The Info List - Thatcherite

describes the conviction, economic, social and political style of the British Conservative Party politician Margaret Thatcher, who was leader of her party from 1975 to 1990. It has also been used to describe the beliefs of the British government under Thatcher as Prime Minister from 1979 to 1990 and beyond into the governments of John Major, Tony Blair
Tony Blair
and David Cameron.[1] An exponent of Thatcherism
is regarded as a Thatcherite. Thatcherism
represented a systematic, decisive rejection and reversal of the post-war consensus, whereby the major political parties largely agreed on the central themes of Keynesianism, the welfare state, nationalised industry and close regulation of the British economy. There was one major exception: the National Health Service, which was widely popular. In 1982, she promised the British people that the NHS is "safe in our hands".[2] Both the exact terms of what makes up Thatcherism
as well as its specific legacy in terms of British history over the past decades are controversial. In terms of ideology, Thatcherism
has been described by Nigel Lawson, Thatcher's Chancellor of the Exchequer
Chancellor of the Exchequer
from 1983 to 1989, as a political platform emphasising free markets with restrained government spending and tax cuts coupled with British nationalism
British nationalism
both at home and abroad.[3] The Daily Telegraph
The Daily Telegraph
stated in April 2008 that the programme of the next non-Conservative British government, Tony Blair's administration with an emphasis on New Labour, basically accepted the central reform measures of Thatcherism
such as deregulation, privatisation of key national industries, maintaining a flexible labour market, marginalising the trade unions and centralising power from local authorities to central government.[4]


1 Overview

1.1 Thatcherism
before Thatcher 1.2 Libertarianism 1.3 Thatcherism
as a form of government

2 Economic positions

2.1 Thatcherite economics 2.2 Trade union
Trade union

3 Domestic and social positions

3.1 Thatcherite morality 3.2 Sermon on the Mound

4 Foreign policy

4.1 Atlanticism 4.2 Europe

5 Dispute over the term 6 Criticism 7 Thatcher's legacy 8 See also 9 References 10 Bibliography

10.1 Historiography

11 External links


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“ Free markets, financial discipline, firm control over public expenditure, tax cuts, nationalism, "Victorian values" (of the Samuel Smiles self-help variety), privatisation and a dash of populism. ”

—  Nigel Lawson's definition of Thatcherism.[5]

