The Info List - Treaty Of Versailles


Principal Allies  United States[1]  British Empire[1]  France[1]  Italy[1]  Japan[1]

Others  Belgium[1]  Bolivia[1]  Brazil[1]  China[1]  Cuba[1]  Ecuador[1]  Greece[1]  Guatemala[1]  Haiti[1]  The Hedjaz[1]  Honduras[1]  Liberia[1]  Nicaragua[1]  Panama[1]  Peru[1]  Poland[1]  Portugal[1]  Romania[1]  The Serb-Croat-Slovene State[1]  Siam  Czechoslovakia[1]  Uruguay[1]

DepositaryFrench Government[5]LanguagesFrench and English[5] Treaty of Versailles
at Wikisource Paris
Peace Conference League of Nations Covenant of the League of Nations Members Organisation Minority Treaties Little Treaty of Versailles Mandates

Treaty of Versailles War guilt Reparations Role in the Weimar Republic's hyperinflation Dawes Plan Hague conference on reparations Young Plan Lausanne Conference Locarno Treaties Possible cause of World War II International Opium Convention

Treaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye Treaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye

Treaty of Neuilly-sur-Seine Treaty of Neuilly-sur-Seine

Treaty of Trianon Treaty of Trianon

Treaty of Sèvres Partitioning of the Ottoman Empire Conference of London (1920) San Remo conference Turkish National Movement Turkish War of Independence Treaty of Lausanne
Treaty of Lausanne

Others American Commission to Negotiate Peace Commission of Responsibilities The Inquiry vte @media all and (max-width:720px) .mw-parser-output .mobile-float-reset float:none!important;width:100%!important .mw-parser-output .stack-container box-sizing:border-box .mw-parser-output .stack-clear-left float:left;clear:left .mw-parser-output .stack-clear-right float:right;clear:right .mw-parser-output .stack-left float:left .mw-parser-output .stack-right float:right .mw-parser-output .stack-object margin:1px;overflow:hidden

Events leading to World War II Treaty of Versailles
1919 Polish-Soviet War
Polish-Soviet War
1919Treaty of Trianon 1920Treaty of Rapallo 1920Franco-Polish alliance 1921March on Rome 1922 Corfu incident
Corfu incident
1923 Occupation of the Ruhr
Occupation of the Ruhr
1923–1925Mein Kampf 1925 Pacification of Libya
Pacification of Libya
1923–1932 Dawes Plan
Dawes Plan
1924Locarno Treaties 1925 Young Plan
Young Plan
1929 Great Depression
Great Depression
1929–1941Japanese invasion of Manchuria 1931Pacification of Manchukuo 1931–1942January 28 Incident 1932World Disarmament Conference 1932–1934 Defense of the Great Wall
Defense of the Great Wall
1933 Battle of Rehe
Battle of Rehe
1933Nazis' rise to power in Germany 1933 Tanggu Truce
Tanggu Truce
1933Italo-Soviet Pact 1933Inner Mongolian Campaign 1933–1936German–Polish Non-Aggression Pact 1934Franco-Soviet Treaty of Mutual Assistance 1935 Soviet–Czechoslovakia Treaty of Mutual Assistance
Soviet–Czechoslovakia Treaty of Mutual Assistance
1935He–Umezu Agreement 1935 Anglo-German Naval Agreement
Anglo-German Naval Agreement
1935December 9th Movement Second Italo-Ethiopian War
Second Italo-Ethiopian War
1935–1936Remilitarization of the Rhineland
1936 Spanish Civil War
Spanish Civil War
1936–1939Anti-Comintern Pact 1936 Suiyuan Campaign
Suiyuan Campaign
1936 Xi'an Incident
Xi'an Incident
1936Second Sino-Japanese War 1937–1945 USS Panay incident
USS Panay incident
1937 Anschluss
Mar. 1938May crisis May 1938 Battle of Lake Khasan
Battle of Lake Khasan
July–Aug. 1938Undeclared German-Czechoslovak War Sep. 1938 Munich Agreement
Munich Agreement
Sep. 1938First Vienna Award Nov. 1938 German occupation of Czechoslovakia
German occupation of Czechoslovakia
Mar. 1939German ultimatum to Lithuania Mar. 1939 Slovak–Hungarian War
Slovak–Hungarian War
Mar. 1939Final offensive of the Spanish Civil War
Spanish Civil War
Mar.–Apr. 1939Danzig Crisis Mar.–Aug. 1939British guarantee to Poland Mar. 1939 Italian invasion of Albania
Italian invasion of Albania
Apr. 1939Soviet–British–French Moscow negotiations Apr.–Aug. 1939 Pact of Steel
Pact of Steel
May 1939Battles of Khalkhin Gol May–Sep. 1939 Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact
Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact
Aug. 1939 Invasion of Poland
Invasion of Poland
Sep. 1939

The Treaty of Versailles
(French: Traité de Versailles) was the most important of the peace treaties that brought World War I
World War I
to an end. The Treaty ended the state of war between Germany and the Allied Powers. It was signed on 28 June 1919 in Versailles, exactly five years after the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand, which had directly led to the war. The other Central Powers
Central Powers
on the German side signed separate treaties.[6] Although the armistice, signed on 11 November 1918, ended the actual fighting, it took six months of Allied negotiations at the Paris
Peace Conference to conclude the peace treaty. The treaty was registered by the Secretariat of the League of Nations
League of Nations
on 21 October 1919. Of the many provisions in the treaty, one of the most important and controversial required "Germany [to] accept the responsibility of Germany and her allies for causing all the loss and damage" during the war (the other members of the Central Powers
Central Powers
signed treaties containing similar articles). This article, Article 231, later became known as the War Guilt clause. The treaty required Germany to disarm, make ample territorial concessions, and pay reparations to certain countries that had formed the Entente powers. In 1921 the total cost of these reparations was assessed at 132 billion marks (then $31.4 billion or £6.6 billion, roughly equivalent to US$442 billion or UK£284 billion in 2019). At the time economists, notably John Maynard Keynes
John Maynard Keynes
(a British delegate to the Paris
Peace Conference), predicted that the treaty was too harsh—a "Carthaginian peace"—and said the reparations figure was excessive and counter-productive, views that, since then, have been the subject of ongoing debate by historians and economists. On the other hand, prominent figures on the Allied side, such as French Marshal Ferdinand Foch, criticized the treaty for treating Germany too leniently. The result of these competing and sometimes conflicting goals among the victors was a compromise that left no one satisfied, and, in particular, Germany was neither pacified nor conciliated, nor was it permanently weakened. The problems that arose from the treaty would lead to the Locarno Treaties, which improved relations between Germany and the other European powers, and the re-negotiation of the reparation system resulting in the Dawes Plan, the Young Plan, and the indefinite postponement of reparations at the Lausanne Conference of 1932. Although it is often referred to as the " Versailles
Conference", only the actual signing of the treaty took place at the historic palace. Most of the negotiations were in Paris, with the "Big Four" meetings taking place generally at the Quai d'Orsay.


1 Background

1.1 First World War 1.2 US entry and the Fourteen Points 1.3 Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, 1918 1.4 Armistice 1.5 Occupation 1.6 Blockade

2 Negotiations

2.1 French aims 2.2 British aims 2.3 American aims

3 Treaty content and signing

3.1 Territorial changes 3.2 Mandates 3.3 Military restrictions 3.4 Reparations 3.5 Guarantees 3.6 International organizations

4 Reactions

4.1 Britain 4.2 France 4.3 Italy 4.4 Portugal 4.5 United States

4.5.1 House's views

4.6 China 4.7 Germany

5 Implementation

5.1 Reparations 5.2 Territorial changes 5.3 Rhineland

6 Violations

6.1 Reparations 6.2 Military 6.3 Territorial

7 Historical assessments

7.1 Territorial changes 7.2 Military terms and violations

8 See also 9 Notes

9.1 Footnotes 9.2 Citations

10 References 11 Further reading 12 External links

Background First World War Main article: World War I Play media Newsreel footage of the signing of the peace treaty of Versailles. On 28 June 1914, the heir to the throne of Austria-Hungary, the Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria, was assassinated by a Serbian nationalist.[7] This caused a rapidly escalating July Crisis resulting in Austria-Hungary
declaring war on Serbia, followed quickly by the entry of most European powers into the First World War.[8] Two alliances faced off, the Central Powers
Central Powers
(led by Germany) and the Triple Entente
Triple Entente
(led by Britain, France
and Russia). Other countries entered as fighting raged widely across Europe, as well as the Middle East, Africa and Asia. In 1917, two revolutions occurred within the Russian Empire. The new Bolshevik government under Vladimir Lenin
Vladimir Lenin
in March 1918 signed the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk
Treaty of Brest-Litovsk
that was highly favourable to Germany. Sensing victory before American armies could be ready, Germany now shifted force to the Western Front and tried to overwhelm the Allies. It failed. Instead the Allies won decisively on the battlefield and forced an armistice in November 1918 that resembled a surrender.[9]

US entry and the Fourteen Points Main articles: American entry into World War I
World War I
and Fourteen Points On 6 April 1917, the United States
United States
entered the war against the Central Powers. The motives were twofold: German submarine warfare against merchant ships trading with France
and Britain, which led to the sinking of the RMS Lusitania
RMS Lusitania
and the loss of 128 American lives; and the interception of the German Zimmermann Telegram, urging Mexico to declare war against the United States.[10] The American war aim was to detach the war from nationalistic disputes and ambitions after the Bolshevik disclosure of secret treaties between the Allies. The existence of these treaties tended to discredit Allied claims that Germany was the sole power with aggressive ambitions.[11] On 8 January 1918, President Woodrow Wilson
Woodrow Wilson
issued the nation's postwar goals, the Fourteen Points. It outlined a policy of free trade, open agreements, and democracy. While the term was not used self-determination was assumed. It called for a negotiated end to the war, international disarmament, the withdrawal of the Central Powers from occupied territories, the creation of a Polish state, the redrawing of Europe's borders along ethnic lines, and the formation of a League of Nations
League of Nations
to guarantee the political independence and territorial integrity of all states.[12][13] It called for a just and democratic peace uncompromised by territorial annexations. The Fourteen Points
Fourteen Points
were based on the research of the Inquiry, a team of about 150 advisors led by foreign-policy advisor Edward M. House, into the topics likely to arise in the expected peace conference.[14]

Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, 1918 Main article: Treaty of Brest-Litovsk The borders of Eastern Europe, as drawn up in Treaty of Brest-Litovsk After the Central Powers
Central Powers
launched Operation Faustschlag
Operation Faustschlag
on the Eastern Front, the new Soviet Government of Russia signed the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk with Germany on 3 March 1918.[15] This treaty ended the war between Russia and the Central powers and annexed 1,300,000 square miles (3,400,000 km2) of territory and 62 million people.[16] This loss equated to a third of the Russian population, a quarter of its territory, around a third of the country's arable land, three-quarters of its coal and iron, a third of its factories (totalling 54 percent of the nation's industrial capacity), and a quarter of its railroads.[16][17]

Armistice Main article: Armistice of 11 November 1918 During the autumn of 1918, the Central Powers
Central Powers
began to collapse.[18] Desertion rates within the German army began to increase, and civilian strikes drastically reduced war production.[19][20] On the Western Front, the Allied forces launched the Hundred Days Offensive
Hundred Days Offensive
and decisively defeated the German western armies.[21] Sailors of the Imperial German Navy at Kiel mutinied, which prompted uprisings in Germany, which became known as the German Revolution.[22][23] The German government tried to obtain a peace settlement based on the Fourteen Points, and maintained it was on this basis that they surrendered. Following negotiations, the Allied powers and Germany signed an armistice, which came into effect on 11 November while German forces were still positioned in France
and Belgium.[24][25][26]

