Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah (5 December 1905 – 8 September 1982) was a
Kashmiri politician who played a central role in the politics of Jammu
and Kashmir, the northernmost Indian state. The self-styled
"Sher-e-Kashmir" (Lion of Kashmir), Abdullah was the founding leader
Kashmir National Conference and the 4th Chief
Jammu and Kashmir. He agitated against the rule of the
Hari Singh and urged self-rule for Kashmir.
He was served as the 2nd
Prime Minister of the Princely State of Jammu
Kashmir after its accession to
India in 1947 and was later
jailed and exiled. He was dismissed from the position of Prime
Ministership on 8 August 1953 and
Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad
Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad was appointed
as the new Prime Minister. The expressions ‘Sadar-i-Riyasat’ and
‘Prime Minister’ were replaced with the terms ‘Governor’ and
‘Chief Minister’ in 1965.
Sheikh Abdullah again became the
Chief Minister of the state following the 1974 Indira-Sheikh accord
and remained in the top slot till his death on 8 September 1982.
1 Early life
2 Higher studies
3 Political activism
3.1 Muslim Conference
3.2 Electoral politics
3.3 National Conference
4 Head of Government
4.1 Head of emergency administration
4.2 Prime minister
5 Return to activism
5.1 Arrest and release
5.2 After Indo-Pakistan war and creation of Bangladesh
6 Return to power
7 Personal life
8.1 Pakistani view
9 See also
Sheikh Abdullah was born in Soura, a village on the outskirts of
Srinagar, eleven days after the death of his father Sheikh Mohammed
Ibrahim. His father was a middle class manufacturer and trader of
Kashmiri shawls. He was a descendent of a
Kashmiri Pandit named Ragho
Ram Kaul, who was converted to Islam in 1722 by the saint Rashid
Balkhi and after conversion changed his name to Sheikh Mohammed
Abdullah, as per Abdullah's autobiography Atish-e-Chinar.
According to Sheikh Abdullah, his step brother mistreated his mother
and his early childhood was marked by utter poverty. His mother was
keen that her children should receive proper education and, so, as a
child, he was first admitted to a traditional school or
he learnt the recitation of the
Quran and some basic Persian texts
like Gulistan of Sa'di, Bostan, Padshanama, etc. Then in 1911 he was
admitted to a primary school where he studied for about two years.
However, their family barber Mohammed Ramzan prevailed upon his uncle
to send him back to school. He had to walk the distance of ten miles
to school and back on foot but in his own words the joy of being
allowed to obtain a school education made it seem a light work. He
Matriculation examination from Punjab University in
After matriculation he obtained admission in Shri Partap College, the
leading college of Kashmir. He also went to the Prince of Wales
College in Jammu. Then he took admission in Islamia College, Lahore
and graduated from there. In 1930, he obtained an M.Sc. in Chemistry
from Aligarh Muslim University. During his college days he was an
eye witness of the protests of the workers of the Government Silk
Factory during the Silk Factory Workers Agitation and the sight of
workers agitating for their rights made a deep impression on him and
was an important factor in motivating him to struggle for the rights
of the people of the
Jammu and Kashmir
Jammu and Kashmir State.
Kashmiri polymath and lawyer Molvi Abdullah. His lectures motivated
Sheikh Abdullah and other educated Muslim youth to struggle for
justice and fundamental rights
As a student at Aligarh Muslim University, he came in contact with
and was influenced by persons with liberal and progressive ideas. He
became convinced that the feudal system was responsible for the
miseries of the Kashmiris and like all progressive nations of the
Kashmir too should have a democratically elected government.
Sheikh Abdullah and his colleagues were greatly influenced by the
lectures of a Kashmiri polymath and lawyer Molvi Abdullah. Molvi
Abdullah's son Molvi Abdul Rahim,
Sheikh Abdullah and Ghulam Nabi
Gilkar were the first three educated Kashmiri youth to be arrested
during the public agitation of 1931.
Sheikh Abdullah with other leaders of 1931 agitation. Sitting R to L:
Sardar Gohar Rehman, Mistri Yaqoob Ali, Sheikh Abdullah, Chaudhary
Ghulam Abbas. Standing R: Molvi Abdul Rahim, L:Ghulam Nabi Gilkar
Kashmir's first political party the
Kashmir Muslim Conference with
Sheikh Abdullah as President, Chaudhary Ghulam Abbas as general
secretary, and Molvi Abdul Rahim as Secretary was formed on 16 October
1932. In his presidential address
Sheikh Abdullah categorically stated
that the Muslim Conference had come into existence to struggle for the
rights of all oppressed sections of the society and not Muslims alone.