attempts to promote low inflation, the small state and free markets through tight control of the money supply, privatisation and constraints on the labour movement. It is often compared with Reaganomics
in the United States, economic rationalism in Australia and Rogernomics
in New Zealand and as a key part of the worldwide economic liberal movement. Nigel Lawson, Thatcher's Chancellor of the Exchequer from 1983 to 1989, listed the Thatcherite ideals as "free markets, financial discipline, firm control over public expenditure, tax cuts, nationalism, 'Victorian values' (of the Samuel Smiles self-help variety), privatisation and a dash of populism".[3] Thatcherism
is thus often compared to classical liberalism. Milton Friedman said that " Margaret Thatcher
Margaret Thatcher
is not in terms of belief a Tory. She is a nineteenth-century Liberal".[6] Thatcher herself stated in 1983: "I would not mind betting that if Mr Gladstone were alive today he would apply to join the Conservative Party".[7] In the 1996 Keith Joseph
Keith Joseph
memorial lecture, Thatcher argued: "The kind of Conservatism
which he and I ... favoured would be best described as 'liberal', in the old-fashioned sense. And I mean the liberalism of Mr Gladstone, not of the latter day collectivists".[8] However, Thatcher once told Friedrich Hayek: "I know you want me to become a Whig; no, I am a Tory". Hayek believed "she has felt this very clearly".[9] However, the relationship between Thatcherism
and liberalism is complicated. Thatcher's former Defence Secretary John Nott
John Nott
claimed that "it is a complete misreading of her beliefs to depict her as a nineteenth-century Liberal".[10] As Ellen Meiksins Wood has argued, Thatcherite capitalism was compatible with traditional British political institutions. As Prime Minister, Thatcher did not challenge ancient institutions such as the monarchy or the House of Lords, but some of the most recent additions such as the trade unions.[11] Indeed, many leading Thatcherites, including Thatcher herself, went on to join the House of Lords, an honour which Gladstone, for instance, had declined.[12] Thinkers closely associated with Thatcherism
include Keith Joseph, Enoch Powell, Friedrich Hayek
Friedrich Hayek
and Milton Friedman. In an interview with Simon Heffer in 1996, Thatcher stated that the two greatest influences on her as Conservative leader had been Joseph and Powell, who were both "very great men".[13] Thatcher was a strong critic of communism, Marxism
and socialism. She made several references about them during her speeches and personal statements. In 1977, she famously declared in a statement: "My job is to stop Britain going red".[14] Thatcherism
before Thatcher[edit] A number of commentators have traced the origins of Thatcherism
in post-war British politics. The historian Ewen Green claimed there was resentment of the inflation, taxation and the constraints imposed by the labour movement, which was associated with the so-called Buttskellite consensus in the decades before Thatcher came to prominence. Although the Conservative leadership accommodated itself to the Clement Attlee
Clement Attlee
government's post-war reforms, there was continuous right-wing opposition in the lower ranks of the party, in right-wing pressure groups like the Middle Class Alliance and the People's League for the Defence of Freedom and later in think tanks like the Centre for Policy Studies. For example, in 1945 the Conservative Party chairman Ralph Assheton had wanted 12,000 abridged copies of The Road to Serfdom
The Road to Serfdom
(a book by the anti-socialist economist Friedrich Hayek
Friedrich Hayek
later closely associated with Thatcherism),[15] taking up one-and-a-half tons of the party's paper ration, distributed as election propaganda.[16] The historian Dr. Christopher Cooper has also traced the formation of the monetarist economics at the heart of Thatcherism
back to the resignation of Conservative Chancellor of the Exchequer Peter Thorneycroft
Peter Thorneycroft
in 1958.[17] Libertarianism[edit] Thatcherism
is often described as a libertarian ideology. Thatcher saw herself as creating a libertarian movement,[18][19] rejecting traditional Toryism.[20] Thatcherism
is associated with libertarianism within the Conservative Party,[21] albeit one of libertarian ends achieved by using strong and sometimes authoritarian leadership.[22] British political commentator Andrew Marr
Andrew Marr
has called libertarianism the "dominant, if unofficial, characteristic of Thatcherism".[23] However, whereas some of her heirs, notably Michael Portillo
Michael Portillo
and Alan Duncan, embraced this libertarianism, others in the Thatcherite movement, such as John Redwood, sought to become more populist.[24][25] Some commentators have argued that Thatcherism
should not be considered properly libertarian. Noting the tendency towards strong central government in matters concerning the trade unions and local authorities, Andrew Gamble
Andrew Gamble
summarised Thatcherism
as "the free economy and the strong state".[26] Simon Jenkins
Simon Jenkins
accused the Thatcher government of carrying out a nationalisation of Britain.[27] Libertarian political theorist Murray Rothbard
Murray Rothbard
did not consider Thatcherism
to be libertarian and heavily criticised Thatcher and Thatcherism
stating that " Thatcherism
is all too similar to Reaganism: free-market rhetoric masking statist content".[28] Thatcherism
as a form of government[edit] Main articles: Premiership of Margaret Thatcher
Margaret Thatcher
and List of ministers under Margaret Thatcher Another important aspect of Thatcherism
is the style of governance. Britain in the 1970s was often referred to as "ungovernable". Thatcher attempted to redress this by centralising a great deal of power to herself, as the Prime Minister, often bypassing traditional cabinet structures (such as cabinet committees). This personal approach also became identified with personal toughness at times such as the Falklands War, the IRA bomb at the Conservative conference and the miners' strike.[citation needed] Sir Charles Powell, the Foreign Affairs Private Secretary to the Prime Minister (1984–1991 and 1996) described her style thus: "I've always thought there was something Leninist about Mrs Thatcher which came through in the style of government: the absolute determination, the belief that there's a vanguard which is right and if you keep that small, tightly knit team together, they will drive things through ... there's no doubt that in the 1980s, No. 10 could beat the bushes of Whitehall pretty violently. They could go out and really confront people, lay down the law, bully a bit".[29] Economic positions[edit]

Graph showing the annual UK GDP growth with the Thatcher years (1979–1990) highlighted, depicting the economic turnaround