Occupation Main article: Occupation of the Rhineland The terms of the armistice called for an immediate evacuation of German troops from occupied Belgium, France, and Luxembourg within fifteen days.[27] In addition, it established that Allied forces would occupy the Rhineland. In late 1918, Allied troops entered Germany and began the occupation.[28]

Blockade Main article: Blockade of Germany Both the German Empire
German Empire
and Great Britain were dependent on imports of food and raw materials, primarily from the Americas, which had to be shipped across the Atlantic Ocean. The Blockade of Germany (1914–1919) was a naval operation conducted by the Allied Powers to stop the supply of raw materials and foodstuffs reaching the Central Powers. The German Kaiserliche Marine
Kaiserliche Marine
was mainly restricted to the German Bight
German Bight
and used commerce raiders and unrestricted submarine warfare for a counter-blockade. The German Board of Public Health in December 1918 stated that 763,000 German civilians had died during the Allied blockade, although an academic study in 1928 put the death toll at 424,000 people.[29]

Negotiations The heads of the "Big Four" nations at the Paris
Peace Conference, 27 May 1919. From left to right: David Lloyd George, Vittorio Orlando, Georges Clemenceau, and Woodrow Wilson Talks between the Allies to establish a common negotiating position started on 18 January 1919, in the Salle de l'Horloge at the French Foreign Ministry on the Quai d'Orsay
Quai d'Orsay
in Paris.[30] Initially, 70 delegates from 27 nations participated in the negotiations.[31] Russia was excluded due to their signing of a separate peace (the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk) and early withdrawal from the war. Furthermore, German negotiators were excluded to deny them an opportunity to divide the Allies diplomatically.[32][33] Initially, a "Council of Ten" (comprising two delegates each from Britain, France, the United States, Italy, and Japan) met officially to decide the peace terms. This council was replaced by the "Council of Five", formed from each country's foreign ministers, to discuss minor matters. Prime Minister of France
Georges Clemenceau, Prime Minister of Italy Vittorio Emanuele Orlando, Prime Minister of the United Kingdom
United Kingdom
David Lloyd George, and President of the United States Woodrow Wilson
Woodrow Wilson
formed the "Big Four" (at one point becoming the "Big Three" following the temporally withdrawal of Vittorio Emanuele Orlando). These four men met in 145 closed sessions to make all the major decisions, which were later ratified by the entire assembly. The minor powers attended a weekly "Plenary Conference" that discussed issues in a general forum but made no decisions. These members formed over 50 commissions that made various recommendations, many of which were incorporated into the final text of the treaty.[34][35][36]

French aims France
had lost 1.3 million soldiers, including 25% of French men aged 18–30 and 400,000 civilians. France
had also been more physically damaged than any other nation (the so-called zone rouge (Red Zone); the most industrialized region and the source of most coal and iron ore in the north-east had been devastated and in the final days of the war mines had been flooded and railways, bridges and factories destroyed.)[37] Clemenceau intended to ensure the security of France, by weakening Germany economically, militarily, territorially and by supplanting Germany as the leading producer of steel in Europe.[37][38][39] A position British economist and Versailles
negotiator John Maynard Keynes
John Maynard Keynes
summarized as attempting to "set the clock back and undo what, since 1870, the progress of Germany had accomplished."[40] Clemenceau told Wilson: "America is far away, protected by the ocean. Not even Napoleon
himself could touch England. You are both sheltered; we are not".[41] The French wanted a frontier on the Rhine, to protect France
from a German invasion and compensate for French demographic and economic inferiority.[42][43] American and British representatives refused the French claim and after two months of negotiations, the French accepted a British pledge to provide an immediate alliance with France
if Germany attacked again, and Wilson agreed to put a similar proposal to the Senate. Clemenceau had told the Chamber of Deputies, in December 1918, that his goal was to maintain an alliance with both countries. Clemenceau accepted the offer, in return for an occupation of the Rhineland
for fifteen years and that Germany would also demilitarise the Rhineland.[44] French negotiators required reparations, to make Germany pay for the destruction induced throughout the war and to decrease German strength.[37] The French also wanted the iron ore and coal of the Saar Valley, by annexation to France.[45] The French were willing to accept a smaller amount of reparations than the Americans would concede and Clemenceau was willing to discuss German capacity to pay with the German delegation, before the final settlement was drafted. In April and May 1919, the French and Germans held separate talks, on mutually acceptable arrangements on issues like reparation, reconstruction and industrial collaboration. France, along with the British Dominions and Belgium, opposed mandates and favored annexation of former German colonies.[46]

British aims Further information: Heavenly Twins (Sumner and Cunliffe) and Fontainebleau Memorandum British Prime Minister David Lloyd George. Britain had suffered little land devastation during the war.[47] However, the British wartime coalition was re-elected during the so-called Coupon election at the end of 1918, with a policy of squeezing the German "'til the pips squeak".[48][49] Public opinion favoured a "just peace", which would force Germany to pay reparations and be unable to repeat the aggression of 1914, although those of a "liberal and advanced opinion" shared Wilson's ideal of a peace of reconciliation.[24] In private Lloyd George opposed revenge and attempted to compromise between Clemenceau's demands and the Fourteen Points, because Europe would eventually have to reconcile with Germany.[50] Lloyd George wanted terms of reparation that would not cripple the German economy, so that Germany would remain a viable economic power and trading partner.[49][50][47] By arguing that British war pensions and widows' allowances should be included in the German reparation sum, Lloyd George ensured that a large amount would go to the British Empire.[51] Lloyd George also intended to maintain a European balance of power
European balance of power
to thwart a French attempt to establish itself as the dominant European power. A revived Germany would be a counterweight to France
and a deterrent to Bolshevik Russia. Lloyd George also wanted to neutralize the German navy to keep the Royal Navy
Royal Navy
as the greatest naval power in the world; dismantle the German colonial empire with several of its territorial possessions ceded to Britain and others being established as League of Nations
League of Nations
mandates, a position opposed by the Dominions.[50]

American aims Prior to the American entry into the war, Wilson had talked of a 'peace without victory'.[52] This position fluctuated following the US entry into the war. Wilson spoke of the German aggressors, with whom there could be no compromised peace.[53] However, on 8 January 1918, Wilson delivered a speech (known as the Fourteen Points) that declared the American peace objectives: the rebuilding of the European economy, self-determination of European and Middle Eastern ethnic groups, the promotion of free trade, the creation of appropriate mandates for former colonies, and above all, the creation of a powerful League of Nations
League of Nations
that would ensure the peace.[54] The aim of the latter was to provide a forum to revise the peace treaties as needed, and deal with problems that arose as a result of the peace and the rise of new states.[55][50] Wilson brought along top intellectuals as advisors to the American peace delegation, and the overall American position echoed the Fourteen Points. Wilson firmly opposed harsh treatment on Germany.[54] While the British and French wanted to largely annex the German colonial empire, Wilson saw that as a violation of the fundamental principles of justice and human rights of the native populations, and favored them having the right of self-determination via the creation of mandates. The promoted idea called for the major powers to act as disinterested trustees over a region, aiding the native populations until they could govern themselves.[56] In spite of this position and in order to ensure that Japan did not refuse to join the League of Nations, Wilson favored turning over the former German colony of Shandong, in Eastern China, to Japan rather than return the area to Chinese control.[57] Further confounding the Americans, was US internal partisan politics. In November 1918, the Republican Party won the Senate election by a slim margin. Wilson, a Democrat, refused to include prominent Republicans in the American delegation making his efforts seem partisan, and contributed to a risk of political defeat at home.[54]

Treaty content and signing Further information: Full text of the treaty German Johannes Bell
Johannes Bell
signs the Treaty of Versailles
in the Hall of Mirrors, with various Allied delegations sitting and standing in front of him. In June 1919, the Allies declared that war would resume if the German government did not sign the treaty they had agreed to among themselves. The government headed by Philipp Scheidemann
Philipp Scheidemann
was unable to agree on a common position, and Scheidemann himself resigned rather than agree to sign the treaty. Gustav Bauer, the head of the new government, sent a telegram stating his intention to sign the treaty if certain articles were withdrawn, including Articles 227, 230 and 231.[nb 1] In response, the Allies issued an ultimatum stating that Germany would have to accept the treaty or face an invasion of Allied forces across the Rhine within 24 hours. On 23 June, Bauer capitulated and sent a second telegram with a confirmation that a German delegation would arrive shortly to sign the treaty.[58] On 28 June 1919, the fifth anniversary of the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand (the immediate impetus for the war), the peace treaty was signed.[2] The treaty had clauses ranging from war crimes, the prohibition on the merging of Austria with Germany without the consent of the League of Nations, freedom of navigation on major European rivers, to the returning of a Koran to the king of Hedjaz.[59][60][61][62]

Territorial changes Germany after Versailles:   Administered by the League of Nations   Annexed or transferred to neighbouring countries by the treaty, or later via plebiscite and League of Nations
League of Nations
action   Weimar Germany The treaty stripped Germany of 25,000 square miles (65,000 km2) of territory and 7 million people. It also required Germany to give up the gains made via the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk
Treaty of Brest-Litovsk
and grant independence to the protectorates that had been established.[17] In Western Europe Germany was required to recognize Belgian sovereignty over Moresnet
and cede control of the Eupen-Malmedy
area. Within six months of the transfer, Belgium
was required to conduct a plebiscite on whether the citizens of the region wanted to remain under Belgian sovereignty or return to German control, communicate the results to the League of Nations
League of Nations
and abide by the League's decision.[63] To compensate for the destruction of French coal mines, Germany was to cede the output of the Saar coalmines to France
and control of the Saar to the League of Nations
League of Nations
for 15 years; a plebiscite would then be held to decide sovereignty.[64] The treaty "restored" the provinces of Alsace-Lorraine
to France
by rescinding the treaties of Versailles
and Frankfurt of 1871 as they pertained to this issue.[65] The sovereignty of Schleswig-Holstein
was to be resolved by a plebiscite to be held at a future time (see Schleswig Plebiscites).[66] In Central Europe
Central Europe
Germany was to recognize the independence of Czechoslovakia
and cede parts of the province of Upper Silesia.[67] Germany had to recognize the independence of Poland and renounce "all rights and title over the territory". Portions of Upper Silesia
Upper Silesia
were to be ceded to Poland, with the future of the rest of the province to be decided by plebiscite. The border would be fixed with regard to the vote and to the geographical and economic conditions of each locality.[68] The province of Posen (now Poznań), which had come under Polish control during the Greater Poland Uprising, was also to be ceded to Poland.[69] [70] Pomerelia
(Eastern Pomerania), on historical and ethnic grounds, was transferred to Poland so that the new state could have access to the sea and became known as the Polish Corridor.[71] The sovereignty of part of southern East Prussia
East Prussia
was to be decided via plebiscite while the East Prussian Soldau area, which was astride the rail line between Warsaw and Danzig, was transferred to Poland outright without plebiscite.[72][73] An area of 51,800 square kilometres (20,000 square miles) was granted to Poland at the expense of Germany.[74] Memel was to be ceded to the Allied and Associated powers, for disposal according to their wishes.[75] Germany was to cede the city of Danzig and its hinterland, including the delta of the Vistula River
Vistula River
on the Baltic Sea, for the League of Nations
League of Nations
to establish the Free City of Danzig.[76]

