climate,
Lenin felt it safe to
return to St. Petersburg. Joining the editorial board of
Novaya Zhizn ("New Life"), a radical legal newspaper run by Maria
Andreyeva, he used it to discuss issues facing the RSDLP.
He encouraged the party to seek out a much wider membership, and
advocated the continual escalation of violent confrontation, believing
both to be necessary for a successful revolution.
Recognising that membership fees and donations from a few wealthy
sympathisers were insufficient to finance the Bolsheviks' activities,
Lenin endorsed the idea of robbing post offices, railway stations,
trains, and banks. Under the lead of Leonid Krasin, a group of
Bolsheviks began carrying out such criminal actions, the best known
taking place in June 1907, when a group of
Bolsheviks acting under the
Joseph Stalin committed an armed robbery of the State
Bank in Tiflis, Georgia.
Although he briefly supported the idea of reconciliation between
Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, Lenin's advocacy of violence
and robbery was condemned by the
Mensheviks at the Fourth Party
Congress, held in
Stockholm in April 1906.
involved in setting up a Bolshevik Centre in Kuokkala, Grand Duchy of
Finland, which was at the time a semi-autonomous part of the Russian
Empire, before the
Bolsheviks regained dominance of the RSDLP at its
Fifth Congress, held in London in May 1907. As the Tsarist
government cracked down on opposition – both by disbanding Russia's
legislative assembly, the Second Duma, and by ordering its secret
police, the Okhrana, to arrest revolutionaries –
Lenin fled Finland
for Switzerland. There he tried to exchange those
banknotes stolen in
Tiflis that had identifiable serial numbers on
Alexander Bogdanov and other prominent
Bolsheviks decided to relocate
the Bolshevik Centre to Paris; although
Lenin disagreed, he moved to
the city in December 1908.
Lenin disliked Paris,
lambasting it as "a foul hole", and while there he sued a motorist who
knocked him off his bike.
Lenin became very critical of
Bogdanov's view that Russia's proletariat had to develop a socialist
culture in order to become a successful revolutionary vehicle.
Lenin favoured a vanguard of socialist intelligentsia who
would lead the working-classes in revolution. Furthermore,
Bogdanov – influenced by Ernest Mach – believed that all
concepts of the world were relative, whereas
Lenin stuck to the
orthodox Marxist view that there was an objective reality independent
of human observation. Bogdanov and
together at Maxim Gorky's villa in
Capri in April 1908; on
returning to Paris,
Lenin encouraged a split within the Bolshevik
faction between his and Bogdanov's followers, accusing the latter of
deviating from Marxism.
Lenin undertook research at the
British Museum in London.
In May 1908,
Lenin lived briefly in London, where he used the British
Museum Reading Room to write Materialism and Empirio-criticism, an
attack on what he described as the "bourgeois-reactionary falsehood"
of Bogdanov's relativism. Lenin's factionalism began to
alienate increasing numbers of Bolsheviks, including his former close
Alexei Rykov and Lev Kamenev. The Okhrana
exploited his factionalist attitude by sending a spy, Roman
Malinovsky, to act as a vocal
Lenin supporter within the party.
Bolsheviks expressed their suspicions about Malinovsky to
Lenin, although it is unclear if the latter was aware of the spy's
duplicity; it is possible that he used Malinovsky to feed false
information to the Okhrana.
In August 1910,
Lenin attended the Eighth Congress of the Second
International – an international meeting of socialists – in
Copenhagen as the RSDLP's representative, following this with a
Stockholm with his mother. With his wife and
sisters he then moved to France, settling first in Bombon and then
Paris. Here, he became a close friend to the French
Bolshevik Inessa Armand; some biographers suggest that they had an
extra-marital affair from 1910 to 1912. Meanwhile, at a
Paris meeting in June 1911, the RSDLP Central Committee decided to
move their focus of operations back to Russia, ordering the closure of
the Bolshevik Centre and its newspaper, Proletari.
Seeking to rebuild his influence in the party,
Lenin arranged for a
party conference to be held in
Prague in January 1912, and although 16
of the 18 attendants were Bolsheviks, he was heavily criticised for
his factionalist tendencies and failed to boost his status within the
Kraków in the Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria, a
culturally Polish part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, he used
Jagellonian University's library to conduct research. He
stayed in close contact with the RSDLP, which was operating in the
Russian Empire, convincing the Duma's Bolshevik members to split from
their parliamentary alliance with the Mensheviks. In
January 1913, Stalin – whom
Lenin referred to as the "wonderful
Georgian" – visited him, and they discussed the future of
non-Russian ethnic groups in the Empire. Due to the
ailing health of both
Lenin and his wife, they moved to the rural town
of Biały Dunajec, before heading to
Bern for Nadya to
have surgery on her goitre.
First World War: 1914–1917
The [First World] war is being waged for the division of colonies and
the robbery of foreign territory; thieves have fallen out–and to
refer to the defeats at a given moment of one of the thieves in order
to identify the interests of all thieves with the interests of the
nation or the fatherland is an unconscionable bourgeois lie.
Lenin on his interpretation of the First World War
Lenin was in Galicia when the
First World War
First World War broke out.
The war pitted the
Russian Empire against the Austro-Hungarian Empire,
and due to his Russian citizenship,
Lenin was arrested and briefly
imprisoned until his anti-Tsarist credentials were
Lenin and his wife returned to
Bern, before relocating to
Zürich in February
Lenin was angry that the German Social-Democratic
Party was supporting the German war effort – a direct contravention
of the Second International's Stuttgart resolution that socialist
parties would oppose the conflict – and thus saw the Second
International as defunct. He attended the Zimmerwald
Conference in September 1915 and the
Kienthal Conference in April
1916, urging socialists across the continent to convert
the "imperialist war" into a continent-wide "civil war" with the
proletariat pitted against the bourgeoisie and
aristocracy. In July 1916, Lenin's mother died, but he
was unable to attend her funeral. Her death deeply
affected him, and he became depressed, fearing that he too would die
before seeing the proletarian revolution.
In September 1917,
Lenin published Imperialism, the Highest Stage of
Capitalism, which argued that imperialism was a product of monopoly
capitalism, as capitalists sought to increase their profits by
extending into new territories where wages were lower and raw
materials cheaper. He believed that competition and conflict would
increase and that war between the imperialist powers would continue
until they were overthrown by proletariat revolution and socialism
established. He spent much of this time reading the works
of Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, Ludwig Feuerbach, and Aristotle, all
of whom had been key influences on Marx. This changed
Lenin's interpretation of Marxism; whereas he once believed that
policies could be developed based on predetermined scientific
principles, he concluded that the only test of whether a policy was
correct was its practice. He still perceived himself as
an orthodox Marxist, but he began to diverge from some of Marx's
predictions about societal development; whereas Marx had believed that
a "bourgeoisie-democratic revolution" of the middle-classes had to
take place before a "socialist revolution" of the proletariat, Lenin
believed that in Russia, the proletariat could overthrow the Tsarist
regime without an intermediate revolution.
February Revolution and the July Days: 1917
In February 1917, the
February Revolution broke out in St. Petersburg
Petrograd at the beginning of the
First World War
First World War – as
industrial workers went on strike over food shortages and
deteriorating factory conditions. The unrest spread to other parts of
Russia, and fearing that he would be violently overthrown, Tsar
Nicholas II abdicated. The State Duma took over control of the
country, establishing a Provisional Government and converting the
Empire into a new Russian Republic. When
Lenin learned of
this from his base in Switzerland, he celebrated with other
dissidents. He decided to return to
Russia to take charge
of the Bolsheviks, but found that most passages into the country were
blocked due to the ongoing conflict. He organised a plan with other
dissidents to negotiate a passage for them through Germany, with whom
Russia was then at war. Recognising that these dissidents could cause
problems for their Russian enemies, the German government agreed to
permit 32 Russian citizens to travel in a "sealed" train carriage
through their territory, among them
Lenin and his wife.
The group travelled by train from
Zürich to Sassnitz, proceeding by
ferry to Trelleborg, Sweden, and from there to the Haparanda–Tornio
border crossing and then to
Helsinki before taking the final train to
The engine that pulled the train on which
Lenin arrived at
Finland Station in April 1917 was not preserved. So Engine
#293, by which
Lenin escaped to Finland and then returned to Russia
later in the year, serves as the permanent exhibit, installed at a
platform on the station.
Arriving at Petrograd's Finland Station,
Lenin gave a speech to
Bolshevik supporters condemning the Provisional Government and again
calling for a continent-wide European proletarian
revolution. Over the following days, he spoke at
Bolshevik meetings, lambasting those who wanted reconciliation with
Mensheviks and revealing his April Theses, an outline of his plans
for the Bolsheviks, which he had written on the journey from
Switzerland. He publicly condemned both the Mensheviks
and the Social Revolutionaries – who dominated the influential
Petrograd Soviet – for supporting the Provisional Government,
denouncing them as traitors to socialism. Considering the government
to be just as imperialist as the Tsarist regime, he advocated
immediate peace with Germany and Austria-Hungary, rule by soviets, the
nationalisation of industry and banks, and the state expropriation of
land, all with the intention of establishing a proletariat government
and pushing toward a socialist society. By contrast, the Mensheviks
Russia was insufficiently developed to transition to
socialism and accused
Lenin of trying to plunge the new Republic into
civil war. Over the coming months, he campaigned for his
policies, attending the meetings of the Bolshevik Central Committee,
prolifically writing for the Bolshevik newspaper Pravda, and giving
public speeches in
Petrograd aimed at converting workers, soldiers,
sailors, and peasants to his cause.
Sensing growing frustration among Bolshevik supporters, Lenin
suggested an armed political demonstration in
Petrograd to test the
government's response. Amid deteriorating health, he left
the city to recuperate in the Finnish village of Neivola.
The Bolsheviks' armed demonstration, the July Days, took place while
Lenin was away, but upon learning that demonstrators had violently
clashed with government forces, he returned to
Petrograd and called
for calm. Responding to the violence, the government
ordered the arrest of
Lenin and other prominent Bolsheviks, raiding
their offices, and publicly alleging that he was a German agent
provocateur. Evading arrest,
Lenin hid in a series of
Petrograd safe houses. Fearing that he would be killed,
Lenin and fellow senior Bolshevik
Grigory Zinoviev escaped Petrograd
in disguise, relocating to Razliv. There,
work on the book that became The State and Revolution, an exposition
on how he believed the socialist state would develop after the
proletariat revolution, and how from then on the state would gradually
wither away, leaving a pure communist society. He began
arguing for a Bolshevik-led armed insurrection to topple the
government, but at a clandestine meeting of the party's central
committee this idea was rejected.
Lenin then headed by
train and by foot to Finland, arriving at
Helsinki on 10 August, where
he hid away in safe houses belonging to Bolshevik
October Revolution: 1917
Lenin in front of the
Smolny Institute by Isaak Brodsky
In August 1917, while
Lenin was in Finland, General Lavr Kornilov, the
Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Army, sent troops to
what appeared to be a military coup attempt against the Provisional
Alexander Kerensky turned to the
– including its Bolshevik members – for help, allowing the
revolutionaries to organise workers as Red Guards to defend the city.
The coup petered out before it reached Petrograd, but the events had
Bolsheviks to return to the open political
arena. Fearing a counter-revolution from right-wing
forces hostile to socialism, the
Mensheviks and Socialist
Revolutionaries who dominated the
Petrograd Soviet had been
instrumental in pressurising the government to normalise relations
with the Bolsheviks. Both the
Mensheviks and Socialist
Revolutionaries had lost much popular support because of their
affiliation with the Provisional Government and its unpopular
continuation of the war. The
Bolsheviks capitalised on this, and soon
the pro-Bolshevik Marxist Trotsky was elected leader of the Petrograd
Soviet. In September, the
Bolsheviks gained a majority in
the workers' sections of both the Moscow and Petrograd
Recognising that the situation was safer for him,
Lenin returned to
Petrograd. There he attended a meeting of the Bolshevik
Central Committee on 10 October, where he again argued that the party
should lead an armed insurrection to topple the Provisional
Government. This time the argument won with ten votes against
two. Critics of the plan, Zinoviev and Kamenev, argued
that Russian workers would not support a violent coup against the
regime and that there was no clear evidence for Lenin's assertion that
all of Europe was on the verge of proletarian revolution.
The party began plans to organise the offensive, holding a final
meeting at the
Smolny Institute on 24 October. This was
the base of the
Military Revolutionary Committee
Military Revolutionary Committee (MRC), an armed
militia largely loyal to the
Bolsheviks that had been established by
Petrograd Soviet during Kornilov's alleged coup.
In October, the MRC was ordered to take control of Petrograd's key
transport, communication, printing and utilities hubs, and did so
Bolsheviks besieged the government in
the Winter Palace, and overcame it and arrested its ministers after
the cruiser Aurora, controlled by Bolshevik seamen, fired on the
building. During the insurrection,
Lenin gave a speech to
Petrograd Soviet announcing that the Provisional Government had
been overthrown. The
Bolsheviks declared the formation of
a new government, the
Council of People's Commissars
Council of People's Commissars or "Sovnarkom".
Lenin initially turned down the leading position of Chairman,
suggesting Trotsky for the job, but other
Bolsheviks insisted and
Lenin and other Bolsheviks
then attended the
Second Congress of Soviets
Second Congress of Soviets on 26 and 27 October, and
announced the creation of the new government. Menshevik attendees
condemned the illegitimate seizure of power and the risk of civil
war. In these early days of the new regime,
talking in Marxist and socialist terms so as not to alienate Russia's
population, and instead spoke about having a country controlled by the
Lenin and many other
proletariat revolution to sweep across Europe in days or
Main article: Government of Vladimir Lenin
Organising the Soviet government: 1917–1918
The Provisional Government had planned for a Constituent Assembly to
be elected in November 1917; against Lenin's objections, Sovnarkom
agreed for the vote to take place as scheduled. In the
constitutional election, the
Bolsheviks gained approximately a quarter
of the vote, being defeated by the agrarian-focused Socialist
Lenin argued that the election was
not a fair reflection of the people's will, that the electorate had
not had time to learn the Bolsheviks' political programme, and that
the candidacy lists had been drawn up before the Left Socialist
Revolutionaries split from the Socialist Revolutionaries.