It was not a communal party and would struggle for the rights of the
oppressed, whether Hindu, Muslim or Sikh, with the same fervor. He
reasserted that the struggle of Kashmiris was not a communal
In March 1933 the Muslim Conference constituted a committee which
included Molvi Abdullah and nine other members for the purpose of
establishing contacts with non-Muslim parties and exploring the
possibility of forming a joint organisation. Those nine members were
Khwaja Saad-ud-din Shawl, Khwaja Hassan Shah Naqshbandi, Mirwaiz
Kashmir, Molvi Ahmad-Ullah, Mirwaiz Hamadani, Agha Syed Hussain Shah
Jalali, Mufti Sharif-ud-din, Molvi Atiq-Ullah and Haji Jafar Khan.
Sheikh Abdullah this effort was not successful because of
the unfavourable reception of the idea by the non-Muslim parties.
Sheikh Abdullah campaigned to change the name of the Muslim Conference
to National Conference, under the influence of among others Jawaharlal
Nehru. After a prolonged and vigorous campaign a special session of
the Muslim Conference held in June 1939 voted to change the name of
the party to National Conference. Of the 176 members attending the
session, 172 members voted in favour of the resolution. According
Sheikh Abdullah the support of Chaudhary Ghulam Abbas of
very important in motivating the members to vote for this change.
As a result of the 1931 agitation the Maharajah appointed a Grievances
Commission with an Englishman B.J. Glancy as President which submitted
its report in March 1932. Subsequently a Constitutional Reforms
Conference also presided over by B.J. Glancy recommended the setting
up of an elected Legislative Assembly (Praja Sabha). Consequently, a
Praja Sabha with 33 elected and 42 nominated members elected on the
basis of separate electorates for Hindus and Muslims was established
in 1934. Women and illiterate men without sufficient property, or
title, or annual income of less than
Rupees four hundred did not have
the right to vote. Roughly less than 10% (according to Justice Anand
only 3%) of the population were enfranchised.
Even after the formation of Praja Sabha in 1934 as recommended by the
Commission real power continued to remain in the hands of the
Seventeen years later in 1951, the government of
Kashmir with Sheikh
Prime Minister held elections to a
Constituent Assembly on
the basis of universal adult suffrage. Sheikh Abdullah's Government
had been accused of rigging in these elections to the Constituent
Sheikh Abdullah with Nehru and Badshah Khan (centre) at Nishat Garden
Sheikh Abdullah was introduced to
Jawaharlal Nehru in 1937 and as he
too was a leader of the
Indian National Congress
Indian National Congress was demanding similar
rights for people of British India and had formed The All India
States Peoples Conference for supporting the people of Princely
States in their struggle for a representative government the two
became friends and political allies.
He introduced a resolution in the working committee of the Muslim
Conference for changing its name to National Conference on 24 June
1938 to allow people from all communities to join the struggle against
the autocratic rule of the Maharaja. Meanwhile, he along with his
liberal progressive friends, many of whom were not Muslim like Kashyap
Bandhu, Jia Lal Kilam, Pandit Sudama Sidha, Prem Nath Bazaz and Sardar
Budh Singh drafted the National Demands the forerunner of the
Kashmir (New Kashmir) Manifesto (which was a charter of
demands for granting a democratic constitution committed to the
welfare of the common people of Kashmir)
He presented these demands to the Maharajah in a speech on 28 August
1938. The Maharajah was not willing to accept these demands and so
he along with many of his companions was arrested for defying
prohibitory orders and sentenced to six months imprisonment and a
fine. His arrest provoked a public agitation in which volunteers
called Dictators (so called because they had the authority to defy
laws that was forbidden for normal law-abiding party members) courted
arrest. This agitation was called off on the appeal of Mohandas K.
Gandhi. He was released after serving his sentence on 24 February 1939
and accorded a grand reception by the people of
Srinagar on his
return. Speeches were made at the reception stressing the importance
of unity among Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs. Subsequently the
resolution for changing the name of Muslim Conference to National
Conference was ratified with an overwhelming majority by the General
Council of the Muslim Conference on 11 June 1939 and from that date
Muslim Conference became National Conference.