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Thatcherite economics[edit] Thatcherism
is associated with the economic theory of monetarism. In contrast to previous government policy, monetarism placed a priority on controlling inflation over controlling unemployment. According to monetarist theory, inflation is the result of there being too much money in the economy. It was claimed that the government should seek to control the money supply to control inflation. However, by 1979 it was not only the Thatcherites who were arguing for stricter control of inflation. The Labour Chancellor Denis Healey
Denis Healey
had already adopted some monetarist policies, such as reducing public spending and selling off the government's shares in BP. Moreover, it has been argued that the Thatcherites were not strictly monetarist in practice. A common theme centres on the Medium Term financial Strategy, issued in the 1980 Budget, which consisted of targets for reducing the growth of the money supply in the following years. After overshooting many of these targets, the Thatcher government revised the targets upwards in 1982. Analysts have interpreted this as an admission of defeat in the battle to control the money supply. The economist C. F. Pratten claimed that "since 1984, behind a veil of rhetoric, the government has lost any faith it had in technical monetarism. The money supply, as measured by £M3, has been allowed to grow erratically, while calculation of the PSBR is held down by the ruse of subtracting the proceeds of privatisation as well as taxes from government expenditure. The principles of monetarism have been abandoned".[30] Thatcherism
is also associated with supply-side economics. Whereas Keynesian economics
Keynesian economics
holds that the government should stimulate economic growth by increasing demand through increased credit and public spending, supply-side economists argue that the government should instead intervene only to create a free market by lowering taxes, privatising state industries and increasing restraints on trade unionism.[citation needed] Trade union
Trade union
legislation[edit] Further information: UK miners' strike (1984–85) See also: Opposition to trade unions
Opposition to trade unions
and History of trade unions in the United Kingdom Reduction in the power of the trades unions was made gradually, unlike the approach of the Edward Heath
Edward Heath
government and the greatest single confrontation with the unions was the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) strike of 1984–1985, in which the miners' union was eventually defeated. There is evidence that this confrontation with the trade unions was anticipated by both the Conservative Party and the NUM. The outcome contributed to the resurgence of the power of capital over labour.[31] Domestic and social positions[edit] Thatcherite morality[edit] Thatcherism
is associated with a conservative stance on morality.[32] The Marxist sociologist and founder of the New Left Review, Stuart Hall, for example, argued that Thatcherism
should be viewed as an ideological project promoting "authoritarian populism" since it is known for its reverence of "Victorian values".[33] The Social Democrat Party supporter David Marquand claimed that Thatcher exploited "authoritarian populist" sentiment in 1970s Britain: "Go back, you flower people, back where you came from, wash your hair, get dressed properly, get to work on time and stop all this whingeing and moaning".[34][non-primary source needed] Norman Tebbit, a close ally of Thatcher, laid out in a 1985 lecture what he thought to be the permissive society that conservatives should oppose.[relevant? – discuss]

Bad art was as good as good art. Grammar and spelling were no longer important. To be clean was no better than to be filthy. Good manners were no better than bad. Family life was derided as an outdated bourgeois concept. Criminals deserved as much sympathy as their victims. Many homes and classrooms became disorderly; if there was neither right nor wrong there could be no basis for punishment or reward. Violence and soft pornography became accepted in the media. Thus was sown the wind; and we are now reaping the whirlwind.[35]

Examples of this conservative morality in practice include the video nasties scare, where in reaction to a moral panic over the availability of a number of provocatively named horror films on video cassette she introduced state regulation of the British video market for the first time. Despite her association with social conservatism, Thatcher voted in 1966 to legalise homosexuality.[36] That same year, she also voted in support of legal abortion.[37] However, in the 1980s during her time as Prime Minister, Thatcher's government enacted Section 28, a law that opposed promotion of homosexuality by local authorities and the promotion of the teaching of "the acceptability of homosexuality as a pretended family relationship" in schools. The law was opposed by many gay rights advocates such as Stonewall and OutRage!
and was later repealed by Tony Blair's Labour government in 2003.[38][39] However, Thatcher was one of only a handful of Conservatives to vote for the Sexual Offences Act 1967.[40] Conservative Prime Minister David Cameron
David Cameron
later issued an official apology for previous Conservative policies on homosexuality, specifically the introduction of the controversial Section 28
Section 28
laws from the 1980s, viewing past ideological views as "a mistake" with his own ideological direction.[41] Sermon on the Mound[edit] Main article: Sermon on the Mound In May 1988, Thatcher gave an address to the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland. In the address, Thatcher offered a theological justification for her ideas on capitalism and the market economy. She said "Christianity is about spiritual redemption, not social reform" and she quoted St. Paul by saying "If a man will not work he shall not eat". Choice played a significant part in Thatcherite reforms and Thatcher said that choice was also Christian, stating that Jesus Christ chose to lay down his life and that all individuals have the God-given right to choose between good and evil. Foreign policy[edit] Atlanticism[edit] Further information: Special
Relationship §  Thatcher and Reagan