Nevertheless, the newly elected
Russian Constituent Assembly
Russian Constituent Assembly convened
Petrograd in January 1918.
Sovnarkom argued that it
was counter-revolutionary because it sought to remove power from the
soviets, but the Socialist Revolutionaries and
Bolsheviks presented the Assembly with a motion
that would strip it of most of its legal powers; when the Assembly
rejected the motion,
Sovnarkom declared this as evidence of its
counter-revolutionary nature and forcibly disbanded it.
Lenin rejected repeated calls – including from some
to establish a coalition government with other socialist
Sovnarkom partially relented; although refusing
a coalition with the
Mensheviks or Socialist Revolutionaries, in
December 1917 they allowed the
Left Socialist Revolutionaries five
posts in the cabinet. This coalition only lasted four months, until
March 1918, when the
Left Socialist Revolutionaries pulled out of the
government over a disagreement about the Bolsheviks' approach to
ending the First World War. At their 7th Congress in
March 1918, the
Bolsheviks changed their official name from the
"Russian Social Democratic Labour Party" to the "Russian Communist
Lenin wanted to both distance his group from the
increasingly reformist German Social Democratic Party and to emphasise
its ultimate goal: a communist society.
The Moscow Kremlin, which
Lenin moved into in 1918
Although ultimate power officially rested with the country's
government in the form of
Sovnarkom and the Executive Committee
(VTSIK) elected by the
All-Russian Congress of Soviets
All-Russian Congress of Soviets (ARCS), the
Communist Party was de facto in control in Russia, as acknowledged by
its members at the time. By 1918,
Sovnarkom began acting
unilaterally, claiming a need for expediency, with the ARCS and VTSIK
becoming increasingly marginalised, so the soviets no
longer had a role in governing Russia. During 1918 and
1919, the government expelled
Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries
from the soviets.
Russia had become a one-party
Within the party was established a Political Bureau ("Politburo") and
Organisation Bureau ("Orgburo") to accompany the existing Central
Committee; the decisions of these party bodies had to be adopted by
Sovnarkom and the Council of Labour and Defence. Lenin
was the most significant figure in this governance structure; as well
as being the Chairman of
Sovnarkom and sitting on the Council of
Labour and Defence, he was on the Central Committee and Politburo of
the Communist Party. The only individual to have anywhere
near this influence was Lenin's right-hand man, Yakov Sverdlov, who
died in March 1919 during a flu pandemic. In November
Lenin and his wife took a two-room flat within the Smolny
Institute; the following month they left for a brief holiday in Halia,
Finland. In January 1918, he survived an assassination
attempt in Petrograd; Fritz Platten, who was with
Lenin at the time,
shielded him and was injured by a bullet.
Concerned that the German Army posed a threat to Petrograd, in March
Sovnarkom relocated to Moscow, initially as a temporary
measure. There, Lenin, Trotsky, and other Bolshevik
leaders moved into the Kremlin, where
Lenin lived with his wife and
sister Maria in a first floor apartment adjacent to the room in which
Sovnarkom meetings were held.
Moscow, but rarely left the city centre during the rest
of his life. He survived a second assassination attempt,
in Moscow in August 1918; he was shot following a public speech and
injured badly. A Socialist Revolutionary, Fanny Kaplan,
was arrested and executed. The attack was widely covered
in the Russian press, generating much sympathy for
Lenin and boosting
his popularity. As a respite, in September 1918 he was
driven to the Gorki estate, just outside Moscow, recently acquired for
him by the government.
Social, legal, and economic reform: 1917–1918
To All Workers, Soldiers and Peasants. The Soviet authority will at
once propose a democratic peace to all nations and an immediate
armistice on all fronts. It will safeguard the transfer without
compensation of all land – landlord, imperial, and monastery – to
the peasants' committees; it will defend the soldiers' rights,
introducing a complete democratisation of the army; it will establish
workers' control over industry; it will ensure the convocation of the
Constituent Assembly on the date set; it will supply the cities with
bread and the villages with articles of first necessity; and it will
secure to all nationalities inhabiting
Russia the right of
self-determination ... Long live the revolution!
—Lenin's political programme, October 1917
Upon taking power, Lenin's regime issued a series of decrees. The
first was a Decree on Land, which declared that the landed estates of
the aristocracy and the Orthodox Church should be nationalised and
redistributed to peasants by local governments. This contrasted with
Lenin's desire for agricultural collectivisation but provided
governmental recognition of the widespread peasant land seizures that
had already occurred. In November 1917, the government
issued the Decree on the Press that closed many opposition media
outlets deemed counter-revolutionary. They claimed the measure would
be temporary; the decree was widely criticised, including by many
Bolsheviks, for compromising freedom of the press.
In November 1917,
Lenin issued the Declaration of the
Rights of the
Peoples of Russia, which stated that non-Russian ethnic groups living
inside the Republic had the right to cede from Russian authority and
establish their own independent nation-states. Many
nations declared independence: Finland and Lithuania in December 1917,
Latvia and Ukraine in January 1918, Estonia in February 1918,
Transcaucasia in April 1918, and Poland in November 1918.
Bolsheviks actively promoted communist parties in these
independent nation-states, while in July 1918, at the
Fifth All-Russian Congress of the Soviets, a constitution was approved
that reformed the
Russian Republic into the Russian Soviet Federative
Socialist Republic. Seeking to modernise the country, the
government officially converted
Russia from the
Julian calendar to the
Gregorian calendar used in Europe.
In November 1917,
Sovnarkom issued a decree abolishing Russia's legal
system, calling on the use of "revolutionary conscience" to replace
the abolished laws. The courts were replaced by a
two-tier system: Revolutionary Tribunals to deal with
counter-revolutionary crimes, and People's Courts to deal
with civil and other criminal offences. They were instructed to ignore
pre-existing laws, and base their rulings on the
Sovnarkom decrees and
a "socialist sense of justice". November also saw an
overhaul of the armed forces;
Sovnarkom implemented egalitarian
measures, abolished previous ranks, titles, and medals, and called on
soldiers to establish committees to elect their
Bolshevik political cartoon poster from 1920, showing
away monarchs, clergy, and capitalists; the caption reads, "Comrade
Lenin Cleanses the Earth of Filth"
In October 1917,
Lenin issued a decree limiting work for everyone in
Russia to eight hours per day. He also issued the Decree
on Popular Education that stipulated that the government would
guarantee free, secular education for all children in
Russia, and a decree establishing a system of state
orphanages. To combat mass illiteracy, a literacy
campaign was initiated; an estimated 5 million people enrolled in
crash courses of basic literacy from 1920 to 1926.
Embracing the equality of the sexes, laws were introduced that helped
to emancipate women, by giving them economic autonomy from their
husbands and removing restrictions on divorce. A
Bolshevik women's organisation, Zhenotdel, was established to further
these aims. Militantly atheist,
Lenin and the Communist
Party wanted to demolish organised religion, and in
January 1918 the government decreed the separation of church and state
and prohibited religious instruction in schools.
In November 1917,
Lenin issued the Decree on Workers' Control, which
called on the workers of each enterprise to establish an elected
committee to monitor their enterprise's management. That
month they also issued an order requisitioning the country's
gold, and nationalised the banks, which
Lenin saw as a
major step toward socialism. In December, Sovnarkom
Supreme Council of the National Economy
Supreme Council of the National Economy (VSNKh), which
had authority over industry, banking, agriculture, and
trade. The factory committees were subordinate to the
trade unions, which were subordinate to VSNKh; thus, the state's
centralised economic plan was prioritised over the workers' local
economic interests. In early 1918,
all foreign debts and refused to pay interest owed on
them. In April 1918, it nationalised foreign trade,
establishing a state monopoly on imports and exports. In
June 1918, it decreed nationalisation of public utilities, railways,
engineering, textiles, metallurgy, and mining, although often these
were state-owned in name only. Full-scale nationalisation
did not take place until November 1920, when small-scale industrial
enterprises were brought under state control.
A faction of the
Bolsheviks known as the "Left Communists" criticised
Sovnarkom's economic policy as too moderate; they wanted
nationalisation of all industry, agriculture, trade, finance,
transport, and communication.
Lenin believed that this
was impractical at that stage, and that the government should only
nationalise Russia's large-scale capitalist enterprises, such as the
banks, railways, larger landed estates, and larger factories and
mines, allowing smaller businesses to operate privately until they
grew large enough to be successfully nationalised. Lenin
also disagreed with the Left Communists about economic organisation;
in June 1918, he argued that centralised economic control of industry
was needed, whereas Left Communists wanted each factory to be
controlled by its workers, a syndicalist approach that Lenin
considered detrimental to the cause of socialism.
Adopting a left libertarian perspective, both the Left Communists and
other factions in the Communist Party critiqued the decline of
democratic institutions in Russia. Internationally, many
socialists decried Lenin's regime and denied that he was establishing
socialism; in particular, they highlighted the lack of widespread
political participation, popular consultation, and industrial
democracy. In late 1918, the Czech-Austrian Marxist Karl
Kautsky authored an anti-Leninist pamphlet condemning the
anti-democratic nature of Soviet Russia, to which
Lenin published a
vociferous reply. German Marxist
Rosa Luxemburg echoed
Kautsky's views, while the Russian anarchist Peter
Kropotkin described the Bolshevik seizure of power as "the burial of
the Russian Revolution".
Treaty of Brest-Litovsk: 1917–1918
[By prolonging the war] we unusually strengthen German imperialism,
and the peace will have to be concluded anyway, but then the peace
will be worse because it will be concluded by someone other than
ourselves. No doubt the peace which we are now being forced to
conclude is an indecent peace, but if war commences our government
will be swept away and the peace will be concluded by another
Lenin on peace with the Central Powers
Upon taking power,
Lenin believed that a key policy of his government
must be to withdraw from the
First World War
First World War by establishing an
armistice with the
Central Powers of Germany and
Austria-Hungary. He believed that ongoing war would
create resentment among war-weary Russian troops – to whom he had
promised peace – and that these troops and the advancing German Army
threatened both his own government and the cause of international
socialism. By contrast, other
Bolsheviks – in
Nikolai Bukharin and the Left Communists – believed that
peace with the
Central Powers would be a betrayal of international
socialism and that
Russia should instead wage "a war of revolutionary
defence" that would provoke an uprising of the German proletariat
against their own government.
Lenin proposed a three-month armistice in his
Decree on Peace
Decree on Peace of
November 1917, which was approved by the Second Congress of Soviets
and presented to the German and Austro-Hungarian
governments. The Germans responded positively, viewing
this as an opportunity to focus on the Western Front and stave off
looming defeat. In November, armistice talks began at
Brest-Litovsk, the headquarters of the German high command on the
Eastern Front, with the Russian delegation being led by Trotsky and
Adolph Joffe. Meanwhile, a ceasefire until January was
agreed. During negotiations, the Germans insisted on
keeping their wartime conquests – which included Poland, Lithuania,
Courland – whereas the
Russians countered that this was a
violation of these nations' rights to self-determination.
Bolsheviks had expressed hopes of dragging out negotiations until
proletarian revolution broke out throughout Europe. On 7
January 1918, Trotsky returned from
Brest-Litovsk to St. Petersburg
with an ultimatum from the Central Powers: either
Germany's territorial demands or the war would resume.
The signing of the
Treaty of Brest-Litovsk
Treaty of Brest-Litovsk on 15 December 1917
In January and again in February,
Lenin urged the
Bolsheviks to accept
Germany's proposals. He argued that the territorial losses were
acceptable if it ensured the survival of the Bolshevik-led government.
The majority of
Bolsheviks rejected his position, hoping to prolong
the armistice and call Germany's bluff. On 18 February,
the German Army launched Operation Faustschlag, advancing further into
Russian-controlled territory and conquering
Dvinsk within a
day. At this point,
Lenin finally convinced a small
majority of the Bolshevik Central Committee to accept the Central
Powers' demands. On 23 February, the Central Powers
issued a new ultimatum:
Russia had to recognise German control not
only of Poland and the Baltic states but also of Ukraine, or face a
On 3 March, the
Treaty of Brest-Litovsk
Treaty of Brest-Litovsk was signed. It
resulted in massive territorial losses for Russia, with 26% of the
former Empire's population, 37% of its agricultural harvest area, 28%
of its industry, 26% of its railway tracks, and three-quarters of its
coal and iron deposits being transferred to German
control. Accordingly, the Treaty was deeply unpopular
across Russia's political spectrum, and several
Left Socialist Revolutionaries resigned from Sovnarkom
in protest. After the Treaty,
Sovnarkom focused on trying
to foment proletarian revolution in Germany, issuing an array of
anti-war and anti-government publications in the country; the German
government retaliated by expelling Russia's diplomats.
The Treaty nevertheless failed to stop the Central Powers' defeat; in
November 1918, the German Emperor Wilhelm II resigned and the
country's new administration signed the Armistice with the Allies. As
Sovnarkom proclaimed the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk
Anti-Kulak campaigns, Cheka, and Red Terror: 1918–1922
See also: Decossackisation
[The bourgeoisie] practised terror against the workers, soldiers and
peasants in the interests of a small group of landowners and bankers,
whereas the Soviet regime applies decisive measures against
landowners, plunderers and their accomplices in the interests of the
workers, soldiers and peasants.
Lenin on the Red Terror
By early 1918, many cities in western
Russia faced famine as a result
of chronic food shortages.