Mandates Main article: League of Nations
League of Nations
mandate German colonies (light blue) made into League of Nations
League of Nations
mandates. Article 119 of the treaty required Germany to renounce sovereignty over former colonies and Article 22 converted the territories into League of Nations
League of Nations
mandates under the control of Allied states.[77] Togoland
and German Kamerun
German Kamerun
(Cameroon) were transferred to France. Ruanda and Urundi were allocated to Belgium, whereas German South-West Africa
German South-West Africa
went to South Africa and the United Kingdom obtained German East Africa.[78][79][80] As compensation for the German invasion of Portuguese Africa, Portugal was granted the Kionga Triangle, a sliver of German East Africa
German East Africa
in northern Mozambique.[81] Article 156 of the treaty transferred German concessions in Shandong, China, to Japan, not to China. Japan was granted all German possessions in the Pacific north of the equator and those south of the equator went to Australia, except for German Samoa, which was taken by New Zealand.[79][82]

Military restrictions The treaty was comprehensive and complex in the restrictions imposed upon the post-war German armed forces (the Reichswehr). The provisions were intended to make the Reichswehr
incapable of offensive action and to encourage international disarmament.[83][84] Germany was to demobilize sufficient soldiers by 31 March 1920 to leave an army of no more than 100,000 men in a maximum of seven infantry and three cavalry divisions. The treaty laid down the organisation of the divisions and support units, and the General Staff was to be dissolved.[85] Military schools for officer training were limited to three, one school per arm, and conscription was abolished. Private soldiers and non-commissioned officers were to be retained for at least twelve years and officers for a minimum of 25 years, with former officers being forbidden to attend military exercises. To prevent Germany from building up a large cadre of trained men, the number of men allowed to leave early was limited.[86]

Workmen decommission a heavy gun, to comply with the treaty. The number of civilian staff supporting the army was reduced and the police force was reduced to its pre-war size, with increases limited to population increases; paramilitary forces were forbidden.[87] The Rhineland
was to be demilitarized, all fortifications in the Rhineland
and 50 kilometres (31 miles) east of the river were to be demolished and new construction was forbidden.[88] Military structures and fortifications on the islands of Heligoland
and Düne
were to be destroyed.[89] Germany was prohibited from the arms trade, limits were imposed on the type and quantity of weapons and prohibited from the manufacture or stockpile of chemical weapons, armoured cars, tanks and military aircraft.[90] The German navy was allowed six pre-dreadnought battleships and was limited to a maximum of six light cruisers (not exceeding 6,000 long tons (6,100 t)), twelve destroyers (not exceeding 800 long tons (810 t)) and twelve torpedo boats (not exceeding 200 long tons (200 t)) and was forbidden submarines.[91] The manpower of the navy was not to exceed 15,000 men, including manning for the fleet, coast defences, signal stations, administration, other land services, officers and men of all grades and corps. The number of officers and warrant officers was not allowed to exceed 1,500 men.[92] Germany surrendered eight battleships, eight light cruisers, forty-two destroyers, and fifty torpedo boats for decommissioning. Thirty-two auxiliary ships were to be disarmed and converted to merchant use.[93] Article 198 prohibited Germany from having an air force, including naval air forces, and required Germany to hand over all aerial related materials. In conjunction, Germany was forbidden to manufacture or import aircraft or related material for a period of six months following the signing of the treaty.[94]

Reparations Main article: World War I
World War I
reparations In Article 231 Germany accepted responsibility for the losses and damages caused by the war "as a consequence of the ... aggression of Germany and her allies."[95][nb 2] The treaty required Germany to compensate the Allied powers, and it also established an Allied "Reparation Commission" to determine the exact amount which Germany would pay and the form that such payment would take. The commission was required to "give to the German Government a just opportunity to be heard", and to submit its conclusions by 1 May 1921. In the interim, the treaty required Germany to pay an equivalent of 20 billion gold marks ($5 billion) in gold, commodities, ships, securities or other forms. The money would help to pay for Allied occupation costs and buy food and raw materials for Germany.[100][101]

Guarantees Location of the Rhineland To ensure compliance, the Rhineland
and bridgeheads east of the Rhine were to be occupied by Allied troops for fifteen years.[102] If Germany had not committed aggression, a staged withdrawal would take place; after five years, the Cologne
bridgehead and the territory north of a line along the Ruhr would be evacuated. After ten years, the bridgehead at Coblenz
and the territories to the north would be evacuated and after fifteen years remaining Allied forces would be withdrawn.[103] If Germany reneged on the treaty obligations, the bridgeheads would be reoccupied immediately.[104]

International organizations Main articles: Covenant of the League of Nations
League of Nations
and International Labour Organization § History Part I of the treaty, as per all the treaties signed during the Paris Peace Conference,[nb 3] was the Covenant of the League of Nations, which provided for the creation of the League, an organization for the arbitration of international disputes.[105] Part XIII organized the establishment of the International Labour Officer, to regulate hours of work, including a maximum working day and week; the regulation of the labour supply; the prevention of unemployment; the provision of a living wage; the protection of the worker against sickness, disease and injury arising out of his employment; the protection of children, young persons and women; provision for old age and injury; protection of the interests of workers when employed abroad; recognition of the principle of freedom of association; the organization of vocational and technical education and other measures.[106] The treaty also called for the signatories to sign or ratify the International Opium Convention.[107]

Reactions Britain A British news placard announces the signing of the peace treaty. The delegates of the Commonwealth and British Government had mixed thoughts on the treaty, with some seeing the French policy as being greedy and vindictive.[108][109] Lloyd George and his private secretary Philip Kerr believed in the treaty, although they also felt that the French would keep Europe in a constant state of turmoil by attempting to enforce the treaty.[110] Delegate Harold Nicolson
Harold Nicolson
wrote "are we making a good peace?", while General Jan Smuts (a member of the South African delegation) wrote to Lloyd-George, before the signing, that the treaty was unstable and declared "Are we in our sober senses or suffering from shellshock? What has become of Wilson's 14 points?" He wanted the Germans not be made to sign at the "point of the bayonet".[111][112] Smuts issued a statement condemning the treaty and regretting that the promises of "a new international order and a fairer, better world are not written in this treaty". Lord Robert Cecil said that many within the Foreign Office were disappointed by the treaty.[111] The treaty received widespread approval from the general public. Bernadotte Schmitt wrote that the "average Englishman ... thought Germany got only what it deserved" as a result of the treaty.[113] However, public opinion changed as German complaints mounted.[114] Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald, following the German re-militarisation of the Rhineland
in 1936, stated that he was "pleased" that the treaty was "vanishing", expressing his hope that the French had been taught a "severe lesson".[115]

France The signing of the treaty was met with roars of approval, singing, and dancing from a crowd outside the Palace of Versailles. In Paris proper, people rejoiced at the official end of the war,[116] the return of Alsace
and Lorraine
to France, and that Germany had agreed to pay reparations.[117] While France
ratified the treaty and was active in the League, the jubilant mood soon gave way to a political backlash for Clemenceau. The French Right saw the treaty as being too lenient and saw it as failing to achieve all of France's demands. Left-wing politicians attacked the treaty and Clemenceau for being too harsh (the latter turning into a ritual condemnation of the treaty, for politicians remarking on French foreign affairs, as late as August 1939). Marshal Ferdinand Foch
Ferdinand Foch
stated "this (treaty) is not peace. It is an armistice for twenty years."; a criticism over the failure to annex the Rhineland
and for compromising French security for the benefit of the United States
United States
and Britain.[118][113][114][117][119][120][121] When Clemenceau stood for election as President of France
in January 1920, he was defeated.[121]

Italy Reaction in Italy to the treaty was extremely negative. The country had suffered high casualties, yet failed to achieve most of its major war goals, notably gaining control of the Dalmatian coast
Dalmatian coast
and Fiume. President Wilson rejected Italy's claims on the basis of "national self-determination." For their part, Britain and France—who had been forced in the war's latter stages to divert their own troops to the Italian front to stave off collapse—were disinclined to support Italy's position at the peace conference. Differences in negotiating strategy between Premier Vittorio Orlando
Vittorio Orlando
and Foreign Minister Sidney Sonnino further undermined Italy's position at the conference. A furious Vittorio Orlando
Vittorio Orlando
suffered a nervous collapse and at one point walked out of the conference (though he later returned). He lost his position as prime minister just a week before the treaty was scheduled to be signed, effectively ending his active political career. Anger and dismay over the treaty's provisions helped pave the way for the establishment of Benito Mussolini's dictatorship three years later.

Portugal Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in 1916 primarily to ensure the security of its African colonies, which were threatened with seizure by both Britain and Germany. To this extent, she succeeded in her war aims. The treaty recognized Portuguese sovereignty over these areas and awarded her small portions of Germany's bordering overseas colonies. Otherwise, Portugal gained little at the peace conference. Her promised share of German reparations never materialized, and a seat she coveted on the executive council of the new League of Nations
League of Nations
went instead to Spain—which had remained neutral in the war. In the end, Portugal ratified the treaty, but got little out of the war, which cost more than 8,000 Portuguese troops and as many as 100,000 of her African colonial subjects their lives.[122]

United States Senator Borah, Lodge and Johnson refuse Lady Peace a seat. Refers to efforts by Republican isolationists to block ratification of Treaty of Versailles
establishing the League of Nations.After the Versailles conference, Democratic President Woodrow Wilson
Woodrow Wilson
claimed that "at last the world knows America as the savior of the world!"[123] However, the Republican Party, led by Henry Cabot Lodge, controlled the US Senate after the election of 1918, and the senators were divided into multiple positions on the Versailles
question. It proved possible to build a majority coalition, but impossible to build a two-thirds coalition that was needed to pass a treaty.[124] A discontent bloc of 12–18 "Irreconcilables", mostly Republicans but also representatives of the Irish and German Democrats, fiercely opposed the treaty. One block of Democrats strongly supported the Versailles
Treaty, even with reservations added by Lodge. A second group of Democrats supported the treaty but followed Wilson in opposing any amendments or reservations. The largest bloc, led by Senator Lodge,[125] comprised a majority of the Republicans. They wanted a treaty with reservations, especially on Article 10, which involved the power of the League of Nations
League of Nations
to make war without a vote by the US Congress.[126] All of the Irreconcilables were bitter enemies of President Wilson, and he launched a nationwide speaking tour in the summer of 1919 to refute them. However, Wilson collapsed midway with a serious stroke that effectively ruined his leadership skills.[127] The closest the treaty came to passage was on 19 November 1919, as Lodge and his Republicans formed a coalition with the pro-Treaty Democrats, and were close to a two-thirds majority for a Treaty with reservations, but Wilson rejected this compromise and enough Democrats followed his lead to permanently end the chances for ratification. Among the American public as a whole, the Irish Catholics and the German Americans were intensely opposed to the treaty, saying it favored the British.[128] After Wilson's presidency, his successor Republican President Warren G. Harding continued American opposition to the formation of the League of Nations. Congress subsequently passed the Knox–Porter Resolution bringing a formal end to hostilities between the United States and the Central Powers. It was signed into law by President Harding on 2 July 1921.[129][130] Soon after, the US–German Peace Treaty of 1921 was signed in Berlin on 25 August 1921, and two similar treaties were signed with Austria and Hungary on 24 and 29 August 1921, in Vienna and Budapest respectively.