In May 1946
Sheikh Abdullah launched the Quit
against the Maharajah
Hari Singh and was arrested and sentenced to
three years imprisonment but was released only sixteen months later on
29 September 1947. According to prominent columnist and writer A.
G. Noorani, Quit
Kashmir was ill-timed and illogical. (See Tehreek e
Kashmir By Rashid Taseer (Urdu) volume 2-page 29 for
"National Demands" discussion and see Chapter 12-page 310-313
regarding presentation of "Naya Kashmir" Manifesto to
Singh. Full text of "Naya Kashmir" manifesto is given from page 314 to
383. English translation of this text is available at Wikisource. Also
see relevant chapters from Atish e Chinar regarding 1931 agitation
(Chapters 9, 10 and 11) Glancy Commission (Chapter 15) formation of
Muslim Conference (Chapter 18) meeting with Nehru (Chapter 23),
reasons for change in name of Muslim Conference to National Conference
(Chapter 24) and becoming president of All
India States Peoples
Conference (Chapter 31). His arrest and subsequent release following
Kashmir agitation is discussed in Chapter 34-page 372-389.)
Head of Government
Head of emergency administration
Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah (right), chosen to head interim government in
Kashmir, confers with Sardar Patel, deputy premier of India
Hari Singh appealed to Lord Mountbatten of Burma the
India for Indian military aid. In his Accession
Offer dated 26 October 1947 which accompanied The Instrument of
Accession duly signed by him on 26 October 1947,
Maharaja Hari Singh
wrote "I may also inform your Excellency's Government that it is my
intention at once to set up an interim Government and ask Sheikh
Abdullah to carry the responsibilities in this emergency with my Prime
Lord Mountbatten accepted the accession after a meeting of the Defence
Committee on 26 October 1947. In accepting the accession
unconditionally he wrote, "I do hereby accept this Instrument of
Accession. Dated this twenty seventh day of October, nineteen hundred
and forty seven". In the covering letter to Hari Singh, he wrote
"In consistence with their policy that in the case of any State where
the issue of accession has been the subject of dispute, the question
of accession should be decided in accordance with the wishes of the
people of the State, it is my Government's wish that, as soon as law
and order have been restored in
Kashmir and its soil cleared of the
invader, the question of the State's accession should be settled by a
reference to the people". Also in his letter to the
Mountbatten wrote "My Government and I note with satisfaction that
your Highness has decided to invite
Sheikh Abdullah to form an Interim
Government to work with your Prime Minister." The support of Mahatma
Gandhi and Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, was a key factor in
Sheikh Abdullah appointed as Head of the emergency
administration by the Maharaja.
As a consequence,
Sheikh Abdullah was appointed head of an emergency
administration by an order issued by the
Maharaja which was undated
except for the mention October 1947 in place of the date. He took
charge as Head of the Emergency Administration on 30 October 1947.
He raised a force of local Kashmiri volunteers to patrol
take control of administration after the flight of the
with his family and
Prime Minister Meher Chand Mahajan to
before the Indian troops had landed. This group of volunteers would
serve as the nucleus for the subsequent formation of
Jammu and Kashmir
Sheikh Abdullah hoped, would take over the defence
Kashmir after the Indian army was withdrawn. This was articulated
in his letter to Sardar Patel dated 7 October 1948 in which he wrote,
"With the taking over of the State forces by the Indian Government, it
was agreed that steps would be taken to reorganise and rebuild our
army so that when the present emergency is over and the Indian forces
are withdrawn the State will be left with a proper organised army of
its own to fall back upon." (
Sheikh Abdullah has alleged that most
of the Muslim soldiers of the Militia were either discharged or
imprisoned before his arrest in 1953. The Militia (dubbed as Dagan
Brigade) was converted from a State Militia to a regular unit of the
Indian Army on 2 December 1972 and redesignated the
Jammu and Kashmir
Sheikh Abdullah receiving Nehru in Srinagar, 1947.
Sheikh Abdullah took oath as
Prime Minister of
Kashmir on 17 March
Return to activism
Arrest and release
On 8 August 1953 he was dismissed as
Prime Minister by the then
Sadr-i-Riyasat (Constitutional Head of State) Dr. Karan Singh, son of
the erstwhile Maharajah Hari Singh, on the charge that he had lost the
confidence of his cabinet (not the house). He was denied the
opportunity to prove his majority on the floor of the house and
his dissident cabinet minister Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed was appointed as
Sheikh Abdullah was immediately arrested and later
jailed for eleven years, accused of conspiracy against the State in
the infamous "
Kashmir Conspiracy Case".