Lenin blamed this on the
kulaks, or wealthier peasants, who allegedly hoarded the grain that
they had produced to increase its financial value. In May 1918, he
issued a requisitioning order that established armed detachments to
confiscate grain from kulaks for distribution in the cities, and in
June called for the formation of
Committees of Poor Peasants
Committees of Poor Peasants to aid in
requisitioning. This policy resulted in vast social
disorder and violence, as armed detachments often clashed with peasant
groups, helping to set the stage for the civil war. A
prominent example of Lenin's views was his August 1918 telegram to the
Bolsheviks of Penza, which called upon them to suppress a peasant
insurrection by publicly hanging at least 100 "known kulaks, rich men,
Requisitioning disincentivised peasants from producing more grain than
they could personally consume, and thus production
slumped. A booming black market supplemented the official
state-sanctioned economy, and
Lenin called on
speculators, black marketeers and looters to be shot.
Both the Socialist Revolutionaries and Left Socialist Revolutionaries
condemned the armed appropriations of grain at the Fifth All-Russian
Congress of Soviets in July 1918. Realising that the
Committees of the Poor Peasants were also persecuting peasants who
were not kulaks and thus contributing to anti-government feeling among
the peasantry, in December 1918
Lenin abolished them.
Lenin repeatedly emphasised the need for terror and violence in
overthrowing the old order and ensuring the success of the
revolution. Speaking to the All-Russian Central Executive
Committee of the Soviets in November 1917, he declared that "the state
is an institution built up for the sake of exercising violence.
Previously, this violence was exercised by a handful of moneybags over
the entire people; now we want ... to organise violence in the
interests of the people." He strongly opposed suggestions
to abolish capital punishment. Fearing anti-Bolshevik
forces would overthrow his administration, in December 1917 Lenin
ordered the establishment of the Emergency Commission for Combating
Revolution and Sabotage, or Cheka, a political police force
led by Felix Dzerzhinsky.
Lenin with his wife and sister in a car after watching a Red Army
parade at Khodynka Field in Moscow, May Day 1918
In September 1918,
Sovnarkom passed a decree that inaugurated the Red
Terror, a system of repression orchestrated by the Cheka.
Although sometimes described as an attempt to eliminate the entire
Lenin did not want to exterminate all
members of this class, merely those who sought to reinstate their
rule. The majority of the Terror's victims were
well-to-do citizens or former members of the Tsarist
administration; others were non-bourgeois anti-Bolsheviks
and perceived social undesirables such as prostitutes.
Cheka claimed the right to both sentence and execute anyone whom
it deemed to be an enemy of the government, without recourse to the
Revolutionary Tribunals. Accordingly, throughout Soviet
Cheka carried out killings, often in large
numbers. For example, the
Cheka executed 512
people in a few days. There are no surviving records to
provide an accurate figure of how many perished in the Red
Terror; later estimates of historians have ranged between
10,000 and 15,000, and 50,000 to 140,000.
Lenin never witnessed this violence or participated in it
first-hand, and publicly distanced himself from
it. His published articles and speeches rarely called for
executions, but he regularly did so in his coded telegrams and
confidential notes. Many
Bolsheviks expressed disapproval
of the Cheka's mass executions and feared the organisation's apparent
unaccountability. The Party tried to restrain its
activities in February 1919, stripping it of its powers of tribunal
and execution in those areas not under official martial law, but the
Cheka continued as before in swathes of the country. By
Cheka had become the most powerful institution in Soviet
Russia, exerting influence over all other state
A decree in April 1919 resulted in the establishment of concentration
camps, which were entrusted to the Cheka, later
administered by a new government agency, Gulag. By the
end of 1920, 84 camps had been established across Soviet Russia,
holding about 50,000 prisoners; by October 1923, this had grown to 315
camps and about 70,000 inmates. Those interned in the
camps were used as slave labour. From July 1922,
intellectuals deemed to be opposing the Bolshevik government were
exiled to inhospitable regions or deported from
Lenin personally scrutinised the lists of those to be dealt with in
this manner. In May 1922,
Lenin issued a decree calling
for the execution of anti-Bolshevik priests, causing between 14,000
and 20,000 deaths. The
Russian Orthodox Church
Russian Orthodox Church was worst
affected; the government's anti-religious policies also impacted on
Roman Catholic and
Jewish synagogues, and Islamic
War and the Polish–Soviet War: 1918–1920
The existence of the Soviet Republic alongside the imperialist states
over the long run is unthinkable. In the end, either the one or the
other will triumph. And until that end will have arrived, a series of
the most terrible conflicts between the Soviet Republic and the
bourgeois governments is unavoidable. This means that the ruling
class, the proletariat, if it only wishes to rule and is to rule, must
demonstrate this also with its military organization.
Lenin on war
Lenin expected Russia's aristocracy and bourgeoisie to oppose his
government, but he believed that the numerical superiority of the
lower classes, coupled with the Bolsheviks' ability to effectively
organise them, guaranteed a swift victory in any
conflict. In this, he failed to anticipate the intensity
of the violent opposition to Bolshevik rule in Russia.
Russian Civil War
Russian Civil War pitted the pro-Bolshevik Reds against
the anti-Bolshevik Whites, but also encompassed ethnic conflicts on
Russia's borders and conflict between both Red and White armies and
local peasant groups, the Green armies, throughout the former
Empire. Accordingly, various historians have seen the
civil war as representing two distinct conflicts: one between the
revolutionaries and the counter-revolutionaries, and the other between
different revolutionary factions.
The White armies were established by former Tsarist military
officers, and included Anton Denikin's
Volunteer Army in
South Russia, Alexander Kolchak's forces in
Siberia, and Nikolai Yudenich's troops in the newly
independent Baltic states. The Whites were bolstered when
35,000 members of the Czech Legion – prisoners of war from the
conflict with the
Central Powers – turned against
allied with the Committee of Members of the Constituent Assembly
(Komuch), an anti-Bolshevik government established in
Samara. The Whites were also backed by Western
governments who perceived the
Treaty of Brest-Litovsk
Treaty of Brest-Litovsk as a betrayal of
the Allied war effort and feared the Bolsheviks' calls for world
revolution. In 1918, the United Kingdom, France, United
States, Canada, Italy, and Serbia landed 10,000 troops in Murmansk,
seizing Kandalaksha, while later that year British, American, and
Japanese forces landed in Vladivostok. Western troops
soon pulled out of the civil war, instead only supporting the Whites
with officers, technicians and armaments, but Japan remained because
they saw the conflict as an opportunity for territorial
Lenin tasked Trotsky with establishing a Workers' and Peasants' Red
Army, and with his support, Trotsky organised a Revolutionary Military
Council in September 1918, remaining its chairman until
1925. Recognising their valuable military experience,
Lenin agreed that officers from the old Tsarist army could serve in
the Red Army, although Trotsky established military councils to
monitor their activities. The Reds held control of
Russia's two largest cities, Moscow and Petrograd, as well as most of
Great Russia, while the Whites were located largely on the former
Empire's peripheries. The latter were therefore hindered
by being both fragmented and geographically scattered,
and because their ethnic Russian supremacism alienated the region's
national minorities. Anti-Bolshevik armies carried out
the White Terror, a campaign of violence against perceived Bolshevik
supporters which was typically more spontaneous than the
state-sanctioned Red Terror. Both White and Red Armies
were responsible for attacks against
Jewish communities, prompting
Lenin to issue a condemnation of anti-Semitism, blaming prejudice
against Jews on capitalist propaganda.
A White Russian anti-Bolshevik propaganda poster, in which
depicted in a red robe, aiding other
Bolsheviks in sacrificing Russia
to a statue of Marx (c. 1918-1919)
In July 1918, Sverdlov informed
Sovnarkom that the Ural Regional
Soviet had overseen the execution of the former
Tsar and his immediate
Yekaterinburg to prevent them from being rescued by
advancing White troops. Although lacking proof,
biographers and historians like
Richard Pipes and Dmitri Volkogonov
have expressed the view that the killing was probably sanctioned by
Lenin; conversely, historian James Ryan cautioned that
there was "no reason" to believe this. Whether Lenin
sanctioned it or not, he still regarded it as necessary, highlighting
the precedent set by the execution of Louis XVI in the French
Brest-Litovsk Treaty, the
Left Socialist Revolutionaries had
abandoned the coalition and increasingly viewed the
traitors to the revolution. In July 1918, the Left
Yakov Grigorevich Blumkin assassinated the
German ambassador to Russia, Wilhelm von Mirbach, hoping that the
ensuing diplomatic incident would lead to a relaunched revolutionary
war against Germany. The Left Socialist Revolutionaries
then launched a coup in Moscow, shelling the
Kremlin and seizing the
city's central post office before being stopped by Trotsky's
forces. The party's leaders and many members were
arrested and imprisoned, but were treated more leniently than other
opponents of the Bolsheviks.
By 1919, the White armies were in retreat and by the start of 1920
were defeated on all three fronts. Although Sovnarkom
were victorious, the territorial extent of the Russian state had been
reduced, for many non-Russian ethnic groups had used the disarray to
push for national independence. In some cases—such as
the north-eastern European nations of Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and
Finland—the Soviets recognised their independence and concluded
peace treaties. In other cases, the
Red Army suppressed
secessionist movements; by 1921 they had defeated the Ukrainian
national movements and occupied the Caucasus, although fighting in
Central Asia lasted until the late 1920s.
After the German
Ober Ost garrisons were withdrawn from the Eastern
Front following the Armistice, both Soviet Russian armies and Polish
ones moved in to fill the vacuum. The newly independent
Polish state and the Soviet government each sought territorial
expansion in the region. Polish and Russian troops first
clashed in February 1919, with the conflict developing
into the Polish–Soviet War. Unlike the Soviets'
previous conflicts, this had greater implications for the export of
revolution and the future of Europe. Polish forces pushed
into Ukraine and by May 1920 had taken
Kiev from the
Soviets. After forcing the
Polish Army back,
Red Army to invade Poland itself, believing that the Polish
proletariat would rise up to support the Russian troops and thus spark
European revolution. Trotsky and other
Bolsheviks were sceptical, but
agreed to the invasion. The Polish proletariat did not rise, and the
Red Army was defeated at the Battle of Warsaw. The Polish
armies pushed the
Red Army back into Russia, forcing
Sovnarkom to sue
for peace; the war culminated in the
Peace of Riga, in which Russia
ceded territory to Poland.
Comintern and world revolution: 1919–1920
Main article: Revolutions of 1917–23
Lenin on 1 May 1919, taken by Grigori Petrovich
After the Armistice on the Western Front,
Lenin believed that the
breakout of European revolution was imminent. Seeking to
Sovnarkom supported the establishment of Béla Kun's
communist government in Hungary in March 1919, followed by the
communist government in Bavaria and various revolutionary socialist
uprisings in other parts of Germany, including that of the Spartacus
League. During Russia's Civil War, the
Red Army was sent
into the newly independent national republics on Russia's borders to
aid Marxists there in establishing soviet systems of
government. In Europe, this resulted in the creation of
new communist-led states in Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Belarus, and
Ukraine, all of which were officially independent of
Russia, while further east it led to the creation of
communist governments in Georgia, and then in Outer
Mongolia. Various senior
Bolsheviks wanted these absorbed
into the Russian state;
Lenin insisted that national sensibilities
should be respected, but reassured his comrades that these nations'
new Communist Party administrations were under the de facto authority
In late 1918, the British Labour Party called for the establishment of
an international conference of socialist parties, the Labour and
Lenin saw this as a revival of
the Second International, which he had despised, and formulated his
own rival international socialist conference to offset its
impact. Organised with the aid of Zinoviev, Trotsky,
Christian Rakovsky, and Angelica Balabanoff, the First
Congress of this
Communist International ("Comintern") opened in
Moscow in March 1919. It lacked global coverage; of the
34 assembled delegates, 30 resided within the countries of the former
Russian Empire, and most of the international delegates were not
recognised by any socialist parties in their own nations.
Bolsheviks dominated proceedings, with
Lenin subsequently authoring a series of regulations that meant that
only socialist parties endorsing the Bolsheviks' views were permitted
to join Comintern. During the first conference, Lenin
spoke to the delegates, lambasting the parliamentary path to socialism
espoused by revisionist Marxists like Kautsky and repeating his calls
for a violent overthrow of Europe's bourgeoisie
governments. While Zinoviev became Comintern's President,
Lenin retained significant influence over it.
The Second Congress of the
Communist International opened in
Smolny Institute in July 1920, representing the last time
Lenin visited a city other than Moscow. There, he
encouraged foreign delegates to emulate the Bolsheviks' seizure of
power, and abandoned his longstanding viewpoint that capitalism was a
necessary stage in societal development, instead encouraging those
nations under colonial occupation to transform their pre-capitalist
societies directly into socialist ones. For this
conference, he authored "Left-Wing" Communism: An Infantile Disorder,
a short book articulating his criticism of elements within the British
and German communist parties who refused to enter their nations'
parliamentary systems and trade unions; instead he urged them to do so
to advance the revolutionary cause. The conference had to
be suspended for several days due to the ongoing war with
Poland, and was relocated to Moscow, where it continued
to hold sessions until August. Lenin's predicted world
revolution did not materialise, as the Hungarian communist government
was overthrown and the German Marxist uprisings
Famine and the New Economic Policy: 1920–1922
Within the Communist Party, there was dissent from two factions, the
Group of Democratic Centralism and the Workers' Opposition, both of
which accused the Russian state of being too centralised and
bureaucratic. The Workers' Opposition, which had
connections to the official state trade unions, also expressed the
concern that the government had lost the trust of the Russian working
class. They were angered by Trotsky's suggestion that the
trade unions be eliminated. He deemed the unions to be superfluous in
a "workers' state", but
Lenin disagreed, believing it best to retain
Bolsheviks embraced Lenin's view in the 'trade union
discussion'. To deal with the dissent, at the Tenth Party
Congress in February 1921,
Lenin introduced a ban on factional
activity within the party, under pain of expulsion.