House's views Wilson's former friend Edward Mandell House, present at the negotiations, wrote in his diary on 29 June 1919:

I am leaving Paris, after eight fateful months, with conflicting emotions. Looking at the conference in retrospect, there is much to approve and yet much to regret. It is easy to say what should have been done, but more difficult to have found a way of doing it. To those who are saying that the treaty is bad and should never have been made and that it will involve Europe in infinite difficulties in its enforcement, I feel like admitting it. But I would also say in reply that empires cannot be shattered, and new states raised upon their ruins without disturbance. To create new boundaries is to create new troubles. The one follows the other. While I should have preferred a different peace, I doubt very much whether it could have been made, for the ingredients required for such a peace as I would have were lacking at Paris.[131] China Many in China felt betrayed as the German territory in China was handed to Japan. Wellington Koo
Wellington Koo
refused to sign the treaty and the Chinese delegation at the Paris
Peace Conference was the only nation that did not sign the Treaty of Versailles
at the signing ceremony. The sense of betrayal led to great demonstrations in China such as the May 4th movement. There was immense dissatisfaction with Duan Qirui’s government, which had secretly negotiated with the Japanese in order to secure loans to fund their military campaigns against the south. On 12 June 1919, the Chinese cabinet was forced to resign and the government instructed its delegation at Versailles
not to sign the treaty.[132][133] As a result, relations with the West deteriorated.[134][135]

Germany See also: Stab-in-the-back legend German delegates in Versailles: Professor Walther Schücking, Reichspostminister Johannes Giesberts, Justice Minister Otto Landsberg, Foreign Minister Ulrich Graf von Brockdorff-Rantzau, Prussian State President Robert Leinert, and financial advisor Carl Melchior. On 29 April, the German delegation under the leadership of the Foreign Minister Ulrich Graf von Brockdorff-Rantzau
Ulrich Graf von Brockdorff-Rantzau
arrived in Versailles. On 7 May, when faced with the conditions dictated by the victors, including the so-called "War Guilt Clause", von Brockdorff-Rantzau replied to Clemenceau, Wilson and Lloyd George: "We know the full brunt of hate that confronts us here. You demand from us to confess we were the only guilty party of war; such a confession in my mouth would be a lie."[136] Because Germany was not allowed to take part in the negotiations, the German government issued a protest against what it considered to be unfair demands, and a "violation of honour",[137] soon afterwards withdrawing from the proceedings of the peace conference. Germans of all political shades denounced the treaty—particularly the provision that blamed Germany for starting the war—as an insult to the nation's honor. They referred to the treaty as "the Diktat" since its terms were presented to Germany on a take-it-or-leave-it basis. Germany's first democratically elected head of government, Philipp Scheidemann, resigned rather than sign the treaty. In a passionate speech before the National Assembly on 12 May 1919, he called the treaty a "murderous plan" and exclaimed,

.mw-parser-output .templatequote overflow:hidden;margin:1em 0;padding:0 40px .mw-parser-output .templatequote .templatequotecite line-height:1.5em;text-align:left;padding-left:1.6em;margin-top:0 Which hand, trying to put us in chains like these, would not wither? The treaty is unacceptable.[138]

After Scheidemann's resignation, a new coalition government was formed under Gustav Bauer. President Friedrich Ebert
Friedrich Ebert
knew that Germany was in an impossible situation. Although he shared his countrymen's disgust with the treaty, he was sober enough to consider the possibility that the government would not be in a position to reject it. He believed that if Germany refused to sign the treaty, the Allies would invade Germany from the west—and there was no guarantee that the army would be able to make a stand in the event of an invasion. With this in mind, he asked Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg
Paul von Hindenburg
if the army was capable of any meaningful resistance in the event the Allies resumed the war. If there was even the slightest chance that the army could hold out, Ebert intended to recommend against ratifying the treaty. Hindenburg—after prodding from his chief of staff, Wilhelm Groener—concluded the army could not resume the war even on a limited scale. However, rather than inform Ebert himself, he had Groener inform the government that the army would be in an untenable position in the event of renewed hostilities. Upon receiving this, the new government recommended signing the treaty. The National Assembly voted in favour of signing the treaty by 237 to 138, with five abstentions (there were 421 delegates in total). This result was wired to Clemenceau just hours before the deadline. Foreign minister Hermann Müller and colonial minister Johannes Bell
Johannes Bell
travelled to Versailles
to sign the treaty on behalf of Germany. The treaty was signed on 28 June 1919 and ratified by the National Assembly on 9 July by a vote of 209 to 116.[139]

Demonstration against the treaty in front of the Reichstag. Implementation Further information: Aftermath of World War I Reparations Main article: World War I
World War I
reparations On 5 May 1921, the reparation Commission established the London Schedule of Payments and a final reparation sum of 132 billion gold marks to be demanded of all the Central Powers. This was the public assessment of what the Central Powers
Central Powers
combined could pay, and was also a compromise between Belgian, British, and French demands and assessments. Furthermore, the Commission recognized that the Central Powers could pay little and that the burden would fall upon Germany. As a result, the sum was split into different categories, of which Germany was only required to pay 50 billion gold marks (US$12.5 billion); this being the genuine assessment of the Commission on what Germany could pay, and allowed the Allied powers to save face with the public by presenting a higher figure. Furthermore, payments made between 1919 and 1921 were taken into account reducing the sum to 41 billion gold marks.[140][141] In order to meet this sum, Germany could pay in cash or kind: coal, timber, chemical dyes, pharmaceuticals, livestock, agricultural machines, construction materials, and factory machinery. Germany's assistance with the restoration of the university library of Louvain, which was destroyed by the Germans on 25 August 1914, was also credited towards the sum. Territorial changes imposed by the treaty were also factored in.[142][143] The payment schedule required US$250 million within twenty-five days and then US$500 million annually, plus 26 per cent of the value of German exports. The German Government was to issue bonds at five per cent interest and set up a sinking fund of one per cent to support the payment of reparations.[144]

Territorial changes A crowd awaits the plebiscite results in Oppeln In February and March 1920, the Schleswig Plebiscites
Schleswig Plebiscites
were held. The people of Schleswig were presented with only two choices: Danish or German sovereignty. The northern Danish-speaking area voted for Denmark while the southern German-speaking area voted for Germany, resulting in the province being partitioned.[66] The East Prussia plebiscite was held on 11 July 1920. There was a 90% turn out with 99.3% of the population wishing to remain with Germany. Further plebiscites were held in Eupen, Malmedy, and Prussian Moresnet. On 20 September 1920, the League of Nations
League of Nations
allotted these territories to Belgium. These latter plebiscites were followed by a boundary commission in 1922, followed by the new Belgian-German border being recognized by the German Government on 15 December 1923.[145] The transfer of the Hultschin area, of Silesia, to Czechoslovakia
was completed on 3 February 1921.[146] Following the implementation of the treaty, Upper Silesia
Upper Silesia
was initially governed by Britain, France, and Italy.[147] Between 1919 and 1921, three major outbreaks of violence took place between German and Polish civilians, resulting in German and Polish military forces also becoming involved.[147][148] In March 1921, the Inter-Allied Commission held the Upper Silesia
Upper Silesia
plebiscite, which was peaceful despite the previous violence. The plebiscite resulted in c. 60 per cent of the population voting for the province to remain part of Germany.[149] Following the vote, the League of Nations debated the future of the province.[150] In 1922, Upper Silesia
Upper Silesia
was partitioned: Oppeln, in the north-west, remained with Germany while Silesia Province, in the south-east, was transferred to Poland.[147] Memel remained under the authority of the League of Nations, with a French military garrison, until January 1923.[151] On 9 January 1923, Lithuanian forces invaded the territory during the Klaipėda Revolt.[152] The French garrison withdrew, and in February the Allies agreed to attach Memel as an "autonomous territory" to Lithuania.[151] On 8 May 1924, after negotiations between the Lithuanian Government and the Conference of Ambassadors and action by the League of Nations, the annexation of Memel was ratified.[152] Lithuania accepted the Memel Statute, a power-sharing arrangement to protect non-Lithuanians in the territory and its autonomous status while responsibility for the territory remained with the great powers. The League of Nations mediated between the Germans and Lithuanians on a local level, helping the power-sharing arrangement last until 1939.[151] On 13 January 1935, 15 years after the Saar Basin had been placed under the protection of the League of Nations, a plebiscite was held to determine the future of the area. 528,105 votes were cast, with 477,119 votes (90 per cent of the ballot) in favour of union with Germany; 46,613 votes were cast for the status quo, and 2,124 votes for union with France. The region returned to German sovereignty on 1 March 1935. When the result was announced 4,100 people, including 800 refugees from Germany fled to France.[64][153]

occupation Main article: Occupation of the Rhineland French soldiers in the Ruhr, which resulted in the American withdrawal from the Rhineland In late 1918, American, Belgian, British, and French troops entered the Rhineland
to enforce the armistice.[28] Prior to the treaty, the occupation force stood at roughly 740,000 men.[154][155][156][157] Following the signing of the peace treaty, the numbers drastically decreased and by 1926 the occupation force numbered only 76,000 men.[158] As part of the 1929 negotiations that would become the Young Plan, Stresemann and Aristide Briand
Aristide Briand
negotiated the early withdrawal of Allied forces from the Rhineland.[159] On 30 June 1930, after speeches and the lowering of flags, the last troops of the Anglo-French-Belgian occupation force withdrew from Germany.[160] Belgium
maintained an occupation force of roughly 10,000 troops throughout the initial years.[161] This figure fell to 7,102 by 1926, and continued to fall as a result of diplomatic developments.[162][163] The British Second Army, with some 275,000 veteran soldiers, entered Germany in late 1918.[164][156] In March 1919, this force became the British Army of the Rhine
British Army of the Rhine
(BAOR). The total number of troops committed to the occupation rapidly dwindled as veteran soldiers were demobilized, and were replaced by inexperienced men who had finished basic training following the cessation of hostilities.[165] By 1920, the BAOR consisted of only 40,594 men and the following year had been further reduced to 12,421. The size of the BAOR fluctuated over the following years, but never rose above 9,000 men.[166] The British did not adhere to all obligated territorial withdrawals as dictated by Versailles, on account of Germany not meeting her own treaty obligations.[167] A complete withdrawal was considered, but rejected in order to maintain a presence to continue acting as a check on French ambitions and prevent the establishment of an autonomous Rhineland
Republic.[168] The French Army of the Rhine was initially 250,000 men strong, including at a peak 40,000 African colonial troops (Troupes coloniales). By 1923, the French occupation force had decreased to roughly 130,000 men, including 27,126 African troops.[169] The troop numbers peaked again at 250,000 during the occupation of the Ruhr, before decreasing to 60,000 men by 1926.[162][170] Germans viewed the use of French colonial troops as a deliberate act of humiliation, and used their presence to create a propaganda campaign dubbed the Black shame. This campaign lasted throughout the 1920s and 30s, although peaked in 1920 and 1921. For example, a 1921 German Government memo detailed 300 acts of violence from colonial troops, which included 65 murders and 170 sexual offenses. Historical consensus is that the charges were exaggerated for political and propaganda purposes, and that the colonial troops behaved far better than their white counterparts.[169] An estimated 500–800 Rhineland
Bastards were born as a result of fraternization between colonial troops and German women, and whom would latter be persecuted.[171] The United States
United States
Third Army entered Germany with 200,000 men. In June 1919, the Third Army demobilized and by 1920 the US occupation force had been reduced to 15,000 men.[172][154] Wilson further reduced the garrison to 6,500 men, prior to the inauguration of Warren G. Harding
Warren G. Harding
in 1921.[154] On 7 January 1923, after the Franco–Belgian occupation of the Ruhr, the US senate legislated the withdrawal of the remaining force.[173][174] On 24 January, the American garrison started their withdrawal from the Rhineland, with the final troops leaving in early February.[175]