Sheikh Abdullah his dismissal and arrest were engineered
by the central government headed by
Prime Minister Jawaharlal
Nehru. He has quoted B.N. Mullicks' statements in his book "My
Years with Nehru" in support of his statement. A.G. Noorani
writing in Frontline supports this view, as according to him Nehru
himself ordered the arrest. On 8 April 1964 the State Government
dropped all charges in the so-called "
Kashmir Conspiracy Case".
Sheikh Abdullah was released and returned to
Srinagar where he was
accorded an unprecedented welcome by the people of the valley".
After his release he was reconciled with Nehru. Nehru requested Sheikh
Abdullah to act as a bridge between
India and Pakistan and make
President Ayub to agree to come to New
Delhi for talks for a final
solution of the
Kashmir problem. President Ayub Khan also sent
telegrams to Nehru and
Sheikh Abdullah with the message that as
Pakistan too was a party to the
Kashmir dispute any resolution of the
conflict without its participation would not be acceptable to
Pakistan. This paved the way for Sheikh Abdullah's visit to Pakistan
to help broker a solution to the
Sheikh Abdullah went to Pakistan in spring of 1964. President Ayub
Khan of Pakistan held extensive talks with him to explore various
avenues for solving the
Kashmir problem and agreed to come to
mid June for talks with Nehru as suggested by him. Even the date of
his proposed visit was fixed and communicated to New Delhi. On 27
May while he was en route to
Muzaffarabad in Pakistani Administered
Kashmir news came of the sudden death of Nehru and the Sheikh after
addressing a public rally at
Muzaffarabad returned to Delhi. On
his suggestion President Ayub Khan sent a high level Pakistani
delegation led by his Foreign Minister
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto along with
him to take part in the last rites of Jawaharlal Nehru.
After Nehru's death in 1964, he was interned from 1965 to 1968 and
Kashmir in 1971 for 18 months. The
Plebiscite Front was
also banned. This was allegedly done to prevent him and the Plebiscite
Front which was supported by him from taking part in elections in
After Indo-Pakistan war and creation of Bangladesh
Sheikh Abdullah addressing a mammoth gathering at Lal Chowk Srinagar
In 1971, the declaration of Bangladesh's independence was proclaimed
on 26 March by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and subsequently the Bangladesh
Liberation War broke out in erstwhile
East Pakistan between Pakistan
Bangladesh joined later by India, and subsequently war broke out
on the western border of
India and Pakistan, both of
which culminated in the creation of Bangladesh. Sheikh Abdullah
watching the alarming turn of events in the subcontinent realised that
for the survival of this region there was an urgent need to stop
pursuing confrontational politics and promoting solution of issues by
a process of reconciliation and dialogue rather than confrontation.
Critics of Sheikh hold the view that he gave up the cherished goal of
plebiscite for gaining Chief Minister's chair. He started talks with
Indira Gandhi for normalising the situation in
the region and came to an accord called
1974 Indira-Sheikh accord with
Indira Gandhi, then India's Prime Minister, by giving up the demand
for a plebiscite in lieu of the people being given the right to
self-rule by a democratically elected Government (as envisaged under
article 370 of the Constitution of India) rather than the puppet
government which till then ruled the State.
Return to power
Sheikh Abdullahs funeral procession was miles long and the largest
procession seen till then. In this clip the President of
offering his tribute.
He assumed the position of Chief Minister of
Jammu and Kashmir. The
Central Government and the ruling Congress Party withdrew its support
so that the State Assembly had to be dissolved and mid term elections
The National Conference won an overwhelming majority in the subsequent
elections and re-elected
Sheikh Abdullah as Chief Minister. He
remained as Chief Minister till his death in 1982.
Abdullah, described as a six feet four inches
(1.93 m) to six feet six inches
(1.98 m) tall man, was fluent in both Kashmiri and Urdu. His
Urdu entitled Atish-e-Chinar was written by the noted
Kashmiri author M.Y. Taing and published after Sheikh Abdullah's
death. It is often referred to as his autobiography as Taing claimed
that he only acted as an amanuensis. It is based on extensive
interviews that Taing had with
Sheikh Abdullah and provides valuable
information on Sheikh Abdullah's family background, early life,
ringside glimpses of happenings in
Kashmir at a crucial juncture in
its history, and his viewpoint about the political events in Kashmir
in which he himself played a central role.