Victims of the famine in Buzuluk, Volga region, next to Saratov
Caused in part by a drought, the
Russian famine of 1921
Russian famine of 1921 was the most
severe that the country had experienced since that of
1891, resulting in around five million
deaths. The famine was exacerbated by government
requisitioning, as well as the export of large quantities of Russian
grain. To aid the famine victims, the US government
American Relief Administration
American Relief Administration to distribute
Lenin was suspicious of this aid and had it closely
monitored. During the famine,
Patriarch Tikhon called on
Orthodox churches to sell unnecessary items to help feed the starving,
an action endorsed by the government. In February 1922
Sovnarkom went further by calling on all valuables belonging to
religious institutions to be forcibly appropriated and
sold. Tikhon opposed the sale of items used within the
Eucharist and many clergy resisted the appropriations, resulting in
In 1920 and 1921, local opposition to requisitioning resulted in
anti-Bolshevik peasant uprisings breaking out across Russia, which
were suppressed. Among the most significant was the
Tambov Rebellion, which was put down by the Red Army. In
February 1921, workers went on strike in Petrograd, resulting in the
government proclaiming martial law in the city and sending in the Red
Army to quell demonstrations. In March, the Kronstadt
rebellion began when sailors in
Kronstadt revolted against the
Bolshevik government, demanding that all socialists be allowed to
publish freely, that independent trade unions be given freedom of
assembly and that peasants be allowed free markets and not be subject
Lenin declared that the mutineers had been misled
by the Socialist Revolutionaries and foreign imperialists, calling for
violent reprisals. Under Trotsky's leadership, the Red
Army put down the rebellion on 17 March, resulting in thousands of
deaths and the internment of survivors in labour camps.
You must attempt first to build small bridges which shall lead to a
land of small peasant holdings through State
Capitalism to Socialism.
Otherwise you will never lead tens of millions of people to Communism.
This is what the objective forces of the development of the Revolution
Lenin on the NEP, 1921
In February 1921,
Lenin introduced a
New Economic Policy
New Economic Policy (NEP) to the
Politburo; he convinced most senior
Bolsheviks of its necessity and it
passed into law in April.
Lenin explained the policy in a
booklet, On the Food Tax, in which he stated that the NEP represented
a return to the original Bolshevik economic plans; he claimed that
these had been derailed by the civil war, in which
Sovnarkom had been
forced to resort to the economic policies of "war
communism". The NEP allowed some private enterprise
within Russia, permitting the reintroduction of the wage system and
allowing peasants to sell produce on the open market while being taxed
on their earnings. The policy also allowed for a return
to privately owned small industry; basic industry, transport and
foreign trade remained under state control.
this "state capitalism", and many
Bolsheviks thought it
to be a betrayal of socialist principles. Lenin
biographers have often characterised the introduction of the NEP as
one of his most significant achievements and some believe that had it
not been implemented then
Sovnarkom would have been quickly overthrown
by popular uprisings.
In January 1920, the government brought in universal labour
conscription, ensuring that all citizens aged between 16 and 50 had to
Lenin also called for a mass electrification
project, the GOELRO plan, which began in February 1920; Lenin's
declaration that "communism is Soviet power plus the electrification
of the whole country" was widely cited in later years.
Seeking to advance the Russian economy through foreign trade,
Sovnarkom sent delegates to the Genoa Conference;
Lenin had hoped to
attend but was prevented by ill health. The conference
resulted in a Russian agreement with Germany, which followed on from
an earlier trade agreement with the United Kingdom. Lenin
hoped that by allowing foreign corporations to invest in Russia,
Sovnarkom would exacerbate rivalries between the capitalist nations
and hasten their downfall; he tried to rent the oil fields of
Kamchatka to an American corporation to heighten tensions between the
US and Japan, who desired
Kamchatka for their empire.
Declining health and arguments with Stalin: 1920–1923
Lenin in 1923, in a wheelchair
To Lenin's embarrassment and horror, in April 1920 the
a party to celebrate his fiftieth birthday, which was also marked by
widespread celebrations across
Russia and the publication of poems and
biographies dedicated to him. Between 1920 and 1926,
twenty volumes of Lenin's Collected Works were published; some
material was omitted. During 1920, several prominent
Western figures visited
Lenin in Russia; these included the author H.
G. Wells and the philosopher Bertrand Russell, as well as
Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman. Lenin
was also visited at the
Kremlin by Armand, who was in increasingly
poor health. He sent her to a sanatorium in
Caucasus to recover, but she died there in September 1920
during a cholera epidemic. Her body was transported to
Moscow, where a visibly grief-stricken
Lenin oversaw her burial
Lenin was seriously ill by the latter half of 1921,
suffering from hyperacusis, insomnia, and regular
headaches. At the Politburo's insistence, in July he left
Moscow for a month's leave at his Gorki mansion, where he was cared
for by his wife and sister.
Lenin began to contemplate
the possibility of suicide, asking both Krupskaya and Stalin to
acquire potassium cyanide for him. Twenty-six physicians
were hired to help
Lenin during his final years; many of them were
foreign and had been hired at great expense. Some
suggested that his sickness could have been caused by metal oxidation
from the bullets that were lodged in his body from the 1918
assassination attempt; in April 1922 he underwent a surgical operation
to remove them. The symptoms continued after this, with
Lenin's doctors unsure of the cause; some suggested that he was
suffering from neurasthenia or cerebral arteriosclerosis; others
believed that he had syphilis, an idea endorsed in a 2004
report by a team of neuroscientists, who suggested that this was later
deliberately concealed by the government. In May 1922, he
suffered his first stroke, temporarily losing his ability to speak and
being paralysed on his right side. He convalesced at
Gorki, and had largely recovered by July. In October he
returned to Moscow; in December he suffered a second stroke and
returned to Gorki.
Lenin spent his final years largely at his Gorki mansion.
Despite his illness,
Lenin remained keenly interested in political
developments. When the Socialist Revolutionary Party's leadership was
found guilty of conspiring against the government in a trial held
between June and August 1922,
Lenin called for their execution; they
were instead imprisoned indefinitely, only being executed during the
Great Purges of Stalin's leadership. With Lenin's
support, the government also succeeded in virtually eradicating
Russia by expelling all
Mensheviks from state
institutions and enterprises in March 1923 and then imprisoning the
party's membership in concentration camps.
concerned by the survival of the Tsarist bureaucratic system in Soviet
Russia, and became increasingly worried by this in his
final years. Condemning bureaucratic attitudes, he
suggested a total overhaul to deal with such problems, in
one letter complaining that "we are being sucked into a foul
Krupskaya later produced a document that came to be known as "Lenin's
Testament"; she stated that her husband had dictated it between
December 1922 and January 1923. The document discussed the personal
qualities of Lenin's comrades, particularly Trotsky and
Stalin. It recommended that Stalin be removed from the
position of General Secretary of the Communist Party, deeming him
ill-suited for the position. Instead it recommended
Trotsky for the job, describing him as "the most capable man in the
present Central Committee"; it highlighted Trotsky's superior
intellect but at the same time criticised his self-assurance and
inclination toward excess administration. Some historians
have questioned whether
Lenin ever produced the document, suggesting
instead that it may have been written by Krupskaya, who had personal
differences with Stalin; Stalin never publicly voiced
concerns about its authenticity. During this period,
Lenin dictated a criticism of the bureaucratic nature of the Workers'
and Peasants' Inspectorate, calling for the recruitment of new,
working-class staff as an antidote to this problem, while
in another article he called for the state to combat illiteracy,
promote punctuality and conscientiousness within the populace, and
encourage peasants to join co‑operatives.
Stalin is too crude, and this defect which is entirely acceptable in
our milieu and in relationships among us as communists, becomes
unacceptable in the position of General Secretary. I therefore propose
to comrades that they should devise a means of removing him from this
job and should appoint to this job someone else who is distinguished
from comrade Stalin in all other respects only by the single superior
aspect that he should be more tolerant, more polite and more attentive
towards comrades, less capricious, etc.
—Lenin, 4 January 1923
In Lenin's absence, Stalin had begun consolidating his power both by
appointing his supporters to prominent positions, and by
cultivating an image of himself as Lenin's closest intimate and
deserving successor. In December 1922, Stalin took
responsibility for Lenin's regimen, being tasked by the Politburo with
controlling who had access to him.
Lenin was increasingly
critical of Stalin; while
Lenin was insisting that the state should
retain its monopoly on international trade during mid-1922, Stalin was
Bolsheviks in unsuccessfully opposing this.
There were personal arguments between the two as well; Stalin had
upset Krupskaya by shouting at her during a phone conversation, which
in turn greatly angered Lenin, who sent Stalin a letter expressing his
The most significant political division between the two emerged during
the Georgian Affair. Stalin had suggested that both Georgia and
neighbouring countries like Azerbaijan and Armenia should be merged
into the Russian state, despite the protestations of their national
Lenin saw this as an expression of Great
Russian ethnic chauvinism by Stalin and his supporters, instead
calling for these nation-states to join
Russia as semi-independent
parts of a greater union, which he suggested be called the Union of
Soviet Republics of Europe and Asia. After some
resistance to the proposal, Stalin eventually accepted it, but –
with Lenin's agreement – he changed the name of the newly proposed
state to the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR).
Lenin sent Trotsky to speak on his behalf at a Central Committee
plenum in December, where the plans for the USSR were sanctioned;
these plans were then ratified on 30 December by the Congress of
Soviets, resulting in the formation of the Soviet Union.
Despite his poor health,
Lenin was elected chairman of the new
government of the Soviet Union.
Death and funeral: 1923–1924
Main article: Death and state funeral of Vladimir Lenin
In March 1923,
Lenin suffered a third stroke and lost his ability to
speak; that month, he experienced partial paralysis on
his right side and began exhibiting sensory aphasia. By
May, he appeared to be making a slow recovery, regaining some of his
mobility, speech, and writing skills. In October, he made
a final visit to the Kremlin. In his final weeks, Lenin
was visited by Zinoviev, Kamenev, and Bukharin, with the latter
visiting him at his Gorki mansion on the day of his
death. On 21 January 1924,
Lenin fell into a coma and
died later that day. His official cause of death was
recorded as an incurable disease of the blood vessels.
The government publicly announced Lenin's death the following
day. On 23 January, mourners from the Communist Party,
trade unions, and soviets visited his Gorki home to inspect the body,
which was carried aloft in a red coffin by leading
Bolsheviks. Transported by train to Moscow, the coffin
was taken to the House of Trade Unions, where the body lay in
Over the next three days, around a million mourners came to see the
body, many queuing for hours in the freezing conditions.
On 26 January, the eleventh All-Union Congress of Soviets met to pay
respects to the leader, with speeches being made by Kalinin, Zinoviev,
and Stalin, but notably not Trotsky, who had been convalescing in the
Caucasus. Lenin's funeral took place the following day,
when his body was carried to Red Square, accompanied by martial music,
where assembled crowds listened to a series of speeches before the
corpse was placed into the vault of a specially erected
mausoleum. Despite the freezing temperatures, tens of
Against Krupskaya's protestations, Lenin's body was embalmed to
preserve it for long-term public display in the Red Square
mausoleum. During this process, Lenin's brain was
removed; in 1925 an institute was established to dissect it, revealing
Lenin had suffered from severe sclerosis.
In July 1929, the Politburo agreed to replace the temporary mausoleum
with a permanent granite alternative, which was finished in
1933. The sarcophagus in which Lenin's corpse was
contained was replaced in 1940 and again in 1970. From
1941 to 1945 the body was moved from Moscow and stored in
safety amid the
Second World War. As of 2019 the body
remains on public display in
Lenin's Mausoleum on Red
Marxism and Leninism
Leninism and Marxism–Leninism
We do not pretend that Marx or Marxists know the road to socialism in
all its concreteness. That is nonsense. We know the direction of the
road, we know what class forces will lead it, but concretely,
practically, this will be shown by the experience of the millions when
they undertake the act.
—Lenin, 11 September 1917
Lenin was a devout Marxist, and believed that his
Marxism – first termed "Leninism" by Martov in
1904 – was the sole authentic and orthodox
one. According to his Marxist perspective, humanity would
eventually reach pure communism, becoming a stateless, classless,
egalitarian society of workers who were free from exploitation and
alienation, controlled their own destiny, and abided by the rule "from
each according to his ability, to each according to his
needs". According to Volkogonov,
Lenin "deeply and
sincerely" believed that the path he was setting
Russia on would
ultimately lead to the establishment of this communist
Lenin's Marxist beliefs led him to the view that society could not
transform directly from its present state to communism, but must first
enter a period of socialism, and so his main concern was how to
Russia into a socialist society. To do so, he believed that a
"dictatorship of the proletariat" was necessary to suppress the
bourgeoisie and develop a socialist economy. He defined
socialism as "an order of civilized co-operators in which the means of
production are socially owned", and believed that this
economic system had to be expanded until it could create a society of
abundance. To achieve this, he saw bringing the Russian
economy under state control to be his central concern, with – in his
words – "all citizens" becoming "hired employees of the
state". Lenin's interpretation of socialism was
centralised, planned, and statist, with both production and
distribution strictly controlled. He believed that all
workers throughout the country would voluntarily join together to
enable the state's economic and political centralisation.
In this way, his calls for "workers' control" of the means of
production referred not to the direct control of enterprises by their
workers, but the operation of all enterprises under the control of a
"workers' state". This resulted in what some perceive as
two conflicting themes within Lenin's thought: popular workers'
control, and a centralised, hierarchical, coercive state
Lenin speaking in 1919
Before 1914, Lenin's views were largely in accordance with mainstream
European Marxist orthodoxy. Although he derided Marxists
who adopted ideas from contemporary non-Marxist philosophers and
sociologists, his own ideas were influenced not only by
Russian Marxist theory but also by wider ideas from the Russian
revolutionary movement, including those of the Narodnik
agrarian-socialists. He adapted his ideas according to
changing circumstances, including the pragmatic realities
Russia amid war, famine, and economic
collapse. Thus, as
Lenin revised the
established Marxist orthodoxy and introduced innovations in Marxist
In his theoretical writings, particularly Imperialism,
what he regarded as developments in capitalism since Marx's death; in
his view, it had reached a new stage: state monopoly
capitalism. He believed that although Russia's economy
was dominated by the peasantry, the presence of monopoly capitalism in
Russia meant that the country was sufficiently materially developed to
move to socialism.