Violations Reparations Hitler announces the Anschluss
of Austria in violation of Art. 80 on the Heldenplatz, Vienna, 15 March 1938 The German economy was so weak that only a small percentage of reparations was paid in hard currency. Nonetheless, even the payment of this small percentage of the original reparations (132 billion gold marks) still placed a significant burden on the German economy. Although the causes of the devastating post-war hyperinflation are complex and disputed, Germans blamed the near-collapse of their economy on the treaty, and some economists estimated that the reparations accounted for as much as one-third of the hyper-inflation.[176] In March 1921, French and Belgian troops occupied Duisburg, Düsseldorf, and other areas which formed part of the demilitarized Rhineland, according to the Treaty of Versailles. In January 1923, French and Belgian forces occupied the rest of the Ruhr area as a reprisal after Germany failed to fulfill reparation payments demanded by the Versailles
Treaty. The German government answered with "passive resistance", which meant that coal miners and railway workers refused to obey any instructions by the occupation forces. Production and transportation came to a standstill, but the financial consequences contributed to German hyperinflation and completely ruined public finances in Germany. Consequently, passive resistance was called off in late 1923. The end of passive resistance in the Ruhr allowed Germany to undertake a currency reform and to negotiate the Dawes Plan, which led to the withdrawal of French and Belgian troops from the Ruhr Area in 1925.[177]

Military In 1920, the head of the Reichswehr
Hans von Seeckt
Hans von Seeckt
clandestinely re-established the General Staff, by expanding the Truppenamt
(Troop Office); purportedly a human resources section of the army.[178][179] In March, 18,000 German troops entered the Rhineland
under the guise of attempting to quell possible unrest by communists and in doing so violated the demilitarized zone. In response, French troops advanced further into Germany until the German troops withdrew.[180] German officials conspired systematically to evade the clauses of the treaty, by failing to meet disarmament deadlines, refusing Allied officials access to military facilities, and maintaining and hiding weapon production.[180] As the treaty did not ban German companies from producing war material outside of Germany, companies moved to the Netherlands, Switzerland, and Sweden. Bofors
was bought by Krupp, and in 1921 German troops were sent to Sweden
to test weapons.[181] The establishment of diplomatic ties with the Soviet Union, via the Genoa Conference and Treaty of Rapallo, was also used to circumvent the Treaty of Versailles. Publicly, these diplomatic exchanges were largely in regards to trade and future economic cooperation. However, secret military clauses were included that allowed for Germany to develop weapons inside the Soviet Union. Furthermore, it allowed for Germany to establish three training areas for aviation, chemical and tank warfare.[182][183][184][185] In 1923, the British newspaper The Times
The Times
made several claims about the state of the German Armed Forces: that it had equipment for 800,000 men, was transferring army staff to civilian positions in order to obscure their real duties, and warned of the militarization of the German police force by the exploitation the Krümper system.[186][nb 4] The Weimar Government also funded domestic rearmament programs, which were covertly funded with the money camouflaged in "X-budgets", worth up to an additional 10% of the disclosed military budget.[188] By 1925, German companies had begun to design tanks and modern artillery. During the year, over half of Chinese arms imports were German and worth 13 million Reichsmarks. In January 1927, following the withdrawal of the Allied disarmament committee, Krupps ramped up production of armor plate and artillery.[189][190][nb 5] Production increased so that by 1937, military exports had increased to 82,788,604 Reichsmarks.[189][190] Production was not the only violation: "Volunteers" were rapidly passed through the army to make a pool of trained reserves, and paramilitary organizations were encouraged with the illegally militarized police. Non-commissioned officers
Non-commissioned officers
(NCOs) were not limited by the treaty, thus this loophole was exploited and as such the number of NCOs were vastly in excess to the number needed by the Reichswehr.[191] In December 1931, the Reichswehr
finalized a second rearmament plan that called for 480 million Reichsmarks to be spent over the following five years: this program sought to provide Germany the capability of creating and supplying a defensive force of 21 divisions supported by aircraft, artillery, and tanks. This coincided with a 1 billion Reichsmark programme that planned for additional industrial infrastructure that would be able to permanently maintain this force. As these programs did not require an expansion of the military, they were nominally legal.[192] On 7 November 1932, the Reich Minister of Defense Kurt von Schleicher
Kurt von Schleicher
authorized the illegal Umbau Plan for a standing army of 21 divisions based on 147,000 professional soldiers and a large militia.[192] Later in the year at the World Disarmament Conference, Germany withdrew to force France
and the United Kingdom
United Kingdom
to accept German equality of status.[192] The United Kingdom
United Kingdom
attempted to get Germany to return with the promise of all nations maintaining an equality in armaments and security. The British later proposed and agreed to an increase in the Reichswehr
to 200,000 men, and for Germany to have an air force half the size of the French. It was also negotiated for the French Army to be reduced.[193] In October 1933, following the rise of Adolf Hitler
Adolf Hitler
and the founding of Nazi regime, Germany withdrew from League of Nations
League of Nations
and the World Disarmament Conference. In March 1935, Germany reintroduced conscription followed by an open rearmament programme, the official unveiling of the Luftwaffe
(air force), and signed the Anglo-German Naval Agreement that allowed a surface fleet 35% of the size of the Royal Navy.[194][195][196] The resulting rearmament programs was allotted 35 billion Reichsmarks over an eight-year period.[197]

Territorial On 7 March 1936, German troops entered and remilitarized the Rhineland.[198] On 12 March 1938, following German pressure to the collapse the Austrian Government, German troops crossed into Austria and the following day Hitler announced the Anschluss: the annexation of Austria by Germany.[199] The following year, on 23 March 1939, Germany annexed Memel from Lithuania.[200]

Historical assessments John Maynard Keynes, the principal representative of the British Treasury, referred to the Treaty of Versailles
as a "Carthaginian peace". According to David Stevenson, since the opening of French archives, most commentators have remarked on French restraint and reasonableness at the conference, though Stevenson notes that "[t]he jury is still out", and that "there have been signs that the pendulum of judgement is swinging back the other way."[201] In his book The Economic Consequences of the Peace, John Maynard Keynes referred to the Treaty of Versailles
as a "Carthaginian peace", a misguided attempt to destroy Germany on behalf of French revanchism, rather than to follow the fairer principles for a lasting peace set out in President Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points, which Germany had accepted at the armistice. He stated: "I believe that the campaign for securing out of Germany the general costs of the war was one of the most serious acts of political unwisdom for which our statesmen have ever been responsible."[202] Keynes had been the principal representative of the British Treasury at the Paris
Peace Conference, and used in his passionate book arguments that he and others (including some US officials) had used at Paris.[203] He believed the sums being asked of Germany in reparations were many times more than it was possible for Germany to pay, and that these would produce drastic instability.[204]

Commemorative medal issued in 1929 in the Republic of Weimar on the occasion of the 10th anniversary of the "shameful" Treaty of Versailles. Designed by Karl Goetz, the obverse of the coin depicts George Clemenceau
George Clemenceau
presenting a bound treaty, decorated with skull and crossbones to Ulrich von Brockdorff-Rantzau. Other members of the Conference are standing behind Clemenceau, including Lloyd-George, Wileon and Orlando. French economist Étienne Mantoux disputed that analysis. During the 1940s, Mantoux wrote a posthumously published book titled The Carthaginian Peace, or the Economic Consequences of Mr. Keynes in an attempt to rebut Keynes' claims. More recently economists have argued that the restriction of Germany to a small army saved it so much money it could afford the reparations payments.[205] It has been argued (for instance by historian Gerhard Weinberg
Gerhard Weinberg
in his book A World at Arms[206]) that the treaty was in fact quite advantageous to Germany. The Bismarckian Reich was maintained as a political unit instead of being broken up, and Germany largely escaped post-war military occupation (in contrast to the situation following World War II). In a 1995 essay, Weinberg noted that with the disappearance of Austria-Hungary
and with Russia withdrawn from Europe, that Germany was now the dominant power in Eastern Europe.[207] The British military historian Correlli Barnett claimed that the Treaty of Versailles
was "extremely lenient in comparison with the peace terms that Germany herself, when she was expecting to win the war, had had in mind to impose on the Allies". Furthermore, he claimed, it was "hardly a slap on the wrist" when contrasted with the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk
Treaty of Brest-Litovsk
that Germany had imposed on a defeated Russian SFSR in March 1918, which had taken away a third of Russia's population (albeit mostly of non-Russian ethnicity), one-half of Russia's industrial undertakings and nine-tenths of Russia's coal mines, coupled with an indemnity of six billion marks.[208] Eventually, even under the "cruel" terms of the Treaty of Versailles, Germany's economy had been restored to its pre-war status. Barnett also claims that, in strategic terms, Germany was in fact in a superior position following the Treaty than she had been in 1914. Germany's eastern frontiers faced Russia and Austria, who had both in the past balanced German power. Barnett asserts that its post-war eastern borders were safer, because the former Austrian Empire fractured after the war into smaller, weaker states, Russia was wracked by revolution and civil war, and the newly restored Poland was no match for even a defeated Germany. In the West, Germany was balanced only by France
and Belgium, both of which were smaller in population and less economically vibrant than Germany. Barnett concludes by saying that instead of weakening Germany, the treaty "much enhanced" German power.[209] Britain and France
should have (according to Barnett) "divided and permanently weakened" Germany by undoing Bismarck's work and partitioning Germany into smaller, weaker states so it could never have disrupted the peace of Europe again.[210] By failing to do this and therefore not solving the problem of German power and restoring the equilibrium of Europe, Britain "had failed in her main purpose in taking part in the Great War".[211]