After his death his eldest son Dr.
Farooq Abdullah was elected as the
Chief Minister of the State.
In 1933 he married Akbar Jahan, the daughter of Michael Harry Nedou,
the eldest son of the European proprietor of a chain of hotels in
India including Nedous Hotel in Srinagar, and his Kashmiri wife
Mirjan. Michael Harry Nedou was himself the proprietor of a hotel at
the tourist resort of Gulmarg (The writer
Tariq Ali claims that
Akbar Jehan was previously married in 1928 to an Arab Karam Shah who
disappeared after a
Calcutta newspaper Liberty reported that he was
T. E. Lawrence
T. E. Lawrence (Lawrence of Arabia) a British
Intelligence officer. He claims that Akbar Jehan was divorced by her
first husband in 1929.)
The government of Pakistan in 1947 viewed Abdullah and his party as
agents of Nehru and did not recognise his leadership of Kashmir.
He spoke against Pakistani government in United Nations by comparing
it with Hitler's rule, and he also endorsed Indian stand on
Kashmir. However, there was a change in Pakistan's viewpoint with the
passage of time. When he visited Pakistan in 1964 he was awarded a
tumultuous welcome by the people of Pakistan. Among the persons who
received him was Chaudhary Ghulam Abbas his once colleague and later
bitter political enemy who earlier in his book Kashmakash had
Sheikh Abdullah as a turncoat and traitor. Chaudhary Ghulam
Abbas embraced him and in his speech described him as one of the
greatest leaders of the subcontinent and a great benefactor of the
Muslims of the subcontinent. President Ayub Khan and his then
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto discussed the
with him. The government of Pakistan treated him as a state guest.
Sheikh Abdullah had the rare distinction of having poems in his praise
written by three major Pakistani
Urdu poets namely Hafeez Jullundhri,
Faiz Ahmed Faiz
Faiz Ahmed Faiz who admired his lifelong struggle against
injustice and for democratic rights of the common man.
List of Kashmiris
Jammu and Kashmir
Instrument of Accession
Instrument of Accession (
Jammu and Kashmir)
Kashmiriyat – a socio-cultural ethos of religious harmony and
Political Parties in
Kashmir in 1947
List of topics on the land and the people of "
Jammu and Kashmir"
Kashmir Conspiracy Case
List of political families
^ a b c d Hoiberg, Dale H. (2010) p 22-23
^ a b Tej K. Tikoo (19 July 2012). Kashmir: Its Aborigines and Their
Exodus. Lancer Publishers. pp. 185–.
ISBN 978-1-935501-34-3. Retrieved 26 February 2013.
^ Lamb, Alastair. The Myth of Indian Claim to
Jammu and Kashmir: A
Kashmir Freedom Movement.
^ Noorani, A.G. Article 370 : a constitutional history of Jammu
Kashmir (1. publ. ed.). New Delhi: Oxford University Press.
^ Hussain 2013, pp. 8-9.
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, pp. 1-14.
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, p. 36.
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, p. 67.
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, p. 94.
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, pp. 156-160.
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, p. 163.
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, p. 239.
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, p. 238.
^ Justice A.S. Anand (2006), p28
^ Regulation No1. of Samvat1991 (22 April 1934)
^ Justice A.S. Anand (2006), p30
^ Justice A.S. Anand (2006), p36
^ APHC: White Paper on Elections In Kashmir
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, pp. 226-227.
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, p. 228.
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, p. 232.
^ Rasheed Taseer (1973) vol2, p29
^ Rasheed Taseer (1973) vol2, p314-383
^ Rasheed Taseer (1973) vol2, p25
^ Rasheed Taseer (1973) vol2, p25-40
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, p. 237.
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, pp. 327-389.
^ a b c Abdullah & Taing (1985, pp. 566–567)
^ ACCEPTANCE OF ACCESSION BY THE GOVERNOR GENERAL OF INDIA
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, pp. 462-464.
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, p. 431.
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, pp. 413-414.
^ Sandeep Bamzai (2006), p73
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, p. 567.
^ PIB Press release Press Information Bureau Govt of
^ Sandeep Bamzai (2006), p252
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, pp. 593-594.
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, p. 607.
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, p. 600.
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, pp. 711-717.
^ B.N. Mullick (1972)
^ A.G. Noorani (2006)
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, p. 752.
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, pp. 755-757.
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, pp. 774-778.
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, p. 782.
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, p. 786.