Leninism adopted a more absolutist and
doctrinaire perspective than other variants of Marxism,
and distinguished itself by the emotional intensity of its
liberationist vision. It also stood out by emphasising
the role of a vanguard who could lead the proletariat to
revolution, and elevated the role of violence as a
Democracy and the national question
[Lenin] accepted truth as handed down by Marx and selected data and
arguments to bolster that truth. He did not question old Marxist
scripture, he merely commented, and the comments have become a new
—Biographer Louis Fischer, 1964
Lenin believed that the representative democracy of capitalist
countries gave the illusion of democracy while maintaining the
"dictatorship of the bourgeoisie"; describing the representative
democratic system of the United States, he referred to the
"spectacular and meaningless duels between two bourgeois parties",
both of whom were led by "astute multimillionaires" that exploited the
American proletariat. He opposed liberalism, exhibiting a
general antipathy toward liberty as a value, and
believing that liberalism's freedoms were fraudulent because it did
not free labourers from capitalist exploitation.
He declared that "Soviet government is many millions of times more
democratic than the most democratic-bourgeois republic", the latter of
which was simply "a democracy for the rich". He regarded
his "dictatorship of the proletariat" as democratic because, he
claimed, it involved the election of representatives to the soviets,
workers electing their own officials, and the regular rotation and
involvement of all workers in the administration of the
state. Lenin's belief as to what a proletariat state
should look like nevertheless deviated from that adopted by the
Marxist mainstream; European Marxists like Kautsky envisioned a
democratically-elected parliamentary government in which the
proletariat had a majority, whereas
Lenin called for a strong,
centralised state apparatus that excluded any input from the
Lenin was an internationalist and a keen supporter of world
revolution, deeming national borders to be an outdated concept and
nationalism a distraction from class struggle. He
believed that in a socialist society, the world's nations would
inevitably merge and result in a single world government.
He believed that this socialist state would need to be a centralised,
unitary one, and regarded federalism as a bourgeois
concept. In his writings,
Lenin espoused anti-imperialist
ideas and stated that all nations deserved "the right of
He thus supported wars of national liberation, accepting that such
conflicts might be necessary for a minority group to break away from a
socialist state, because socialist states are not "holy or insured
against mistakes or weaknesses".
Prior to taking power in 1917, he was concerned that ethnic and
national minorities would make the Soviet state ungovernable with
their calls for independence; according to the historian Simon Sebag
Lenin thus encouraged Stalin to develop "a theory that
offered the ideal of autonomy and the right of secession without
necessarily having to grant either". On taking power,
Lenin called for the dismantling of the bonds that had forced minority
ethnic groups to remain in the
Russian Empire and espoused their right
to secede, but also expected them to reunite immediately in the spirit
of proletariat internationalism. He was willing to use
military force to ensure this unity, resulting in armed incursions
into the independent states that formed in Ukraine, Georgia, Poland,
Finland, and the Baltic states. Only when its conflicts
with Finland, the Baltic states, and Poland proved unsuccessful did
Lenin's government officially recognise their
Personal life and characteristics
Lenin saw himself as a man of destiny, and firmly believed in the
righteousness of his cause and his own ability as a revolutionary
Louis Fischer described him as "a
lover of radical change and maximum upheaval", a man for whom "there
was never a middle-ground. He was an either-or, black-or-red
exaggerator". Highlighting Lenin's "extraordinary
capacity for disciplined work" and "devotion to the revolutionary
cause", Pipes noted that he exhibited much charisma.
Similarly, Volkogonov believed that "by the very force of his
personality, [Lenin] had an influence over people".
Conversely, Lenin's friend Gorky commented that in his physical
appearance as a "baldheaded, stocky, sturdy person", the communist
revolutionary was "too ordinary" and did not give "the impression of
being a leader".
[Lenin's collected writings] reveal in detail a man with iron will,
self-enslaving self-discipline, scorn for opponents and obstacles, the
cold determination of a zealot, the drive of a fanatic, and the
ability to convince or browbeat weaker persons by his singleness of
purpose, imposing intensity, impersonal approach, personal sacrifice,
political astuteness, and complete conviction of the possession of the
absolute truth. His life became the history of the Bolshevik movement.
—Biographer Louis Fischer, 1964
Historian and biographer Robert Service asserted that
Lenin had been
an intensely emotional young man, who exhibited strong
hatred for the Tsarist authorities. According to Service,
Lenin developed an "emotional attachment" to his ideological heroes,
such as Marx, Engels and Chernyshevsky; he owned portraits of
them, and privately described himself as being "in love"
with Marx and Engels. According to
Lenin biographer James
Lenin treated their writings as "holy writ", a "religious
dogma", which should "not be questioned but believed in".
In Volkogonov's view,
Marxism as "absolute truth", and
accordingly acted like "a religious fanatic". Similarly,
Bertrand Russell felt that
Lenin exhibited "unwavering faith –
religious faith in the Marxian gospel". Biographer
Christopher Read suggested that
Lenin was "a secular equivalent of
theocratic leaders who derive their legitimacy from the [perceived]
truth of their doctrines, not popular mandates". Lenin
was nevertheless an atheist and a critic of religion, believing that
socialism was inherently atheistic; he thus considered Christian
socialism a contradiction in terms.
Service stated that
Lenin could be "moody and volatile",
and Pipes deemed him to be "a thoroughgoing misanthrope",
a view rejected by Read, who highlighted many instances in which Lenin
displayed kindness, particularly toward children.
According to several biographers,
Lenin was intolerant of opposition
and often dismissed outright opinions that differed from his
own. He could be "venomous in his critique of others",
exhibiting a propensity for mockery, ridicule, and ad hominem attacks
on those who disagreed with him. He ignored facts that
did not suit his argument, abhorred
compromise, and very rarely admitted his own
errors. He refused to change his opinions, until he
rejected them completely, after which he would treat the new view as
if it was just as unchangeable.
Lenin showed no sign of
sadism or of personally desiring to commit violent acts, but he
endorsed the violent actions of others and exhibited no remorse for
those killed for the revolutionary cause. Adopting an
amoral stance, in Lenin's view the end always justified the
means; according to Service, Lenin's "criterion of
morality was simple: does a certain action advance or hinder the cause
of the Revolution?"
Lenin who seemed externally so gentle and good-natured, who
enjoyed a laugh, who loved animals and was prone to sentimental
reminiscences, was transformed when class or political questions
arose. He at once became savagely sharp, uncompromising, remorseless
and vengeful. Even in such a state he was capable of black humour.
—Biographer Dmitri Volkogonov, 1994
Aside from Russian,
Lenin spoke and read French, German, and
English. Concerned with physical fitness, he exercised
regularly, enjoyed cycling, swimming, and
hunting, and also developed a passion for mountain
walking in the Swiss peaks. He was also fond of
pets, in particular cats. Tending to eschew
luxury, he lived a spartan lifestyle, and Pipes noted
Lenin was "exceedingly modest in his personal wants", leading "an
austere, almost ascetic, style of life".
untidiness, always keeping his work desk tidy and his pencils
sharpened, and insisted on total silence while he was
working. According to Fischer, Lenin's "vanity was
minimal", and for this reason he disliked the cult of
personality that the Soviet administration began to build around him;
he nevertheless accepted that it might have some benefits in unifying
the communist movement.
Despite his revolutionary politics,
Lenin disliked revolutionary
experimentation in literature and the arts, for instance expressing
his dislike of expressionism, futurism, and cubism, and conversely
favouring realism and Russian classic literature. Lenin
also had a conservative attitude towards sex and
marriage. Throughout his adult life, he was in a
relationship with Krupskaya, a fellow Marxist whom he married. Lenin
and Krupskaya both regretted that they never had
children, and they enjoyed entertaining their friends'
offspring. Read noted that
Lenin had "very close, warm,
lifelong relationships" with his close family members; he
had no lifelong friends, and Armand has been cited as being his only
close, intimate confidante.
Lenin identified as Russian. Service
Lenin as "a bit of a snob in national, social and cultural
terms". The Bolshevik leader believed that other European
countries, especially Germany, were culturally superior to
Russia, describing the latter as "one of the most
benighted, medieval and shamefully backward of Asian
countries". He was annoyed at what he perceived as a lack
of conscientiousness and discipline among the Russian people, and from
his youth had wanted
Russia to become more culturally European and
See also: List of places named after Vladimir Lenin, List of statues
of Vladimir Lenin, and Leniniana
Volkogonov claimed that "there can scarcely have been another man in
history who managed so profoundly to change so large a society on such
a scale". Lenin's administration laid the framework for
the system of government that ruled
Russia for seven decades and
provided the model for later Communist-led states that came to cover a
third of the inhabited world in the mid-20th century.
Thus, Lenin's influence was global. A controversial
Lenin remains both reviled and revered, a figure
who has been both idolised and demonised. Even during his
Lenin "was loved and hated, admired and scorned" by the
Russian people. This has extended into academic studies
Lenin and Leninism, which have often been polarised along political
Lenin erected by the East German Marxist-Leninist
government at Leninplatz in East Berlin,
East Germany (removed in
Albert Resis suggested that if the
October Revolution is
considered the most significant event of the 20th century, then Lenin
"must for good or ill be considered the century's most significant
political leader". White described
Lenin as "one of the
undeniably outstanding figures of modern history", while
Service noted that the Russian leader was widely understood to be one
of the 20th century's "principal actors". Read considered
him "one of the most widespread, universally recognizable icons of the
twentieth century", while Ryan called him "one of the
most significant and influential figures of modern
history". Time magazine named
Lenin one of the 100 most
important people of the 20th century, and one of their
top 25 political icons of all time.
In the Western world, biographers began writing about
Lenin soon after
his death; some – like Christopher Hill – were sympathetic to him,
and others – like
Richard Pipes and
Robert Gellately – expressly
hostile. Some later biographers, such as Read and Lars Lih, sought to
avoid making either hostile or positive comments about him, thereby
evading politicised stereotypes. Among sympathisers, he
was portrayed as having made a genuine adjustment of Marxist theory
that enabled it to suit Russia's particular socio-economic
conditions. The Soviet view characterised him as a man
who recognised the historically inevitable and accordingly helped to
make the inevitable happen. Conversely, the majority of
Western historians have perceived him as a person who manipulated
events in order to attain and then retain political power, moreover
considering his ideas as attempts to ideologically justify his
pragmatic policies. More recently, revisionists in both
Russia and the West have highlighted the impact that pre-existing
ideas and popular pressures exerted on
Lenin and his
Various historians and biographers have characterised Lenin's
administration as totalitarian, and as a police
state, and many have described it as a one-party
dictatorship. Several such scholars have described Lenin
as a dictator; Ryan stated that he was "not a dictator in
the sense that all his recommendations were accepted and implemented",
for many of his colleagues disagreed with him on various
issues. Fischer noted that while "
Lenin was a dictator,
[he was] not the kind of dictator Stalin later became",
while Volkogonov believed that whereas
Lenin established a
"dictatorship of the Party", it would only be under Stalin that the
Soviet Union became the "dictatorship of one man".
Conversely, various Marxist observers – including Western historians
Hill and John Rees – argued against the view that Lenin's government
was a dictatorship, viewing it instead as an imperfect way of
preserving elements of democracy without some of the processes found
in liberal democratic states. Ryan contends that the
leftist historian Paul Le Blanc "makes a quite valid point that the
personal qualities that led
Lenin to brutal policies were not
necessarily any stronger than in some of the major Western leaders of
the twentieth century". Ryan also posits that for Lenin,
'revolutionary' violence was merely a means to an end: the
establishment of a socialist, ultimately communist world – a world
without violence. Historian
J. Arch Getty remarked,
Lenin deserves a lot of credit for the notion that the meek can
inherit the earth, that there can be a political movement based on
social justice and equality." Some left-wing
intellectuals, among them Slavoj Žižek, Alain Badiou, Lars T. Lih,
and Fredric Jameson, advocate reviving Lenin's uncompromising
revolutionary spirit to address contemporary global
Within the Soviet Union
Lenin's Mausoleum, in front of the Kremlin, in 2007
In the Soviet Union, a cult of personality devoted to
Lenin began to
develop during his lifetime, but was only fully established after his
death. According to historian Nina Tumarkin, it
represented the world's "most elaborate cult of a revolutionary
leader" since that of
George Washington in the United
States, and has been repeatedly described as
"quasi-religious" in nature. Busts or statues of Lenin
were erected in almost every village, and his face
adorned postage stamps, crockery, posters, and the front pages of
Pravda and Isvestia. The places where
he had lived or stayed were converted into museums devoted to
him. Libraries, streets, farms, museums, towns, and whole
regions were named after him, with the city of Petrograd
being renamed "Leningrad" in 1924, and his birthplace of
Simbirsk becoming "Ulyanovsk". The
Order of Lenin
Order of Lenin was
established as one of the country's highest decorations.
All of this was contrary to Lenin's own desires, and was publicly
criticised by his widow.
Various biographers have stated that Lenin's writings were treated in
a manner akin to holy scripture within the Soviet Union,
while Pipes added that "his every opinion was cited to justify one
policy or another and treated as gospel". Stalin
Leninism through a series of lectures at the Sverdlov
University, which were then published as Questions of
Leninism. Stalin also had much of the deceased leader's
writings collated and stored in a secret archive in the
Lenin Institute. Material, such as
Lenin's collection of books in Kraków, were also collected from
abroad for storage in the Institute, often at great
expense. During the Soviet era, these writings were
strictly controlled and very few had access. All of
Lenin's writings that proved useful to Stalin were published, but the
others remained hidden, and knowledge of both Lenin's
non-Russian ancestry and his noble status was suppressed.