American contemporary view of German World War I
World War I
reparations. Political cartoon 1921. The British historian of modern Germany, Richard J. Evans, wrote that during the war the German right was committed to an annexationist program which aimed at Germany annexing most of Europe and Africa. Consequently, any peace treaty that did not leave Germany as the conqueror would be unacceptable to them.[212] Short of allowing Germany to keep all the conquests of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, Evans argued that there was nothing that could have been done to persuade the German right to accept Versailles.[212] Evans further noted that the parties of the Weimar Coalition, namely the Social Democratic Party of Germany
Social Democratic Party of Germany
(SPD), the social liberal German Democratic Party
German Democratic Party
(DDP) and the Christian democratic Centre Party, were all equally opposed to Versailles, and it is false to claim as some historians have that opposition to Versailles
also equalled opposition to the Weimar Republic.[212] Finally, Evans argued that it is untrue that Versailles
caused the premature end of the Republic, instead contending that it was the Great Depression
Great Depression
of the early 1930s that put an end to German democracy. He also argued that Versailles
was not the "main cause" of National Socialism and the German economy was "only marginally influenced by the impact of reparations".[212] Ewa Thompson points out that the treaty allowed numerous nations in Central and Eastern Europe
Eastern Europe
to liberate themselves from oppressive German rule, a fact that is often neglected by Western historiography, more interested in understanding the German point of view. In nations that found themselves free as the result of the treaty—such as Poles or Czechs—it is seen as a symbol of recognition of wrongs committed against small nations by their much larger aggressive neighbours.[213] Resentment caused by the treaty sowed fertile psychological ground for the eventual rise of the Nazi Party.[214] The German historian Detlev Peukert wrote that Versailles
was far from the impossible peace that most Germans claimed it was during the interwar period, and though not without flaws was actually quite reasonable to Germany.[215] Rather, Peukert argued that it was widely believed in Germany that Versailles
was a totally unreasonable treaty, and it was this "perception" rather than the "reality" of the Versailles
treaty that mattered.[215] Peukert noted that because of the "millenarian hopes" created in Germany during World War I when for a time it appeared that Germany was on the verge of conquering all of Europe, any peace treaty the Allies of World War I imposed on the defeated German Reich
German Reich
were bound to create a nationalist backlash, and there was nothing the Allies could have done to avoid that backlash.[215] Having noted that much, Peukert commented that the policy of rapprochement with the Western powers that Gustav Stresemann
Gustav Stresemann
carried out between 1923 and 1929 were constructive policies that might have allowed Germany to play a more positive role in Europe, and that it was not true that German democracy was doomed to die in 1919 because of Versailles.[215] Finally, Peukert argued that it was the Great Depression and the turn to a nationalist policy of autarky within Germany at the same time that finished off the Weimar Republic, not the Treaty of Versailles.[215] French historian Raymond Cartier states that millions of Germans in the Sudetenland
and in Posen-West Prussia
Posen-West Prussia
were placed under foreign rule in a hostile environment, where harassment and violation of rights by authorities are documented.[216] Cartier asserts that, out of 1,058,000 Germans in Posen-West Prussia
Posen-West Prussia
in 1921, 758,867 fled their homelands within five years due to Polish harassment.[216] These sharpening ethnic conflicts would lead to public demands to reattach the annexed territory in 1938 and become a pretext for Hitler's annexations of Czechoslovakia
and parts of Poland.[216]

Territorial changes Map of territorial changes in Europe after World War I
World War I
(as of 1923) The plebiscites initiated due to the treaty have drawn much comment. Historian Robert Peckham wrote that the issue of Schleswig "was premised on a gross simplification of the region's history. ... Versailles
ignored any possibility of there being a third way: the kind of compact represented by the Swiss Federation; a bilingual or even trilingual Schleswig-Holsteinian state" or other options such as "a Schleswigian state in a loose confederation with Denmark or Germany, or an autonomous region under the protection of the League of Nations."[217] In regards to the East Prussia
East Prussia
plebiscite, historian Richard Blanke wrote that "no other contested ethnic group has ever, under un-coerced conditions, issued so one-sided a statement of its national preference".[217] Richard Debo wrote "both Berlin and Warsaw believed the Soviet invasion of Poland had influenced the East Prussian plebiscites. Poland appeared so close to collapse that even Polish voters had cast their ballots for Germany".[218] In regards to the Silesian plebiscite, Blanke observed "given that the electorate was at least 60% Polish-speaking, this means that about one 'Pole' in three voted for Germany" and "most Polish observers and historians" have concluded that the outcome of plebiscite was due to "unfair German advantages of incumbency and socio-economic position". Blanke alleged "coercion of various kinds even in the face of an allied occupation regime" occurred, and that Germany granted votes to those "who had been born in Upper Silesia
Upper Silesia
but no longer resided there". Blanke concluded that despite these protests "there is plenty of other evidence, including Reichstag election results both before and after 1921 and the large-scale emigration of Polish-speaking Upper Silesians to Germany after 1945, that their identification with Germany in 1921 was neither exceptional nor temporary" and "here was a large population of Germans and Poles—not coincidentally, of the same Catholic religion—that not only shared the same living space but also came in many cases to see themselves as members of the same national community".[149] Prince Eustachy Sapieha, the Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs, alleged that Soviet Russia "appeared to be intentionally delaying negotiations" to end the Polish-Soviet War "with the object of influencing the Upper Silesian plebiscite".[218] Once the region was partitioned, both "Germany and Poland attempted to 'cleanse' their shares of Upper Silesia" via oppression resulting in Germans migrating to Germany and Poles
migrating to Poland. Despite the oppression and migration, Opole Silesia "remained ethnically mixed."[147] Frank Russell wrote that, in regards to the Saar plebiscite, the inhabitants "were not terrorized at the polls" and the "totalitarian [Nazi] German regime was not distasteful to most of the Saar inhabitants and that they preferred it even to an efficient, economical, and benevolent international rule." When the outcome of the vote became known, 4,100 (including 800 refugees who had previously fled Germany) residents fled over the border into France.[153]

Military terms and violations During the formulation of the treaty, the British wanted Germany to abolish conscription but be allowed to maintain a volunteer Army. The French wanted Germany to maintain a conscript army of up to 200,000 men in order to justify their own maintenance of a similar force. Thus the treaty's allowance of 100,000 volunteers was a compromise between the British and French positions. Germany, on the other hand, saw the terms as leaving them defenseless against any potential enemy.[219] Bernadotte Everly Schmitt wrote that "there is no reason to believe that the Allied governments were insincere when they stated at the beginning of Part V of the Treaty ... that in order to facilitate a general reduction of the armament of all nations, Germany was to be required to disarm first." A lack of American ratification of the treaty or joining the League of Nations
League of Nations
left France
unwilling to disarm, which resulted in a German desire to rearm.[113] Schmitt argued "had the four Allies remained united, they could have forced Germany really to disarm, and the German will and capacity to resist other provisions of the treaty would have correspondingly diminished."[220] Max Hantke and Mark Spoerer wrote "military and economic historians [have] found that the German military only insignificantly exceeded the limits" of the treaty prior to 1933.[188] Adam Tooze concurred, and wrote "To put this in perspective, annual military spending by the Weimar Republic
Weimar Republic
was counted not in the billions but in the hundreds of millions of Reichsmarks"; for example, the Weimar Republic's 1931 program of 480 million Reichsmarks over five years compared to the Nazi Government's 1933 plan to spend 4.4 billion Reichsmarks per year.[221] P. M. H. Bell argued that the British Government was aware of later Weimar rearming, and lent public respectability to the German efforts by not opposing them,[193] an opinion shared by Churchill.[222] Norman Davies
Norman Davies
wrote that "a curious oversight" of the military restrictions were that they "did not include rockets in its list of prohibited weapons", which provided Wernher von Braun
Wernher von Braun
an area to research within eventually resulting in "his break [that] came in 1943" leading to the development of the V-2 rocket.[223]

See also

United Nations portal World War I
World War I
portal Aftermath of World War I Causes of World War II Decree on Peace International Opium Convention, incorporated into the Treaty of Versailles Little Treaty of Versailles Minority Treaties Neutrality Acts of 1930s Septemberprogramm Treaty of Rapallo (1920) Free State Bottleneck Notes Footnotes

^ see the Reparations section.

^ Similar wording was used in the treaties signed by the other defeated nations of the Central Powers. Article 117 of the Treaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye with Austria, Article 161 of the Treaty of Trianon with Hungary, Article 121 of the Treaty Areas of Neuilly-sur-Seine with Bulgaria and Article 231 of the Treaty of Sevres with Turkey.[96][97][98][99]

^ see The Treaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye, The Treaty of Trianon, The Treaty of Neuilly, and The Treaty of Sèvres.

^ On 8 March 1936, 22,700 armed policemen were incorporated into the army in 21 infantry battalions.[187]

^ Gustav Krupp
later claimed he had duped the Allies throughout the 1920s and prepared the German military for the future.[181]


^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac Treaty of Versailles

^ a b Slavicek, p. 114

^ Slavicek, p. 107

^ Boyer, p. 153

^ a b Treaty of Versailles
Signatures and Protocol

^ Treaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye (1919)
Treaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye (1919)
with Austria; Treaty of Neuilly-sur-Seine with Bulgaria; Treaty of Trianon
Treaty of Trianon
with Hungary; Treaty of Sèvres
Treaty of Sèvres
with the Ottoman Empire; Davis, Robert T., ed. (2010). U.S. Foreign Policy and National Security: Chronology and Index for the 20th Century. 1. Santa Barbara, California: Praeger Security International. p. 49. ISBN 978-0-313-38385-4..mw-parser-output cite.citation font-style:inherit .mw-parser-output .citation q quotes:"""""""'""'" .mw-parser-output .citation .cs1-lock-free a background:url("//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/6/65/Lock-green.svg/9px-Lock-green.svg.png")no-repeat;background-position:right .1em center .mw-parser-output .citation .cs1-lock-limited a,.mw-parser-output .citation .cs1-lock-registration a background:url("//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/d/d6/Lock-gray-alt-2.svg/9px-Lock-gray-alt-2.svg.png")no-repeat;background-position:right .1em center .mw-parser-output .citation .cs1-lock-subscription a background:url("//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/a/aa/Lock-red-alt-2.svg/9px-Lock-red-alt-2.svg.png")no-repeat;background-position:right .1em center .mw-parser-output .cs1-subscription,.mw-parser-output .cs1-registration color:#555 .mw-parser-output .cs1-subscription span,.mw-parser-output .cs1-registration span border-bottom:1px dotted;cursor:help .mw-parser-output .cs1-ws-icon a background:url("//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/4c/Wikisource-logo.svg/12px-Wikisource-logo.svg.png")no-repeat;background-position:right .1em center .mw-parser-output code.cs1-code color:inherit;background:inherit;border:inherit;padding:inherit .mw-parser-output .cs1-hidden-error display:none;font-size:100% .mw-parser-output .cs1-visible-error font-size:100% .mw-parser-output .cs1-maint display:none;color:#33aa33;margin-left:0.3em .mw-parser-output .cs1-subscription,.mw-parser-output .cs1-registration,.mw-parser-output .cs1-format font-size:95% .mw-parser-output .cs1-kern-left,.mw-parser-output .cs1-kern-wl-left padding-left:0.2em .mw-parser-output .cs1-kern-right,.mw-parser-output .cs1-kern-wl-right padding-right:0.2em

^ Tucker & Roberts 2005, pp. xxv, 9.

^ Tucker & Roberts 2005, p. 1078.

^ Andrew Wiest, The Western Front 1917–1918: From Vimy Ridge to Amiens and the Armistice (2012) pp 126, 168, 200.

^ "Why was the Zimmermann Telegram
Zimmermann Telegram
important?". BBC History Magazine. 17 January 2017. Retrieved 11 January 2019.

^ https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1918/commissar/gov.htm Statement by Trotsky on the publication of the secret treaties

^ Tucker & Roberts 2005a, pp. 429.

^ Fourteen Points
Fourteen Points

^ John Milton Cooper (2011). Woodrow Wilson: A Biography. Vintage. pp. 422–424. ISBN 9780307277909.

^ Simkins, Jukes, Hickey, p. 265

^ a b Tucker & Roberts 2005a, p. 225.

^ a b Truitt, p. 114

^ Beller, pp. 182–95

^ Bessel, pp. 47–48

^ Hardach, pp. 183–84

^ Simkins, p. 71

^ Tucker & Roberts 2005a, p. 638.

^ Schmitt, p. 101

^ a b Schmitt, p. 102

^ Weinberg, p. 8

^ Boyer, p. 526

^ Edmonds, (1943), p. 1

^ a b Martel (1999), p. 18

^ Grebler, Leo (1940). The Cost of the World War to Germany and Austria-Hungary. Yale University Press. 1940, p. 78

^ Slavicek, p. 37

^ Lentin, Antony (1985) [1984]. Guilt at Versailles: Lloyd George and the Pre-history of Appeasement. Routledge. p. 84. ISBN 978-0-416-41130-0.