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, p. 787.
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, pp. 817-825.
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, pp. 827-838.
^ Noorani, A. G. (16 September 2000), "Article370: Law and Politics",
Frontline, 17 (19)
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, pp. 860-882.
^ C. Bilqees Taseer, The
Kashmir of Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah, p. 330
^ Korbel 1966, p. 17.
^ Russel Brines, The Indo-Pakistani conflict, p. 67
^ Hugh Tinker, "Accursed Paradise" in New Society, Volume 6, p.25
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, Preface.
^ Hussain 2013, p. 2.
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, p. 193.
^ Mubashhir Hassan (2008)
Tariq Ali (2003), p 230
^ Sandeep Bamzai (2006), p242.
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, p. 783.
^ The WEEKLY "AAINA" 15 July 1970, p19
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, p. 779.
^ Abdullah & Taing 1985, pp. 265-268.
Abdullah, Sheikh; Taing, M. Y. (1985), Atish-e-Chinar (in Urdu),
Srinagar: Shaukat Publications Often referred to as Sheikh
Abdullah's autobiography. It has not been copyrighted in deference to
Sheikh Abdullah's wishes.
Hussain, Syed Taffazull (23 November 2013) [first published in 2009],
Sheikh Abdullah - A Biography: The Crucial Period 1905-1939,
Indianopolis: WordClay, ISBN 978-1-60481-309-8
Korbel, Josef (1966), Danger in Kashmir, Princeton University
A.G. Noorani (2000), "Article370: Law and Politics". Frontline Volume
17 – Issue 19, 16–29 September, (Discusses illegality of Central
Govt and Parliament's Actions in amending Article 370 without
Constituent Assembly of Kashmir)
A.G. Noorani (2006), "Nehru's legacy in foreign affairs". Frontline
Volume 23 – Issue 15 :: 29 July August 11, 2006 (Discusses
Nehru's role in arrest of
Sheikh Abdullah and erosion of Article 370)
B.N. Mullick (1972): My Years with Nehru (Provides evidence of Nehru's
role in dismissal and arrest of Sheikh Abdullah. B.N. Mullick was head
of Indian Intelligence Bureau at the time of his arrest)
Hoiberg, Dale H., ed. (2010). "Abdullah, Sheikh Muhammad".
Encyclopædia Britannica. I: A-ak Bayes (15th ed.). Chicago, Illinois:
Encyclopædia Britannica Inc. pp. 22–23.
Justice A.S. Anand (2006) The Constitution of
Jammu and Kashmir.
Universal Law Publishing Co. ISBN 81-7534-520-9
Mubashir Hassan (18 July 2008), "The Nedous and Lawrence of Arabia",
The Nation (Pakistan), archived from the original on 9 January 2009,
retrieved 22 July 2008
Rasheed Taseer (1973): Tareekh e Hurriyat e
Kashmir (URDU). Muhafiz
Srinagar Volume 2 gives an account of events in Kashmir
from 1932 to 1946 as seen by a local journalist.
Sandeep Bamzai (2006): Bonfire of Kashmiryat Rupa & Co. New Delhi.
Tariq Ali (2003): The Clash of Fundamentalism. Verso Books. London.
ISBN 978 1 85984 457 1
Syed Taffazull Hussain (2009):
Sheikh Abdullah – A biography:The
Crucial Period 1905-1939. Wordclay. Indianapolis.IN.
ISBN 978-1-60481-309-8 (Annotated 2015 edition with 38 References
and 650 footnotes is available at http:// books.google.co.in.It has
chapters on The
Kashmir Committee, Jinnah's first visit to Kashmir,
and describes errors of omission and commission in Atish e Chinar all
for the first time.)
APHC: White Paper On Elections in
Kashmir (undated): (retrieved on 5
Hussain Haqqani (2005): Pakistan Between Mosque and Military. Vanguard
Books. Lahore. ISBN 969-402-498-6
Baba Pyare Lal Bedi, Freda Marie (Houlston) Bedi (1949): Sheikh
Abdullah: his life and ideals
Ravinderjit Kaur (1998): "Political Awakening In Kashmir. South Asia
Books. ISBN 978-8-17024-709-8
Brenda M King (2005): "Silk and empire"Manchester University Press
ISBN 978-07190-6701-3. Describes Sir Thomas Wardle's role in
establishing modern filatures in
Kashmir and his dream of making
Kashmir a competitor for China and Japan in the international silk
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