In particular, his
Jewish ancestry was suppressed until the
1980s, perhaps out of Soviet anti-Semitism,
and so as not to undermine Stalin's Russification
efforts, and perhaps so as not to provide fuel for
anti-Soviet sentiment among international anti-Semites.
After the discovery of Lenin's
Jewish ancestry, this aspect was
repeatedly emphasised by the Russian far right, who claimed that his
Jewish genetics explained his desire to uproot traditional
Russian society. Under Stalin's regime,
actively portrayed as a close friend of Stalin's who had supported
Stalin's bid to be the next Soviet leader. During the
Soviet era, five separate editions of Lenin's published works were
published in Russian, the first beginning in 1920 and the last from
1958 to 1965; the fifth edition was described as "complete", but in
reality had much omitted for political expediency.
Commemorative one rouble coin minted in 1970 in honour of Lenin's
After Stalin's death,
Nikita Khrushchev became leader of the Soviet
Union and began a process of de-Stalinisation, citing Lenin's
writings, including those on Stalin, to legitimise this
Mikhail Gorbachev took power in 1985 and
introduced the policies of glastnost and perestroika, he too cited
these actions as a return to Lenin's principles. In late
1991, amid the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Russian President
Boris Yeltsin ordered the
Lenin archive be removed from Communist
Party control and placed under the control of a state organ, the
Russian Centre for the Preservation and Study of Documents of Recent
History, at which it was revealed that over 6,000 of Lenin's writings
had gone unpublished. These were declassified and made available for
scholarly study. Yeltsin did not dismantle the Lenin
mausoleum, recognising that
Lenin was too popular and well respected
among the Russian populace for this to be viable.
Russia in 2012, a proposal from the Liberal Democratic Party of
Russia, with the support of some members of the governing United
Russia party, proposed the removal of all
Lenin monuments, a proposal
strongly opposed by the Communist Party of the Russian
Federation. In Ukraine, during and after the 2013–14
Euromaidan protests, thousands of
Lenin statues were damaged or
destroyed by protesters who viewed them as a symbol of Russian
imperialism, and in April 2015 the Ukrainian
government ordered that all others be dismantled to comply with
In the international communist movement
Lenin biographer David Shub, writing in 1965, it was
Lenin's ideas and example that "constitutes the basis of the Communist
movement today". Communist regimes professing allegiance
to Lenin's ideas appeared in various parts of the world during the
20th century. Writing in 1972, the historian Marcel
Liebman stated that "there is hardly any insurrectionary movement
today, from Latin America to Angola, that does not lay claim to the
heritage of Leninism".
After Lenin's death, Stalin's administration established an ideology
known as Marxism-Leninism, a movement that came to be interpreted
differently by various contending factions in the Communist
movement. After being forced into exile by Stalin's
administration, Trotsky argued that
Stalinism was a debasement of
Leninism, which was dominated by bureaucratism and Stalin's own
personal dictatorship. Marxism-
Leninism was adapted to
many of the 20th century's most prominent revolutionary movements,
forming into variants such as Stalinism, Maoism, Juche, Ho Chi Minh
Thought, and Castroism. Conversely, many later Western
communists such as
Manuel Azcárate and Jean Ellenstein who were
involved in the Eurocommunist movement expressed the view that Lenin
and his ideas were irrelevant to their own objectives, thereby
embracing a Marxist but not Marxist-Leninist perspective.
Soviet Union portal
National delimitation in the Soviet Union
Foreign relations of the Soviet Union
^ Russian: Влади́мир Ильи́ч Улья́нов,
IPA: [vɫɐˈdʲimʲɪr ɪˈlʲjitɕ ʊˈlʲjanəf], tr.
Vladímir Il’íč Ul’jánov
^ English: /ˈlɛnɪn/; Russian: Ле́нин,
^ a b According to the new style calendar (modern Gregorian), Lenin
was born on 22 April 1870. According to the old style (Old Julian)
calendar used in the
Russian Empire at the time, it was 10 April 1870.
Russia converted from the old to the new style calendar in 1918, under
^ "Lenin". Random House Webster's Unabridged Dictionary.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 1–2; Rice 1990, pp. 12–13;
Volkogonov 1994, p. 7; Service 2000, pp. 21–23; White
2001, pp. 13–15; Read 2005, p. 6.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 1–2; Rice 1990, pp. 12–13; Service
2000, pp. 21–23; White 2001, pp. 13–15; Read 2005,
^ Fischer 1964, p. 5; Rice 1990, p. 13; Service 2000,
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 2–3; Rice 1990, p. 12; Service 2000,
pp. 16–19, 23; White 2001, pp. 15–18; Read 2005,
p. 5; Lih 2011, p. 20.
^ Petrovsky-Shtern 2010, pp. 66–67.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 6; Rice 1990, pp. 13–14, 18; Service
2000, pp. 25, 27; White 2001, pp. 18–19; Read 2005,
pp. 4, 8; Lih 2011, p. 21.
^ Sebestyen 2017, p. 33.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 6; Rice 1990, p. 12; Service 2000,
^ Fischer 1964, p. 6; Rice 1990, pp. 12, 14; Service 2000,
p. 25; White 2001, pp. 19–20; Read 2005, p. 4; Lih
2011, pp. 21, 22.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 3, 8; Rice 1990, pp. 14–15; Service
2000, p. 29.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 8; Service 2000, p. 27; White 2001,
^ Rice 1990, p. 18; Service 2000, p. 26; White 2001,
p. 20; Read 2005, p. 7; Petrovsky-Shtern 2010, p. 64.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 7; Rice 1990, p. 16; Service 2000,
^ Fischer 1964, p. 7; Rice 1990, p. 17; Service 2000,
pp. 36–46; White 2001, p. 20; Read 2005, p. 9.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 6, 9; Rice 1990, p. 19; Service 2000,
pp. 48–49; Read 2005, p. 10.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 9; Service 2000, pp. 50–51, 64; Read
2005, p. 16; Petrovsky-Shtern 2010, p. 69.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 10–17; Rice 1990, pp. 20, 22–24;
Service 2000, pp. 52–58; White 2001, pp. 21–28; Read
2005, p. 10; Lih 2011, pp. 23–25.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 18; Rice 1990, p. 25; Service 2000,
p. 61; White 2001, p. 29; Read 2005, p. 16; Theen 2004,
^ Fischer 1964, p. 18; Rice 1990, p. 26; Service 2000,
^ Rice 1990, pp. 26–27; Service 2000, pp. 64–68, 70;
White 2001, p. 29.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 18; Rice 1990, p. 27; Service 2000,
pp. 68–69; White 2001, p. 29; Read 2005, p. 15; Lih
2011, p. 32.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 18; Rice 1990, p. 28; White 2001,
p. 30; Read 2005, p. 12; Lih 2011, pp. 32–33.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 18; Rice 1990, p. 310; Service 2000,
^ Fischer 1964, p. 19; Rice 1990, pp. 32–33; Service 2000,
p. 72; White 2001, pp. 30–31; Read 2005, p. 18; Lih
2011, p. 33.
^ Rice 1990, p. 33; Service 2000, pp. 74–76; White 2001,
p. 31; Read 2005, p. 17.
^ Rice 1990, p. 34; Service 2000, p. 78; White 2001,
^ Rice 1990, p. 34; Service 2000, p. 77; Read 2005,
^ Rice 1990, pp. 34, 36–37; Service 2000, pp. 55–55, 80,
88–89; White 2001, p. 31; Read 2005, pp. 37–38; Lih
2011, pp. 34–35.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 23–25, 26; Service 2000, p. 55; Read
2005, pp. 11, 24.
^ Service 2000, pp. 79, 98.
^ Rice 1990, pp. 34–36; Service 2000, pp. 82–86; White
2001, p. 31; Read 2005, pp. 18, 19; Lih 2011, p. 40.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 21; Rice 1990, p. 36; Service 2000,
p. 86; White 2001, p. 31; Read 2005, p. 18; Lih 2011,
^ Fischer 1964, p. 21; Rice 1990, pp. 36, 37.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 21; Rice 1990, p. 38; Service 2000,
^ Pipes 1990, p. 354; Rice 1990, pp. 38–39; Service 2000,
pp. 90–92; White 2001, p. 33; Lih 2011, pp. 40, 52.
^ Pipes 1990, p. 354; Rice 1990, pp. 39–40; Lih 2011,
^ Rice 1990, pp. 40, 43; Service 2000, p. 96.
^ Pipes 1990, p. 355; Rice 1990, pp. 41–42; Service 2000,
p. 105; Read 2005, pp. 22–23.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 22; Rice 1990, p. 41; Read 2005,
^ Fischer 1964, p. 27; Rice 1990, pp. 42–43; White 2001,
pp. 34, 36; Read 2005, p. 25; Lih 2011, pp. 45–46.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 30; Pipes 1990, p. 354; Rice 1990,
pp. 44–46; Service 2000, p. 103; White 2001, p. 37;
Read 2005, p. 26; Lih 2011, p. 55.
^ Rice 1990, p. 46; Service 2000, p. 103; White 2001,
p. 37; Read 2005, p. 26.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 30; Rice 1990, p. 46; Service 2000,
p. 103; White 2001, p. 37; Read 2005, p. 26.
^ Rice 1990, pp. 47–48; Read 2005, p. 26.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 31; Pipes 1990, p. 355; Rice 1990,
p. 48; White 2001, p. 38; Read 2005, p. 26.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 31; Rice 1990, pp. 48–51; Service 2000,
pp. 107–108; Read 2005, p. 31; Lih 2011, p. 61.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 31; Rice 1990, pp. 48–51; Service 2000,
^ Fischer 1964, p. 31; Rice 1990, pp. 52–55; Service 2000,
pp. 109–110; White 2001, pp. 38, 45, 47; Read 2005,
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 31–32; Rice 1990, pp. 53, 55–56;
Service 2000, pp. 110–113; White 2001, p. 40; Read 2005,
pp. 30, 31.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 33; Pipes 1990, p. 356; Service 2000,
pp. 114, 140; White 2001, p. 40; Read 2005, p. 30; Lih
2011, p. 63.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 33–34; Rice 1990, pp. 53, 55–56;
Service 2000, p. 117; Read 2005, p. 33.
^ Rice 1990, pp. 61–63; Service 2000, p. 124; Rappaport
2010, p. 31.
^ Rice 1990, pp. 57–58; Service 2000, pp. 121–124, 137;
White 2001, pp. 40–45; Read 2005, pp. 34, 39; Lih 2011,
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 34–35; Rice 1990, p. 64; Service 2000,
pp. 124–125; White 2001, p. 54; Read 2005, p. 43;
Rappaport 2010, pp. 27–28.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 35; Pipes 1990, p. 357; Rice 1990,
pp. 66–65; White 2001, pp. 55–56; Read 2005, p. 43;
Rappaport 2010, p. 28.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 35; Pipes 1990, p. 357; Rice 1990,
pp. 64–69; Service 2000, pp. 130–135; Rappaport 2010,
^ Rice 1990, pp. 69–70; Read 2005, p. 51; Rappaport 2010,
pp. 41–42, 53–55.
^ Rice 1990, pp. 69–70.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 4–5; Service 2000, p. 137; Read 2005,
p. 44; Rappaport 2010, p. 66.
^ Rappaport 2010, p. 66; Lih 2011, pp. 8–9.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 39; Pipes 1990, p. 359; Rice 1990,
pp. 73–75; Service 2000, pp. 137–142; White 2001,
pp. 56–62; Read 2005, pp. 52–54; Rappaport 2010,
p. 62; Lih 2011, pp. 69, 78–80.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 37; Rice 1990, p. 70; Service 2000,
p. 136; Read 2005, p. 44; Rappaport 2010, pp. 36–37.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 37; Rice 1990, pp. 78–79; Service 2000,
pp. 143–144; Rappaport 2010, pp. 81, 84.
^ Read 2005, p. 60.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 38; Lih 2011, p. 80.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 38–39; Rice 1990, pp. 75–76; Service
2000, p. 147; Rappaport 2010, p. 69.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 40, 50–51; Rice 1990, p. 76; Service
2000, pp. 148–150; Read 2005, p. 48; Rappaport 2010,
^ Rice 1990, pp. 77–78; Service 2000, p. 150; Rappaport
2010, pp. 85–87.
^ Pipes 1990, p. 360; Rice 1990, pp. 79–80; Service 2000,
pp. 151–152; White 2001, p. 62; Read 2005, p. 60;
Rappaport 2010, p. 92; Lih 2011, p. 81.
^ Rice 1990, pp. 81–82; Service 2000, pp. 154–155; White
2001, p. 63; Read 2005, pp. 60–61.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 39; Rice 1990, p. 82; Service 2000,
pp. 155–156; Read 2005, p. 61; White 2001, p. 64;
Rappaport 2010, p. 95.
^ Rice 1990, p. 83; Rappaport 2010, p. 107.
^ Rice 1990, pp. 83–84; Service 2000, p. 157; White 2001,
p. 65; Rappaport 2010, pp. 97–98.
^ Service 2000, pp. 158–159, 163–164; Rappaport 2010,
pp. 97, 99, 108–109.
^ Rice 1990, p. 85; Service 2000, p. 163.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 41; Rice 1990, p. 85; Service 2000,
p. 165; White 2001, p. 70; Read 2005, p. 64; Rappaport
2010, p. 114.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 44; Rice 1990, pp. 86–88; Service 2000,
p. 167; Read 2005, p. 75; Rappaport 2010,
pp. 117–120; Lih 2011, p. 87.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 44–45; Pipes 1990, pp. 362–363; Rice
1990, pp. 88–89.
^ Service 2000, pp. 170–171.
^ Pipes 1990, pp. 363–364; Rice 1990, pp. 89–90; Service
2000, pp. 168–170; Read 2005, p. 78; Rappaport 2010,
^ Fischer 1964, p. 60; Pipes 1990, p. 367; Rice 1990,
pp. 90–91; Service 2000, p. 179; Read 2005, p. 79;
Rappaport 2010, p. 131.