Margaret Thatcher
Margaret Thatcher
and Ronald Reagan, 26 February 1981

Whilst Thatcher was Prime Minister, she greatly embraced transatlantic relations with the U.S. President Ronald Reagan. She often publicly supported Reagan's policies even when other Western allies were not as vocal. For example, she granted permission for American planes to use British bases for raids on Libya and allowed American cruise missiles and Pershing missiles to be housed on British soil in response to Soviet deployment of SS-20 nuclear missiles targeting Britain and other Western European nations.[42] Europe[edit] Towards the end of the 1980s, Thatcher (and so Thatcherism) became increasingly vocal in its opposition to allowing the European Community to supersede British sovereignty. In a famous 1988 Bruges speech, Thatcher declared: "We have not successfully rolled back the frontiers of the state in Britain, only to see them reimposed at a European level, with a European superstate exercising a new dominance from Brussels". While Euroscepticism
has for many become a characteristic of Thatcherism, Thatcher was far from consistent on the issue, only becoming truly Eurosceptic in the last years of her time as Prime Minister. Thatcher supported Britain's entry into the European Economic Community in 1973, campaigned for a "Yes" vote in the 1975 referendum[43] and signed the Single European Act
Single European Act
in 1986.[44] Dispute over the term[edit] It is often claimed that the word "Thatcherism" was coined by cultural theorist Stuart Hall in a 1979 Marxism
Today article,[45] However, this is not true as the phrase "Thatcherism" was first used by Tony Heath in an article he wrote that appeared in Tribune on 10 August 1973. Writing as Tribune's Education Correspondent, Heath wrote: "It will be argued that teachers are members of a profession which must not be influenced by political considerations. With the blight of Thatcherism
spreading across the land that is a luxury that only the complacent can afford".[46][47] Although the term had in fact been widely used before then,[48] not all social critics have accepted the term as valid, with the High Tory
journalist T. E. Utley believing that "[t]here is no such thing as Thatcherism".[49] Utley contended that the term was a creation of Thatcher's enemies who wished to damage her by claiming that she had an inflexible devotion to a certain set of principles and also by some of her friends who had little sympathy for what he called "the English political tradition" because it facilitated "compromise and consensus". Utley argued that a free and competitive economy, rather than being an innovation of Thatcherism, was one "more or less permanent ingredient in modern Conservative philosophy":

It was on that principle that Churchill fought the 1945 election, having just read Hayek's Road to Serfdom...What brought the Tories to 13 years of political supremacy in 1951 was the slogan 'Set the people free'...There is absolutely nothing new about the doctrinal front that she presents on these matters...As for 'privatisation', Mr. Powell proposed it in...1968. As for 'property-owning democracy', I believe it was Anthony Eden
Anthony Eden
who coined the phrase.[50]

In foreign policy, Utley claimed Thatcher's desire to restore British greatness did not mean "primarily a power devoted to the preservation of its own interests", but that she belonged "to that militant Whig branch of English Conservatism...her view of foreign policy has a high moral content". In practical terms, he claimed this expressed itself in her preoccupation in "the freedom of Afghanistan rather than the security of Ulster".[51] Some leftist critics such as Anthony Giddens
Anthony Giddens
claim that Thatcherism was purely an ideology and argue that her policies marked a change which was dictated more by political interests than economic reasons:

Rather than by any specific logic of capitalism, the reversal was brought about by voluntary reductions in social expenditures, higher taxes on low incomes and the lowering of taxes on higher incomes. This is the reason why in Great Britain in the mid 1980s the members of the top decile possessed more than a half of all the wealth.[52] To justify this by means of economic "objectivities" would be an ideology. What is at play here are interests and power.[53]