^ Phillips, p. 152

^ Weinberg, p. 12

^ Slavicek, pp. 40–1

^ Venzon, p. 439

^ Lentin 2012, p. 22.

^ a b c Slavicek, p. 43

^ Lentin 2012, p. 21.

^ Brown, p. 187

^ John Maynard Keynes, The Economic Consequences of the Peace (Harcourt Brace and Howe, 1920) p. 34

^ Keylor, p. 43

^ Keylor, William R. (1998). The Legacy of the Great War: Peacemaking, 1919. Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin. p. 34. ISBN 0-669-41711-4.

^ Lentin (1992), p. 28

^ Lentin (1992), pp. 28–32

^ Slavicek, pp. 43–44

^ Trachtenberg, p. 499

^ a b David Thomson, Europe Since Napoleon. Penguin Books. 1970, p. 605.

^ Haigh, p. 295

^ a b Slavicek, p. 44

^ a b c d Brezina, p. 21

^ Yearwood, p. 127

^ "Digital History".

^ Trachtenberg, p. 490

^ a b c John Milton Cooper, Woodrow Wilson: A Biography (2011) pp. 454–505

^ Slavicek, p. 48

^ Slavicek, pp. 46–7

^ Slavicek, p. 65

^ Slavicek, p. 73

^ Treaty of Versailles, Articles 227–230

^ Treaty of Versailles, Article 80

^ Treaty of Versailles, Part XII

^ Treaty of Versailles, Article 246

^ Treaty of Versailles, Articles 33 and 34

^ a b Treaty of Versailles, Articles 45 and 49

^ Treaty of Versailles, Section V preamble and Article 51

^ a b Peckham, p. 107

^ Treaty of Versailles, Articles 81 and 83

^ Treaty of Versailles, Article 88 and annex

^ Frucht, p. 24

^ Martin, p. lii

^ Boemeke, p. 325

^ Treaty of Versailles, Article 94

^ Ingrao, p. 261

^ Brezina, p. 34

^ Treaty of Versailles, Article 99

^ Treaty of Versailles, Articles 100–104

^ Treaty of Versailles, Articles 22 and 119

^ Tucker & Roberts 2005a, p. 437.

^ a b Benians, p. 658

^ Tucker & Roberts 2005a, p. 1224.

^ Roberts, p. 496

^ Treaty of Versailles, Article 156

^ Shuster, p. 74

^ Treaty of Versailles, Part V preamble

^ Treaty of Versailles, Articles 159, 160, 163 and Table 1

^ Treaty of Versailles, Articles 173, 174, 175 and 176

^ Treaty of Versailles, Articles 161, 162, and 176

^ Treaty of Versailles, Articles 42, 43, and 180

^ Treaty of Versailles, Article 115

^ Treaty of Versailles, Articles 165, 170, 171, 172, 198 and tables No. II and III.

^ Treaty of Versailles, Articles 181 and 190

^ Treaty of Versailles, Article 80

^ Treaty of Versailles, Articles 185 and 187

^ Treaty of Versailles, Articles 198, 201, and 202

^ Treaty of Versailles, Article 231

^ Treaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye, Article 177

^ Treaty of Trianon, Article 161

^ Treaty of Neuilly-sur-Seine, Article 121

^ Treaty of Sèvres, Article 231

^ Martel (2010), p. 156

^ Treaty of Versailles, Articles 232–235

^ Treaty of Versailles, Article 428

^ Treaty of Versailles, Article 429

^ Treaty of Versailles, Article 430

^ Treaty of Versailles, Part I

^ Treaty of Versailles, Part XIII preamble and Article 388

^ Treaty of Versailles, Article 295

^ Lovin, p. 9, 96

^ Stevenson, David (1998) ' France
at the Paris
Peace Conference: Addressing the Dilemmas of Security', in Boyce, Robert (editor) 'French Foreign and Defence Policy, 1918–1940: The Decline and Fall of a Great Power Boyce', Routledge, New York, ISBN 0415150396, p. 10

^ Lovin, p. 9 and 96

^ a b Lentin 2012, p. 26.

^ Bell, p. 26

^ a b c Schmitt, p. 104

^ a b Bell, p. 22

^ Stevenson, p. 10

^ Slavicek, p. 75

^ a b Sontag, p. 22

^ Tucker & Roberts 2005a, p. 426.

^ Tucker (1999), p. 191

^ Ripsman, p. 110

^ a b R. Henig, Versailles
and After: 1919–1933 (London: Routledge, 1995) p. 52.

^ Filipe Ribeiro de Meneses, Post-war Settlement (Portugal) in: 1914–1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War, ed. by Ute Daniel, Peter Gatrell, Oliver Janz, Heather Jones, Jennifer Keene, Alan Kramer, and Bill Nasson, issued by Freie Universität Berlin, Berlin 2014-12-18.

^ President Woodrow Wilson
Woodrow Wilson
speaking on the League of Nations
League of Nations
to a luncheon audience in Portland OR. 66th Cong., 1st sess. Senate Documents: Addresses of President Wilson (May–November 1919), vol. 11, no. 120, p. 206.

^ Thomas A. Bailey, Woodrow Wilson
Woodrow Wilson
and the Great Betrayal (1945) online

^ William C. Widenor, Henry Cabot Lodge
Henry Cabot Lodge
and the Search for an American Foreign Policy (1980)

^ Ralph A. Stone, The Irreconcilables: The Fight Against the League of Nations (1970)

^ John Milton Cooper, Jr. Woodrow Wilson: A Biography (2009) ch 22–23

^ Duff, John B. (1968). "The Versailles
Treaty and the Irish-Americans". Journal of American History. 55 (3): 582–598. doi:10.2307/1891015. JSTOR 1891015.

^ Wimer, Kurt; Wimer, Sarah (1967). "The Harding Administration, the League of Nations, and the Separate Peace Treaty". The Review of Politics. Cambridge University Press. 29 (1): 13–24. doi:10.1017/S0034670500023706. JSTOR 1405810.

^ Staff (3 July 1921). "HARDING ENDS WAR; SIGNS PEACE DECREE AT SENATOR'S HOME. Thirty Persons Witness Momentous Act in Frelinghuysen Living Room at Raritan". The New York Times.

^ Bibliographical Introduction to "Diary, Reminiscences and Memories of Colonel Edward M. House". Archived 23 December 2009 at the Wayback Machine

^ June Teufel Dreyer (2015). China's Political System. Routledge. p. 60. ISBN 9781317349648.

^ "May Fourth Movement". Encyclopaedia Britannica.

^ Britains Forgotten Army, Director/Producer Simon Chu, Radio Times, p. 61, 63 11–17 November 2017

^ The Betrayed Ally, China in the Great War, Introduction, Christopher Arnander & Frances Wood, Pen and Sword, 2016

^ Foreign Minister Brockdorff-Ranzau when faced with the conditions on 7 May: "Wir kennen die Wucht des Hasses, die uns hier entgegentritt. Es wird von uns verlangt, daß wir uns als die allein Schuldigen am Krieg bekennen; ein solches Bekenntnis wäre in meinem Munde eine Lüge". 2008 School Projekt Heinrich-Heine-Gesamtschule, Düsseldorf http://www.fkoester.de/kursbuch/unterrichtsmaterial/13_2_74.html

^ 2008 School Projekt Heinrich-Heine-Gesamtschule, Düsseldorf http://www.fkoester.de/kursbuch/unterrichtsmaterial/13_2_74.html

^ Lauteinann, Geschichten in Quellen Bd. 6, S. 129.

^ Koppel S. Pinson (1964). Modern Germany: Its History and Civilization (13th printing ed.). New York: Macmillan. p. 397 f. ISBN 0-88133-434-0.

^ Marks 1978, pp. 236–237.

^ Ferguson 1998, p. 414.

^ Marks 1978, pp. 223–234.

^ Kramer 2008, p. 10.

^ Martel 2010, p. 156.

^ Martin, p. xiii

^ Martin, p. xii

^ a b c d Ther, p. 123

^ Bartov, p. 490

^ a b Bullivant, pp. 43–44

^ Albrecht-Carrie, p. 9

^ a b c Steiner, p. 75

^ a b Lemkin, p. 198

^ a b Russell, pp. 103–106

^ a b c Pawley, p. 84

^ Liverman, Peter (1996) Does Conquest Pay?: The Exploitation of Occupied Industrial Societies, Princeton University Press, Princeton, ISBN 0691029865 p. 92

^ a b Pawley, p. 2

^ Collar, Peter (2012) The Propaganda War in the Rhineland: Weimar Germany, Race and Occupation after World War I; I.B. Tauris, London, ISBN 9781848859463, p. 78

^ Pawley, Margaret (2007) The Watch on the Rhine: The Military Occupation of the Rhineland. Palgrave Macmillan, New York ISBN 9781845114572, p. 117

^ Mommsen, p. 273

^ Pawley, pp. 181–182

^ Liverman, p. 92

^ a b Pawley, p. 117

^ Jacobson, Jon (1972) Locarno Diplomacy: Germany and the West, 1925–1929, Princeton University Press, Princeton, ISBN 0691051909, p. 135

^ Williamson, David G (2017) The British in Interwar Germany: The Reluctant Occupiers, 1918–30 2nd edition, Bloomsbury Academic, New York, ISBN 9781472595829, pp. 19, 245

^ Williamson, pp. 19, 245

^ Edmonds, Occupation of the Rhine, p. 147

^ Williamson, pp. 246–247

^ Pawley, p. 94

^ a b Collar, p. 78

^ McDougall, Walter A. (1978) France's Rhineland
Policy, 1914–1924: The Last Bid for a Balance of Power in Europe, Princeton University Press, Princeton, p. 155

^ Appiah, Anthony (editor); Gates, Henry Louis (editor) (2005) Africana: The Encyclopedia of the African and African American Experience (2nd edition), Oxford University Press, Oxford, ISBN 9780195170559, p. 781

^ Baker, p. 21

^ Mommsen, p. 129

^ Pawley, p. 87

^ Nelson, pp. 251–252

^ "The Treaty of Versailles
Punished Defeated Germany with These Provisions".

^ "Ruhr occupation". Encyclopaedia Britannica.

^ Zaloga, p. 13

^ Michael Geyer, Deutsche Rüstungspolitik 1860 bis 1980, Frankfurt 1984

^ a b Shuster, pp. 112, 114

^ a b Shuster, p. 116

^ Fisher, p. 168

^ Fisher, p. 171

^ Bell, p. 133

^ Tucker & Roberts 2005a, p. 967.

^ Shuster, p. 120

^ Bell, p. 234

^ a b Hantke, p. 852

^ a b Kirby, p. 25

^ a b Kirby, p. 220

^ Mowat, p. 235

^ a b c Tooze, p. 26

^ a b Bell, p. 229

^ Bell, p. 78

^ Corrigan, p. 68

^ Fischer, Klaus (1995). Nazi Germany: A New History, p. 408.

^ Tooze, p. 53

^ Bell, pp. 233–234

^ Bell, p. 254

^ Bell, p. 281

^ Stevenson 1998, p. 11.

^ John Maynard Keynes. The Economic Consequences of the Peace
The Economic Consequences of the Peace
at Project Gutenberg

^ Markwell, Donald (2006). John Maynard Keynes
John Maynard Keynes
and International Relations: Economic Paths to War and Peace. Oxford University Press.