^ Rice 1990, pp. 88–89.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 51; Rice 1990, p. 94; Service 2000,
pp. 175–176; Read 2005, p. 81; Read 2005, pp. 77, 81;
Rappaport 2010, pp. 132, 134–135.
^ Rice 1990, pp. 94–95; White 2001, pp. 73–74; Read
2005, pp. 81–82; Rappaport 2010, p. 138.
^ Rice 1990, pp. 96–97; Service 2000, pp. 176–178.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 70–71; Pipes 1990, pp. 369–370; Rice
1990, p. 104.
^ Rice 1990, p. 95; Service 2000, pp. 178–179.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 53; Pipes 1990, p. 364; Rice 1990,
pp. 99–100; Service 2000, pp. 179–180; White 2001,
^ Rice 1990, pp. 103–105; Service 2000, pp. 180–182;
White 2001, pp. 77–79.
^ Rice 1990, pp. 105–106; Service 2000, pp. 184–186;
Rappaport 2010, p. 144.
^ Brackman 2000, pp. 59, 62.
^ Service 2000, pp. 186–187.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 67–68; Rice 1990, p. 111; Service
2000, pp. 188–189.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 64; Rice 1990, p. 109; Service 2000,
pp. 189–190; Read 2005, pp. 89–90.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 63–64; Rice 1990, p. 110; Service
2000, pp. 190–191; White 2001, pp. 83, 84.
^ Rice 1990, pp. 110–111; Service 2000, pp. 191–192;
Read 2005, p. 91.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 64–67; Rice 1990, p. 110; Service
2000, pp. 192–193; White 2001, pp. 84, 87–88; Read 2005,
^ Fischer 1964, p. 69; Rice 1990, p. 111; Service 2000,
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 81–82; Pipes 1990, pp. 372–375; Rice
1990, pp. 120–121; Service 2000, p. 206; White 2001,
p. 102; Read 2005, pp. 96–97.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 70; Rice 1990, pp. 114–116.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 68–69; Rice 1990, p. 112; Service
2000, pp. 195–196.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 75–80; Rice 1990, p. 112; Pipes 1990,
p. 384; Service 2000, pp. 197–199; Read 2005, p. 103.
^ Rice 1990, p. 115; Service 2000, p. 196; White 2001,
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 71–72; Rice 1990, pp. 116–117;
Service 2000, pp. 204–206; White 2001, pp. 96–97; Read
2005, p. 95.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 72; Rice 1990, pp. 118–119; Service
2000, pp. 209–211; White 2001, p. 100; Read 2005,
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 93–94; Pipes 1990, p. 376; Rice 1990,
p. 121; Service 2000, pp. 214–215; White 2001,
^ Rice 1990, p. 122; White 2001, p. 100.
^ Service 2000, p. 216; White 2001, p. 103; Read 2005,
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 73–74; Rice 1990, pp. 122–123;
Service 2000, pp. 217–218; Read 2005, p. 105.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 85.
^ Rice 1990, p. 127; Service 2000, pp. 222–223.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 94; Pipes 1990, pp. 377–378; Rice 1990,
pp. 127–128; Service 2000, pp. 223–225; White 2001,
p. 104; Read 2005, p. 105.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 94; Pipes 1990, p. 378; Rice 1990,
p. 128; Service 2000, p. 225; White 2001, p. 104; Read
2005, p. 127.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 107; Service 2000, p. 236.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 85; Pipes 1990, pp. 378–379; Rice 1990,
p. 127; Service 2000, p. 225; White 2001,
^ Fischer 1964, p. 94; Rice 1990, pp. 130–131; Pipes 1990,
pp. 382–383; Service 2000, p. 245; White 2001,
pp. 113–114, 122–113; Read 2005, pp. 132–134.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 85; Rice 1990, p. 129; Service 2000,
pp. 227–228; Read 2005, p. 111.
^ Pipes 1990, p. 380; Service 2000, pp. 230–231; Read
2005, p. 130.
^ Rice 1990, p. 135; Service 2000, p. 235.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 95–100, 107; Rice 1990, pp. 132–134;
Service 2000, pp. 245–246; White 2001, pp. 118–121; Read
2005, pp. 116–126.
^ Service 2000, pp. 241–242.
^ Service 2000, p. 243.
^ Service 2000, pp. 238–239.
^ Rice 1990, pp. 136–138; Service 2000, p. 253.
^ Service 2000, pp. 254–255.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 109–110; Rice 1990, p. 139; Pipes
1990, pp. 386, 389–391; Service 2000, pp. 255–256; White
2001, pp. 127–128.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 110–113; Rice 1990, pp. 140–144;
Pipes 1990, pp. 391–392; Service 2000, pp. 257–260.
^ Merridale 2017, p. ix.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 113, 124; Rice 1990, p. 144; Pipes 1990,
p. 392; Service 2000, p. 261; White 2001,
^ Pipes 1990, pp. 393–394; Service 2000, p. 266; White
2001, pp. 132–135; Read 2005, pp. 143, 146–147.
^ Service 2000, pp. 266–268, 279; White 2001,
pp. 134–136; Read 2005, pp. 147, 148.
^ Service 2000, pp. 267, 271–272; Read 2005, pp. 152, 154.
^ Service 2000, p. 282; Read 2005, p. 157.
^ Pipes 1990, p. 421; Rice 1990, p. 147; Service 2000,
pp. 276, 283; White 2001, p. 140; Read 2005, p. 157.
^ Pipes 1990, pp. 422–425; Rice 1990, pp. 147–148;
Service 2000, pp. 283–284; Read 2005, pp. 158–61; White
2001, pp. 140–141; Read 2005, pp. 157–159.
^ Pipes 1990, pp. 431–434; Rice 1990, p. 148; Service
2000, pp. 284–285; White 2001, p. 141; Read 2005,
^ Fischer 1964, p. 125; Rice 1990, pp. 148–149; Service
2000, p. 285.
^ Pipes 1990, pp. 436, 467; Service 2000, p. 287; White
2001, p. 141; Read 2005, p. 165.
^ Pipes 1990, pp. 468–469; Rice 1990, p. 149; Service
2000, p. 289; White 2001, pp. 142–143; Read 2005,
^ Service 2000, p. 288.
^ Pipes 1990, p. 468; Rice 1990, p. 150; Service 2000,
pp. 289–292; Read 2005, p. 165.
^ Pipes 1990, pp. 439–465; Rice 1990, pp. 150–151;
Service 2000, p. 299; White 2001, pp. 143–144; Read 2005,
^ Pipes 1990, p. 465.
^ Pipes 1990, pp. 465–467; White 2001, p. 144; Lee 2003,
p. 17; Read 2005, p. 174.
^ Pipes 1990, p. 471; Rice 1990, pp. 151–152; Read 2005,
^ Pipes 1990, pp. 473, 482; Rice 1990, p. 152; Service 2000,
pp. 302–303; Read 2005, p. 179.
^ Pipes 1990, pp. 482–484; Rice 1990, pp. 153–154;
Service 2000, pp. 303–304; White 2001, pp. 146–147.
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^ Pipes 1990, pp. 492–493, 496; Service 2000, p. 311; Read
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^ Volkogonov 1994, pp. 222, 231.
^ a b Service 2000, p. 369.
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^ Fischer 1964, pp. 263–264; Pipes 1990, p. 672.
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^ Pipes 1990, pp. 681, 692–693; Sandle 1999, pp. 96–97.
^ Pipes 1990, pp. 692–693; Sandle 1999, p. 97.
^ a b Fischer 1964, p. 236; Service 2000, pp. 351–352.
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^ Shub 1966, p. 383.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 193–194.
^ Shub 1966, p. 331; Pipes 1990, p. 567.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 151; Pipes 1990, p. 567; Service 2000,
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 190–191; Shub 1966, p. 337; Pipes
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^ Fischer 1964, pp. 151–152; Pipes 1990, pp. 571–572.
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^ Fischer 1964, pp. 162–163; Pipes 1990, p. 576.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 171–172, 200–202; Pipes 1990,
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^ Service 2000, p. 338.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 195; Shub 1966, pp. 334, 337; Service
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^ Pipes 1990, p. 587; Rice 1990, pp. 166–167; Service
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^ Shub 1966, p. 338; Pipes 1990, pp. 592–593; Service
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^ Fischer 1964, pp. 211–212; Shub 1966, p. 339; Pipes
1990, p. 595; Rice 1990, p. 167; Service 2000, p. 342;
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^ Pipes 1990, p. 595; Service 2000, p. 342.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 213–214; Pipes 1990, pp. 596–597.
^ Service 2000, p. 344.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 313–314; Shub 1966, pp. 387–388;
Pipes 1990, pp. 667–668; Volkogonov 1994, pp. 193–194;
Service 2000, p. 384.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 303–304; Pipes 1990, p. 668;
Volkogonov 1994, p. 194; Service 2000, p. 384.
^ Volkogonov 1994, p. 182.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 236; Pipes 1990, pp. 558, 723; Rice 1990,
p. 170; Volkogonov 1994, p. 190.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 236–237; Shub 1966, p. 353; Pipes
1990, pp. 560, 722, 732–736; Rice 1990, p. 170; Volkogonov
1994, pp. 181, 342–343; Service 2000, pp. 349, 358–359;
White 2001, p. 164; Read 2005, p. 218.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 254; Pipes 1990, pp. 728, 734–736;
Volkogonov 1994, p. 197; Ryan 2012, p. 105.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 277–278; Pipes 1990, p. 737; Service
2000, p. 365; White 2001, pp. 155–156; Ryan 2012,
^ Fischer 1964, p. 450; Pipes 1990, p. 726.
^ Pipes 1990, pp. 700–702; Lee 2003, p. 100.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 195; Pipes 1990, p. 794; Volkogonov 1994,
p. 181; Read 2005, p. 249.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 237.
^ Service 2000, p. 385; White 2001, p. 164; Read 2005,
^ Shub 1966, p. 344; Pipes 1990, pp. 790–791; Volkogonov
1994, pp. 181, 196; Read 2005, pp. 247–248.
^ Shub 1966, p. 312.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 435–436.
^ Shub 1966, pp. 345–347; Rigby 1979, pp. 20–21; Pipes
1990, p. 800; Volkogonov 1994, p. 233; Service 2000,
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^ Leggett 1981, p. 174; Volkogonov 1994, pp. 233–234;
Sandle 1999, p. 112; Ryan 2012, p. 111.
^ Shub 1966, p. 366; Sandle 1999, p. 112.
^ Ryan 2012, p. 116.
^ Pipes 1990, p. 821; Ryan 2012, pp. 114–115.
^ Shub 1966, p. 366; Sandle 1999, p. 113; Read 2005,
p. 210; Ryan 2012, pp. 114–115.
^ Leggett 1981, pp. 173–174; Pipes 1990, p. 801.
^ Leggett 1981, pp. 199–200; Pipes 1990, pp. 819–820;
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^ Shub 1966, p. 364; Ryan 2012, p. 114.
^ Pipes 1990, p. 837.
^ Ryan 2012, p. 114.
^ Pipes 1990, p. 834.
^ Volkogonov 1994, p. 202; Read 2005, p. 247.
^ Pipes 1990, p. 796.
^ Volkogonov 1994, p. 202.
^ Pipes 1990, p. 825; Ryan 2012, pp. 117, 120.
^ Leggett 1981, pp. 174–175, 183; Pipes 1990,
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^ Pipes 1990, pp. 829–830, 832.
^ Leggett 1981, pp. 176–177; Pipes 1990, pp. 832, 834.
^ Pipes 1990, p. 835; Volkogonov 1994, p. 235.
^ Leggett 1981, p. 178; Pipes 1990, p. 836.
^ Leggett 1981, p. 176; Pipes 1990, pp. 832–833.
^ Volkogonov 1994, pp. 358–360; Ryan 2012, pp. 172–173,
^ Volkogonov 1994, pp. 376–377; Read 2005, p. 239; Ryan
2012, p. 179.
^ Volkogonov 1994, p. 381.
^ Pipes 1990, p. 610.
^ a b Service 2000, p. 357.
^ Service 2000, pp. 391–392.
^ Lee 2003, pp. 84, 88.
^ Read 2005, p. 205.
^ Shub 1966, p. 355; Leggett 1981, p. 204; Rice 1990,
pp. 173, 175; Volkogonov 1994, p. 198; Service 2000,
pp. 357, 382; Read 2005, p. 187.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 334, 343, 357; Leggett 1981, p. 204;
Service 2000, pp. 382, 392; Read 2005, pp. 205–206.
^ Leggett 1981, p. 204; Read 2005, p. 206.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 288–289; Pipes 1990, pp. 624–630;
Service 2000, p. 360; White 2001, pp. 161–162; Read 2005,
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 262–263.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 291; Shub 1966, p. 354.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 331, 333.
^ Pipes 1990, pp. 610, 612; Volkogonov 1994, p. 198.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 337; Pipes 1990, pp. 609, 612, 629;
Volkogonov 1994, p. 198; Service 2000, p. 383; Read 2005,
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 248, 262.
^ Pipes 1990, p. 651; Volkogonov 1994, p. 200; White 2001,
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^ Fischer 1964, p. 251; White 2001, p. 163; Read 2005,
^ Leggett 1981, p. 201; Pipes 1990, p. 792; Volkogonov 1994,
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^ Leggett 1981, p. 201; Volkogonov 1994, pp. 203–204.
^ Shub 1966, pp. 357–358; Pipes 1990, pp. 781–782;
Volkogonov 1994, pp. 206–207; Service 2000, pp. 364–365.
^ Pipes 1990, pp. 763, 770–771; Volkogonov 1994, p. 211.
^ Ryan 2012, p. 109.
^ Volkogonov 1994, p. 208.