The Conservative historian of Peterhouse, Maurice Cowling, also questioned the uniqueness of "Thatcherism". Cowling claimed that Thatcher used "radical variations on that patriotic conjunction of freedom, authority, inequality, individualism and average decency and respectability, which had been the Conservative Party's theme since at least 1886". Cowling further contended that the "Conservative Party under Mrs Thatcher has used a radical rhetoric to give intellectual respectability to what the Conservative Party has always wanted".[54] Historians Emily Robinson, Camilla Schofield, Florence Sutcliffe-Braithwaite and Natalie Thomlinson have argued that by the 1970s Britons were keen about defining and claiming their individual rights, identities and perspectives. They demanded greater personal autonomy and self-determination and less outside control. They angrily complained that the establishment was withholding it. They argue this shift in concerns helped cause Thatcherism
and was incorporated into Thatcherism's appeal.[55] Criticism[edit] Critics of Thatcherism
claim that its successes were obtained only at the expense of great social costs to the British population.[how?] There were nearly 3.3 million unemployed in Britain in 1984, compared to 1.5 million when she first came to power in 1979, though that figure had reverted to some 1.6 million by the end of 1990. While credited with reviving Britain's economy, Thatcher also was blamed for spurring a doubling in the relative poverty rate. Britain's childhood-poverty rate in 1997 was the highest in Europe.[56] When she resigned in 1990, 28% of the children in Great Britain were considered to be below the poverty line, a number that kept rising to reach a peak of nearly 30% during the government of Thatcher's successor, John Major.[56] During her government, Britain's Gini coefficient
Gini coefficient
reflected this growing difference, going from 0.25 in 1979 to 0.34 in 1990, at about which value it remained for the next 20 years, under both Conservative and Labour governments.[57] Thatcher's legacy[edit] Further information: Margaret Thatcher
Margaret Thatcher
§ Political impact

The majority of Thatcher's reforms were retained by New Labour
New Labour
and in 2002 she is said to have regarded that as her greatest achievement[58]

The extent to which one can say Thatcherism
has a continuing influence on British political and economic life is unclear. In 2002, Peter Mandelson, a member of parliament belonging to the British Labour Party closely associated with Tony Blair, famously declared that "we are all Thatcherites now".[59] In reference to modern British political culture, it could be said that a "post-Thatcherite consensus" exists, especially in regards to economic policy. In the 1980s, the now defunct Social Democratic Party adhered to a "tough and tender" approach in which Thatcherite reforms were coupled with extra welfare provision. Neil Kinnock, leader of the Labour Party from 1983 to 1992, initiated Labour's rightward shift across the political spectrum by largely concurring with the economic policies of the Thatcher governments. The New Labour
New Labour
governments of Tony Blair
Tony Blair
and Gordon Brown
Gordon Brown
were described as "neo-Thatcherite" by some on the left, since many of their economic policies mimicked those of Thatcher.[60] Most of the major British political parties today accept the trade union legislation, privatisations and general free market approach to government that Thatcher's governments installed. At preset, no major political party in the United Kingdom is committed to reversing the Thatcher government's reforms of the economy, although in the aftermath of the Great Recession
Great Recession
from 2007 to 2012 the then Labour Party leader Ed Miliband
Ed Miliband
had indicated he would support stricter financial regulation[61] and industry focused policy[62] in a move to a more mixed economy. In 2011, Miliband declared his support for Thatcher's reductions in income tax on top earners, her legislation to change the rules on the closed shop and strikes before ballots as well as her introduction of Right to Buy, claiming Labour had been wrong to oppose these reforms at the time.[63] Moreover, the United Kingdom's comparative macroeconomic performance has improved since the implementation of Thatcherite economic policies. Since Thatcher resigned as British Prime Minister in 1990, British economic growth was on average higher than the other large European economies (i.e. Germany, France and Italy). Additionally, since the beginning of the 2000s the United Kingdom has also possessed lower unemployment, by comparison with the other big economies. Such an enhancement in relative macroeconomic performance is perhaps another reason for the apparent "Blatcherite" economic consensus, which has been present in modern UK politics for a number of years.[citation needed] Tony Blair
Tony Blair
wrote in his 2010 autobiography A Journey
A Journey
that "Britain needed the industrial and economic reforms of the Thatcher period". He described Thatcher's efforts as "ideological, sometimes unnecessarily so" while also stating that "much of what she wanted to do in the 1980s was inevitable, a consequence not of ideology but of social and economic change".[64] On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of Thatcher's 1979 election victory, BBC
conducted a survey of opinions which opened with the following comments:[65]

To her supporters, she was a revolutionary figure who transformed Britain's stagnant economy, tamed the unions and re-established the country as a world power. Together with US presidents Reagan and Bush, she helped bring about the end of the Cold War. But her 11-year premiership was also marked by social unrest, industrial strife and high unemployment. Her critics claim British society is still feeling the effect of her divisive economic policies and the culture of greed and selfishness they allegedly promoted.