^ Keynes (1919). The Economic Consequences of the Peace. Ch VI. The Treaty includes no provisions for the economic rehabilitation of Europe—nothing to make the defeated Central Empires into good neighbours, nothing to stabilize the new States of Europe, nothing to reclaim Russia; nor does it promote in any way a compact of economic solidarity amongst the Allies themselves; no arrangement was reached at Paris
for restoring the disordered finances of France
and Italy, or to adjust the systems of the Old World and the New. The Council of Four paid no attention to these issues, being preoccupied with others—Clemenceau to crush the economic life of his enemy, Lloyd George to do a deal and bring home something which would pass muster for a week, the President to do nothing that was not just and right. It is an extraordinary fact that the fundamental economic problems of a Europe starving and disintegrating before their eyes, was the one question in which it was impossible to arouse the interest of the Four. Reparation was their main excursion into the economic field, and they settled it as a problem of theology, of polities, of electoral chicane, from every point of view except that of the economic future of the States whose destiny they were handling.

^ Hantke, Max; Spoerer, Mark (2010). "The imposed gift of Versailles: the fiscal effects of restricting the size of Germany's armed forces, 1924–9" (PDF). Economic History Review. 63 (4): 849–864. doi:10.1111/j.1468-0289.2009.00512.x. Archived from the original (PDF) on 27 October 2011.

^ Reynolds, David. (20 February 1994). "Over There, and There, and There." Review of: "A World at Arms: A Global History of World War II," by Gerhard L. Weinberg. New York: Cambridge University Press.

^ Weinberg, Gerhard Germany, Hitler and World War II, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995, p. 16.

^ Correlli Barnett, The Collapse of British Power (London: Pan, 2002), p. 392.

^ Barnett, p. 316.

^ Barnett, p. 318.

^ Barnett, p. 319.

^ a b c d Evans, Richard In Hitler's Shadow, New York: Panatheon 1989, p. 107.

^ The Surrogate Hegemon in Polish Postcolonial Discourse Ewa Thompson, Rice University [1]

^ "Why the Nazis achieved power". BBC Bitesize.

^ a b c d e Peukert, Detlev The Weimar Republic, New York: Hill & Wang, 1992 p. 278.

^ a b c La Seconde Guerre mondiale, Raymond Cartier, Paris, Larousse Paris
Match, 1965, quoted in: Pater Lothar Groppe (28 August 2004). "Die "Jagd auf Deutsche" im Osten: Die Verfolgung begann nicht erst mit dem "Bromberger Blutsonntag" vor 50 Jahren". Preußische Allgemeine Zeitung / 28. August 2004 (in German). Retrieved 22 September 2010. 'Von 1.058.000 Deutschen, die noch 1921 in Posen und Westpreußen lebten', ist bei Cartier zu lesen, 'waren bis 1926 unter polnischem Druck 758.867 abgewandert. Nach weiterer Drangsal wurde das volksdeutsche Bevölkerungselement vom Warschauer Innenministerium am 15. Juli 1939 auf weniger als 300.000 Menschen geschätzt.'

^ a b Ingrao, p. 262

^ a b Debo, p. 335

^ Schmitt, pp. 104–105

^ Schmitt, p. 108

^ Tooze, pp. 26, 53–54

^ The Second World War

^ Davies, p. 416

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and After: 1919-1933. Routledge. ISBN 0-415-12710-6. Ingrao (Editor), Charles & Szabo (Editor), Franz A.J. (2007). The Germans and the East. Purdue University Press. ISBN 978-155753-443-9.CS1 maint: Extra text: authors list (link) Keylor, William R. (1998). The Legacy of the Great War: Peacemaking, 1919. Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin. ISBN 0-669-41711-4. Keynes, John Maynard (1920). The Economic Consequences of the Peace. Harcourt Brace and Howe. Kirby, William C. (1984). German and Republican China. Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-080471-209-5. Kramer, Alan (2008). Dynamic of Destruction: Culture and Mass Killing in the First World War. The Making of the Modern World. Penguin. ISBN 978-1-846-14013-6. Martin, Lawrence (2007) [1924]. The Treaties of Peace, 1919-1923. The Lawbook Exchange, Ltd. ISBN 978-158477-708-3. Lemkin, Raphael; Schabas, William A. & Power, Samantha (2008). Axis Rule in Occupied Europe: Laws of Occupation, Analysis of Government, Proposals for Redress. Foundations of the Laws of War. The Lawbook Exchange, Lrd 2 edition. ISBN 978-158477-901-8. Lentin, Antony (1992), Trick or Treat? The Anglo-French Alliance, 1919, 42 (12), History Today, pp. 28–32, ProQuest 1299048769 Lentin, Antony (2012), Germany: a New Carthage?, 62 (1), History Today, pp. 20–27 Marks, Sally (1978), "The Myths of Reparations", Central European History, Cambridge University Press, 11 (3): 231–255, doi:10.1017/S0008938900018707, JSTOR 4545835 Martel, Gordon, ed. (1999). Origins of the Second World War Reconsidered (2nd ed.). London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-16325-5. Martel, Gordon, ed. (2010). A Companion to Europe 1900–1945. Hoboken NJ: Wiley-Blackwell. ISBN 978-1-444-33840-9. McDougall, Walter A. (1979), "Political Economy versus National Sovereignty: French Structures for German Economic Integration after Versailles", The Journal of Modern History, The University of Chicago Press, 51 (1): 4–23, doi:10.1086/241846, JSTOR 1877866 Mommsen, Hans & Foster, Elborg (1988). The Rise and Fall of Weimar Democracy. The University of North Crolina Press. ISBN 978-080784721-3. Mowat, C.L., ed. (1968). Volume XIII: The Shifting Balance of World Forces 1898-1945. The New Cambridge Modern History. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-052104-551-3. Nelson, Keith L. (1975). Victors divided: America and the Allies in Germany, 1918-1923. University of California Press. Pawley, Margaret (2008). The Watch on the Rhine: The Military Occupation of the Rhineland. I.B. Tauris. ISBN 978-184511457-2. Peckham, Robert Shannan, ed. (2003). Rethinking Heritage: Cultures and Politics in Europe. I.B.Tauris. ISBN 978-186064-796-3. Peukert, Detlev J.K. (1993). The Weimar Republic. Hill and Wang. ISBN 978-080901-556-6. Ripsman, Norrin M. (2004). Peacemaking by Democracies: The Effect of State Autonomy on the Post-World War Settlements. Pennsylvania State University Press. ISBN 978-027102-398-4. Russell, Frank M. (1951). The Saar: Battleground and Pawn. Stanford University Press, First Edition. Schmitt, Bernadotte (1960), "The Peace Treaties of 1919-1920", Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, American Philosophical Society, 104 (1): 101–110, JSTOR 985606 Shuster, Richard (2006). German Disarmament After World War I: The Diplomacy of International Arms Inspection 1912–1931. Strategy and History. Routledge. ISBN 978-041535808-8. Simkins, Peter (2002). The First World War: Volume 3 The Western Front 1917-1918. Osprey Publishing. ISBN 978-184176-348-4. Simkins, Peter; Jukes, Geoffrey & Hickey, Michael (2003). The First World War: The War to End All Wars. Osprey Publishing. ISBN 978-184176-738-3. Slavicek, Louise Chipley (2010). The Treaty of Versailles. Milestones in Modern World History. Chelsea House Publications. ISBN 978-160413-277-9. Sontag, Richard (1971). A Broken World, 1919-1939. Michigan: Harper and Row. Steiner, Barry H. (2007). Collective Preventive Diplomacy: A Study in International Conflict Management. Suny Series in Global Politics. State University of New York Press. ISBN 978-079145988-1. Stevenson, David (1998). " France
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after Sixty Years", Journal of Contemporary History, Sage Publications Ltd, 17 (3): 487–506, doi:10.1177/002200948201700305, JSTOR 260557 Truitt, Wesley B. (2010). Power and Policy: Lessons for Leaders in Government and Business. Praeger. ISBN 978-031338-240-6. Tooze, Adam (2007) [2006]. The Wages of Destruction: The Making and Breaking of the Nazi Economy. Penguin Books. ISBN 978-014100348-1. Tucker, Spencer C., ed. (1999) [1996]. European Powers in the First World War: An Encyclopedia. Garland Reference Library of the Humanities. Routledge. ISBN 978-081533-351-7. Tucker, Spencer C. & Roberts, Priscilla (2005a). The Encyclopedia of World War I : A Political, Social, and Military History. ABC=CLIO. ISBN 978-185109-420-2. Venzon, Anne Cipriano, ed. (1999). The United States
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in the First World War: An Encyclopedia. Military History of the United States. Routledge. ISBN 978-081533-353-1. Weinberg, Gerhard L. (1994). A World at Arms: A Global History of World War II. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-52144-317-2. Yearwood, Peter J. (2009). Guarantee of Peace: The League of Nations in British Policy 1914-1925. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-019922-673-3. Zaloga, Steven & Gerrard (Illustrator), Howard (2002). Poland 1939: The Birth of Blitzkrieg. Campaign. Osprey Publishing. ISBN 978-184176408-5.

Further reading

Andelman, David A. (2008). A Shattered Peace: Versailles
1919 and the Price We Pay Today. New York/London: J. Wiley. ISBN 978-0-471-78898-0. Birdsall, Paul. Versailles
twenty years after (1941) old but still useful summary Cooper, John Milton. Breaking the Heart of the World: Woodrow Wilson and the Fight for the League of Nations
League of Nations
(2010) Demarco, Neil (1987). The World This Century. London: Collins Educational. ISBN 0-00-322217-9. Graebner, Norman A. and Edward M. Bennett, The Versailles
Treaty and Its Legacy: The Failure of the Wilsonian Vision. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011. Herron, George D. (1924). The Defeat in the Victory. Boston: Christopher Publishing House. xvi, [4], 202 pp. Lloyd George (1938). The Truth About the Peace Treaties (2 volumes). London: Victor Gollancz Ltd. Published in the US as Memoirs of the Peace Conference Macmillan, Margaret (2001). Peacemakers. London: John Murray. ISBN 0-7195-5939-1. Also published as Macmillan, Margaret (2001). Paris
1919: Six Months That Changed the World. New York: Random House. ISBN 0-375-76052-0. online free to borrow Marks. Sally. "Mistakes and Myths: The Allies, Germany, and the Versailles
Treaty, 1918–1921" Journal of Modern History 85#3 (2013), pp. 632–659 online Markwell, Donald (2006). John Maynard Keynes
John Maynard Keynes
and International Relations. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-829236-8. Parker, R.A.C. "The First Capitulation: France
and the Rhineland Crisis of 1936" pp. 355–373 from World Politics, Volume 8, Issue # 3, April 1956. Shapr, Alan. (2018) Versailles
1919: A Centennial Perspective (2018) excerpt Sharp, Alan (2011). Consequences of Peace: The Versailles
Settlement: Aftermath and Legacy 1919–2010. Haus Publishing. ISBN 978-1905791743. Sharp, Alan. The Versailles
Settlement: Peacemaking After the First World War, 1919–1923 (2008) Shepley, Nick. The Paris
Peace Conference 1919: A student's guide to the Treaty of Versailles
(2015); 51 pp online Webster, Andrew. "Treaty of Versailles
(1919)." in Gordon Martel, ed. The Encyclopedia of Diplomacy (4 vol 2018) 4:1–15. Wheeler-Bennett, Sir John (1972). The Wreck of Reparations, being the political background of the Lausanne Agreement, 1932. New York: H. Fertig.

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