^ Pipes 1990, p. 635.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 244; Shub 1966, p. 355; Pipes 1990,
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^ Fischer 1964, p. 242; Pipes 1990, pp. 642–644; Read
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^ Fischer 1964, p. 244; Pipes 1990, p. 644; Volkogonov 1994,
^ Leggett 1981, p. 184; Service 2000, p. 402; Read 2005,
^ Hall 2015, p. 83.
^ Goldstein 2013, p. 50.
^ Hall 2015, p. 84.
^ Davies 2003, pp. 26–27.
^ Davies 2003, pp. 27–30.
^ Davies 2003, pp. 22, 27.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 389; Rice 1990, p. 182; Volkogonov 1994,
p. 281; Service 2000, p. 407; White 2001, p. 161;
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^ Davies 2003, p. 22.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 389; Rice 1990, p. 182; Volkogonov 1994,
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^ Fischer 1964, pp. 391–395; Shub 1966, p. 396; Rice 1990,
pp. 182–183; Service 2000, pp. 408–409, 412; White 2001,
^ Rice 1990, p. 183; Volkogonov 1994, p. 388; Service 2000,
^ Shub 1966, p. 387; Rice 1990, p. 173.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 333; Shub 1966, p. 388; Rice 1990,
p. 173; Volkogonov 1994, p. 395.
^ a b Service 2000, pp. 385–386.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 531, 536.
^ Service 2000, p. 386.
^ Shub 1966, pp. 389–390.
^ a b Shub 1966, p. 390.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 525; Shub 1966, p. 390; Rice 1990,
p. 174; Volkogonov 1994, p. 390; Service 2000, p. 386;
White 2001, p. 160; Read 2005, p. 225.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 525; Shub 1966, pp. 390–391; Rice 1990,
p. 174; Service 2000, p. 386; White 2001, p. 160.
^ Service 2000, p. 387; White 2001, p. 160.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 525; Shub 1966, p. 398; Read 2005,
^ Service 2000, p. 387.
^ Shub 1966, p. 395; Volkogonov 1994, p. 391.
^ Shub 1966, p. 397; Service 2000, p. 409.
^ Service 2000, pp. 409–410.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 415–420; White 2001, pp. 161,
^ Service 2000, p. 410.
^ Shub 1966, p. 397.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 341; Shub 1966, p. 396; Rice 1990,
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 437–438; Shub 1966, p. 406; Rice 1990,
p. 183; Service 2000, p. 419; White 2001,
^ Shub 1966, p. 406; Service 2000, p. 419; White 2001,
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 436, 442; Rice 1990, pp. 183–184;
Sandle 1999, pp. 104–105; Service 2000, pp. 422–423;
White 2001, p. 168; Read 2005, p. 269.
^ White 2001, p. 170.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 507–508; Rice 1990, pp. 185–186.
^ Ryan 2012, p. 164.
^ Volkogonov 1994, pp. 343, 347.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 508; Shub 1966, p. 414; Volkogonov 1994,
p. 345; White 2001, p. 172.
^ Volkogonov 1994, p. 346.
^ Volkogonov 1994, pp. 374–375.
^ Volkogonov 1994, pp. 375–376; Read 2005, p. 251; Ryan
2012, pp. 176, 177.
^ Volkogonov 1994, p. 376; Ryan 2012, p. 178.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 467; Shub 1966, p. 406; Volkogonov 1994,
p. 343; Service 2000, p. 425; White 2001, p. 168; Read
2005, p. 220; Ryan 2012, p. 154.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 459; Leggett 1981, pp. 330–333; Service
2000, pp. 423–424; White 2001, p. 168; Ryan 2012,
^ Shub 1966, pp. 406–407; Leggett 1981, pp. 324–325;
Rice 1990, p. 184; Read 2005, p. 220; Ryan 2012,
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 469–470; Shub 1966, p. 405; Leggett
1981, pp. 325–326; Rice 1990, p. 184; Service 2000,
p. 427; White 2001, p. 169; Ryan 2012, p. 170.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 470–471; Shub 1966, pp. 408–409;
Leggett 1981, pp. 327–328; Rice 1990, pp. 184–185;
Service 2000, pp. 427–428; Ryan 2012, pp. 171–172.
^ Shub 1966, pp. 412–413.
^ Shub 1966, p. 411; Rice 1990, p. 185; Service 2000,
pp. 421, 424–427, 429.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 479–480; Sandle 1999, p. 155; Service
2000, p. 430; White 2001, pp. 170, 171.
^ Shub 1966, p. 411; Sandle 1999, pp. 153, 158; Service
2000, p. 430; White 2001, p. 169; Read 2005,
^ Shub 1966, p. 412; Service 2000, p. 430; Read 2005,
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^ Fischer 1964, pp. 479; Shub 1966, p. 412; Sandle 1999,
p. 155; Ryan 2012, p. 159.
^ Sandle 1999, p. 151; Service 2000, p. 422; White 2001,
^ Service 2000, pp. 421, 434.
^ Pipes 1990, pp. 703–707; Sandle 1999, p. 103; Ryan 2012,
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 423, 582; Sandle 1999, p. 107; White
2001, p. 165; Read 2005, p. 230.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 567–569.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 574, 576–577; Service 2000, pp. 432,
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 424–427.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 414; Rice 1990, pp. 177–178; Service
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^ Volkogonov 1994, p. 283.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 404–409; Rice 1990, pp. 178–179;
Service 2000, p. 440.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 409–411.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 433–434; Shub 1966, pp. 380–381;
Rice 1990, p. 181; Service 2000, pp. 414–415; Read 2005,
^ Fischer 1964, p. 434; Shub 1966, pp. 381–382; Rice 1990,
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^ Rice 1990, pp. 181–182; Service 2000, p. 416–417; Read
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^ Shub 1966, p. 426; Lewin 1969, p. 33; Rice 1990,
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^ Shub 1966, p. 426; Rice 1990, p. 187; Service 2000,
^ Service 2000, p. 436; Read 2005, p. 281; Rice 1990,
^ Volkogonov 1994, pp. 420, 425–426; Service 2000, p. 439;
Read 2005, pp. 280, 282.
^ Volkogonov 1994, p. 443; Service 2000, p. 437.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 598–599; Shub 1966, p. 426; Service
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^ Service 2000, pp. 444–445.
^ Lerner, Finkelstein & Witztum 2004, p. 372.
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^ Shub 1966, pp. 427–428; Service 2000, p. 446.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 634; Shub 1966, pp. 431–432; Lewin
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^ Fischer 1964, pp. 600–602; Shub 1966, pp. 428–430;
Leggett 1981, p. 318; Sandle 1999, p. 164; Service 2000,
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^ Lewin 1969, pp. 8–9; White 2001, p. 176; Read 2005,
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^ Fischer 1964, p. 640; Shub 1966, pp. 434–435; Volkogonov
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^ Kotkin 2014, p. 528.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 666–667, 669; Lewin 1969,
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^ Shub 1966, pp. 426, 434; Lewin 1969, pp. 34–35.
^ Volkogonov 1994, pp. 263–264.
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^ Fischer 1964, pp. 637–638, 669; Shub 1966,
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^ Fischer 1964, pp. 607–608; Lewin 1969, pp. 43–49; Rice
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^ Rigby 1979, p. 221.
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^ Fischer 1964, pp. 625–626; Volkogonov 1994, p. 446.
^ Volkogonov 1994, pp. 444, 445.
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^ Volkogonov 1994, p. 444.
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^ Fischer 1964, p. 150.
^ a b c d Ryan 2012, p. 18.
^ Volkogonov 1994, p. 409.
^ Sandle 1999, p. 35; Service 2000, p. 237.
^ a b c Sandle 1999, p. 41.
^ Volkogonov 1994, p. 206.
^ Sandle 1999, p. 35.
^ Shub 1966, p. 432.
^ Sandle 1999, pp. 42–43.
^ Sandle 1999, p. 38.
^ Sandle 1999, pp. 43–44, 63.
^ Sandle 1999, p. 36.
^ Service 2000, p. 203.
^ Sandle 1999, p. 29; White 2001, p. 1.
^ Service 2000, p. 173.
^ Ryan 2012, p. 13.
^ Sandle 1999, p. 57; White 2001, p. 151.
^ Sandle 1999, p. 34.
^ White 2001, pp. 150–151.
^ a b c Ryan 2012, p. 19.
^ a b Ryan 2012, p. 3.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 213.
^ a b Rice 1990, p. 121.
^ Volkogonov 1994, p. 471.
^ Shub 1966, p. 443.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 310; Shub 1966, p. 442.
^ Sandle 1999, pp. 36–37.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 54; Shub 1966, p. 423; Pipes 1990,
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 88–89.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 87; Montefiore 2007, p. 266.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 87.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 91, 93.
^ Montefiore 2007, p. 266.
^ Page 1948, p. 17; Page 1950, p. 354.
^ Page 1950, p. 355.
^ Page 1950, p. 342.
^ Service 2000, pp. 159, 202; Read 2005, p. 207.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 47, 148.
^ Pipes 1990, pp. 348, 351.
^ Volkogonov 1994, p. 246.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 57.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 21–22.
^ Service 2000, p. 73.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 44; Service 2000, p. 81.
^ Service 2000, p. 118.
^ Service 2000, p. 232; Lih 2011, p. 13.
^ White 2001, p. 88.
^ Volkogonov 1994, p. 362.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 409.
^ Read 2005, p. 262.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 40–41; Volkogonov 1994, p. 373;
Service 2000, p. 149.
^ Service 2000, p. 116.
^ Pipes 1996, p. 11; Read 2005, p. 287.
^ Read 2005, p. 259.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 67; Pipes 1990, p. 353; Read 2005,
pp. 207, 212.
^ Petrovsky-Shtern 2010, p. 93.
^ Pipes 1990, p. 353.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 69.
^ Service 2000, p. 244; Read 2005, p. 153.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 59.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 45; Pipes 1990, p. 350; Volkogonov 1994,
p. 182; Service 2000, p. 177; Read 2005, p. 208; Ryan
2012, p. 6.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 415; Shub 1966, p. 422; Read 2005,
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^ Volkogonov 1994, p. 200.
^ Service 2000, p. 242.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 56; Rice 1990, p. 106; Service 2000,
^ Fischer 1964, p. 56; Service 2000, p. 188.
^ Read 2005, pp. 20, 64, 132–37.
^ Shub 1966, p. 423.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 367.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 368.
^ Pipes 1990, p. 812.
^ Service 2000, pp. 99–100, 160.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 245.
^ Pipes 1990, pp. 349–350; Read 2005, pp. 284, 259–260.
^ Fischer 1964, pp. 489, 491; Shub 1966, pp. 420–421;
Sandle 1999, p. 125; Read 2005, p. 237.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 79; Read 2005, p. 237.
^ Service 2000, p. 199.
^ Shub 1966, p. 424; Service 2000, p. 213; Rappaport 2010,
^ Read 2005, p. 19.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 515; Volkogonov 1994, p. 246.
^ Petrovsky-Shtern 2010, p. 67.
^ Service 2000, p. 453.
^ Service 2000, p. 389.
^ Pipes 1996, p. 11; Service 2000, p. 389–400.
^ Volkogonov 1994, p. 326.
^ Service 2000, p. 391.
^ Volkogonov 1994, p. 259.
^ Read 2005, p. 284.
^ Fischer 1964, p. 414.
^ Liebman 1975, pp. 19–20.
^ Albert Resis. "Vladimir Ilich Lenin". Encyclopædia Britannica.
Archived from the original on 19 June 2015. Retrieved 4 February 2016.
^ White 2001, p. iix.
^ Service 2000, p. 488.
^ a b Read 2005, p. 283.
^ a b Ryan 2012, p. 5.
^ David Remnick (13 April 1998). "TIME 100: Vladimir Lenin". Archived
from the original on 25 April 2011.
^ Feifei Sun (4 February 2011). "Top 25 Political Icons: Lenin". Time.
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^ a b Lee 2003, p. 123.
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^ Fischer 1964, p. 516; Shub 1966, p. 415; Leggett 1981,
p. 364; Volkogonov 1994, pp. 307, 312.
^ Leggett 1981, p. 364.
^ Lewin 1969, p. 12; Rigby 1979, pp. x, 161; Sandle 1999,
p. 164; Service 2000, p. 506; Lee 2003, p. 97; Read
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^ Fischer 1964, p. 417; Shub 1966, p. 416; Pipes 1990,
p. 511; Pipes 1996, p. 3; Read 2005, p. 247.
^ Ryan 2012, p. 1.
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^ Volkogonov 1994, p. 313.
^ Lee 2003, p. 120.
^ Ryan 2012, p. 191.
^ Ryan 2012, p. 184.
Lenin Biography". Biography. 42:10 minutes in. A&E
Television Networks. Retrieved 20 May 2016.
^ Ryan 2012, p. 3; Budgen, Kouvelakis & Žižek 2007,
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p. 185; Read 2005, p. 260.
^ Tumarkin 1997, p. 2.
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p. 185; Petrovsky-Shtern 2010, p. 114; Read 2005,
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^ Shub 1966, p. 439; Pipes 1996, p. 1; Service 2000,
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^ Service 2000, p. 485.
^ Pipes 1996, pp. 1–2; White 2001, p. 183.
^ Volkogonov 1994, pp. 452–453; Service 2000,
pp. 491–492; Lee 2003, p. 131.
^ Service 2000, pp. 491–492.
^ Pipes 1996, pp. 2–3.
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^ "All monuments of
Lenin to be removed from Russian cities". RT. 20
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^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 20 August 2016.
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Vladimir Leninat's sister projects
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Lenin's Popularity Highest in Years on Revolutionary's 144th Birthday.
The Moscow Times, 22 April 2014.
The Lies We Tell About Lenin. Lars T. Lih. Jacobin. 23 July 2014.
"Lenin", In Our Time, BBC Radio 4 discussion with Robert Service and
Vitali Vitaliev (16 March 2000).
Lenin’s Eco-Warriors. The New York Times. 7 August 2017.
Newspaper clippings about Vladimir
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