See also[edit]

Blairism Brownism Gladstonian liberalism Neoliberalism Political positions of David Cameron Powellism Reaganism


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Keith Joseph
Memorial Lecture (11 January 1996) ^ Hayek, Friedrich (2008). Kresege, Stephen; Wenar, Leif, eds. Hayek on Hayek. An Autobiographical Dialogue. Indianapolis, Indiana: LibertyFund. p. 141. ISBN 978-0-86597-740-2. OCLC 229020962.  ^ Nott, John (2003). Here Today, Gone Tomorrow. Recollections of an Errant Politician. Politico's. p. 183. ISBN 978-1-84275-030-8.  ^ Meiksins Wood, Ellen (1991). The Pristine Culture of Capitalism: A Historical Essay on Old Regimes and Modern States. Verso. p. 167. ISBN 978-0-86091-362-7.  ^ Matthew, H. C. G. (1997). Gladstone, 1809–1898. Clarendon Press. p. 608. ISBN 978-0-19-820696-5.  ^ Heffer, Simon (1999). Like the Roman: The Life of Enoch Powell. Phoenix. p. 958. ISBN 978-0-7538-0820-7.  ^ John Blundell (2008). Margaret Thatcher: A Portrait of the Iron Lady. Algora Publishing. p. 141. ISBN 978-0-87586-631-4.  ^ Vinen, p. 7 ^ Green, E. H. H. (2002). Ideologies of Conservatism: Conservative Political Ideas in the Twentieth Century. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 214–39. ISBN 978-0-19-927033-0.  ^ Cooper, Dr. Christopher (June 2011). "Little Local Difficulties Revisited: Peter Thorneycroft, the 1958 Treasury Resignations of the Origins of Thatcherism". Contemporary British History. 25 (2): 1–24. doi:10.1080/13619462.2011.570113.  ^ Oakley, Robin (23 November 1990). "Thatcherism's end begins debate over style and ideology". The Sunday Times.  ^ d'Ancona, Matthew (5 March 1991). "Into the age of the individual – Labour's chance to write the next chapter of political history". The Guardian.  ^ "What Was Right With the 1980s". Financial Times. 5 April 1994.  ^ Heppell, Timothy (June 2002). "The ideological composition of the Parliamentary Conservative Party 1992–97". British Journal of Politics
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Bevir, Mark, and Rod A.W. Rhodes. "Narratives of 'Thatcherism'." West European Politics
21.1 (1998): 97–119. online Jones, Harriet and Michael Kandiah, eds. The Myth of Consensus: New Views on British History, 1945–64 (1996) excerpt Marquand, David. "The literature on Thatcher." Contemporary British History 1.3 (1987): 30–31. online

External links[edit] The dictionary definition of Thatcherism
at Wiktionary

What is Thatcherism?. BBC
News. What is Thatcherism?. Brit Politics.

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Margaret Thatcher

Prime Minister of the United Kingdom
Prime Minister of the United Kingdom
(1979–1990) Leader of the Conservative Party (1975–1990) MP for Finchley (1959–1992)

Member of Parliament

Public Bodies (Admission to Meetings) Act 1960 Circular 10/70 Shadow Cabinet


Thatcherism Conservatism Free market



wets and dries

First ministry (1979–1983) Second ministry (1983–1987) Third ministry (1987–1990) Cold War

1st term 2nd & 3rd term

1981 United Kingdom budget 1981 Irish hunger strike "The lady's not for turning" Falklands War Brighton hotel bombing Opposition to trade unions 1984–85 miners' strike Local Government Act

rate-capping rebellion

Westland affair Sermon on the Mound 1988 broadcasting restrictions Community Charge

poll tax riots

Gulf War Resignation Honours

Party elections

1975 1989 1990

General elections

1979 1983 1987


The Downing Street Years
The Downing Street Years
(1993 autobiography) The Path to Power (1995 memoir) Statecraft: Strategies for a Changing World (2003)


Sir Denis Thatcher
Denis Thatcher


Mark Thatcher (son) Carol Thatcher
Carol Thatcher
(daughter) Alfred Roberts (father)

Cultural depictions

Film and television

Thatcher: The Final Days (1991 film) The Falklands Play
The Falklands Play
(2002 play) Pinochet in Suburbia (2006 docudrama) The Long Walk to Finchley (2008 film) Margaret (film) The Iron Lady (film) The Hunt for Tony Blair
Tony Blair
(2011 episode) In Search of La Che
In Search of La Che
(2011 film)


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