In Canada, the Indian residential school system[nb 1] was a network of
boarding schools for Indigenous peoples.[nb 2] The network was funded
by the Canadian government's Department of Indian Affairs and
administered by Christian churches.
The school system was created for the purpose of removing children
from the influence of their own culture and assimilating them into the
dominant Canadian culture. Over the course of the system's more than
hundred-year existence, about 30%, or roughly 150,000, of Indigenous
children were placed in residential schools nationally.:2–3 At
least 6,000 of these students are estimated to have died while
The system had its origins in laws enacted before Confederation, but
was primarily active from the passage of the
Indian Act in 1876. An
amendment to the
Indian Act in 1884 made attendance at day schools,
industrial schools, or residential schools compulsory for First
Nations children. Due to the remote nature of many communities, school
locations meant that for some families residential schools were the
only way to comply. The schools were intentionally located at
substantial distances from Indigenous communities to minimize contact
between families and their children. Indian Commissioner Hayter Reed
argued for schools at greater distances to reduce family visits, which
he thought counteracted efforts to civilize Indigenous children.
Parental visits were further restricted by the use of a pass system
designed to confine
Indigenous peoples to reserves. The last federally
operated residential school closed in 1996.
The residential school system harmed Indigenous children significantly
by removing them from their families, depriving them of their
ancestral languages, exposing many of them to physical and sexual
abuse, and forcibly enfranchising them. Disconnected from their
families and culture and forced to speak English or French, students
who attended the residential school system often graduated unable to
fit into either their communities or Canadian society. It ultimately
proved successful in disrupting the transmission of Indigenous
practices and beliefs across generations. The legacy of the system has
been linked to an increased prevalence of post-traumatic stress,
alcoholism, substance abuse, and suicide, which persist within
On June 11, 2008, Prime Minister
Stephen Harper offered a public
apology on behalf of the Government of
Canada and the leaders of the
other federal parties in the House of Commons of Canada. Nine days
prior, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was established
to uncover the truth about the schools. The commission gathered
statements from residential school survivors[nb 3] through public and
private meetings at various local, regional and national events across
Canada. Seven national events held between 2008 and 2013 commemorated
the experience of former students of residential schools. In 2015, the
TRC concluded with the establishment of the National Centre for Truth
and Reconciliation, and the publication of a multi-volume report
detailing the testimonies of survivors and historical documents from
the time. The TRC report found that the school system amounted to
1.1 Government involvement
1.2 Parental resistance and compulsory attendance
2.1 Family visitation
2.2 Instruction style and outcomes
3 Mortality rates
3.1 Missing children and unmarked graves
4 Self-governance and school closure
5 Lasting effects
5.1 Loss of language and culture
6.1 Federal government
6.4 Vatican's expression of sorrow
7.1 Financial compensation
7.2 Truth and Reconciliation Commission
7.3 Church projects
7.4 Educational initiatives
8 See also
11 External links
Fur traders, in what is now Canada, trading with an Indigenous person
Attempts to assimilate
Indigenous peoples were rooted in imperial
colonialism, which centred around a European worldview of cultural
practice and an understanding of land ownership based on the Doctrine
of Discovery.:47–50 As explained in the executive summary of the
Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada's (TRC) final report:
"Underlying these arguments was the belief that the colonizers were
bringing civilization to savage people who could never civilize
themselves. The 'civilizing mission' rested on a belief of racial and
Assimilation efforts began as early as the
17th century with the
arrival of French colonists in New France. They were resisted by
Indigenous communities who were unwilling to leave their children for
extended periods and who came to associate missionaries with the
diseases devastating Indigenous populations. The establishment of
day and boarding schools by groups including the Récollets, Jesuits
and Ursulines was largely abandoned by the 1690s. The political
instability and realities of colonial life also played a role in the
decision to halt the education programs. An increase in orphaned
and foundling colonial children limited church resources, and
colonists benefited from favourable relations with Indigenous peoples
in both the fur trade and military pursuits.:3:58–60
After a failure to assimilate Indigenous children by early
missionaries in the 17th century, educational programs were not widely
attempted again by religious officials until the 1820s, prior to the
introduction of state-sanctioned operations. Included among them
was a school established by John West, an Anglican missionary, at the
Red River Colony
Red River Colony in what is today Manitoba.:50 Protestant
missionaries also opened residential schools in the current Ontario
region, spreading Christianity and working to encourage Indigenous
peoples to adopt subsistence agriculture as a way to ensure they would
not return to their original, nomadic ways of life upon
Mohawk Institute Residential School, ca. 1932
Although many of these early schools were open for only a short time,
efforts persisted. The Mohawk Institute Residential School, the
oldest, continuously operated residential school in Canada, opened in
Six Nations of the Grand River
Six Nations of the Grand River near Brantford, Ontario.
Administered by the Anglican Church, the facility opened as the
Mechanics' Institute, a day school for boys, in 1828 and became a
boarding school four years later when it accepted its first boarders
and began admitting female students. It remained in operation until
June 30, 1970.
The renewed interest in residential schools in the early 1800s has
been linked to the decline in military hostility faced by British
settlers, particularly after the War of 1812. With the threat of
invasion by American forces minimized, Indigenous communities were no
longer viewed as allies but as barriers to permanent
settlement.:3 This perspective was further underscored by the
transfer of affairs with Indigenous communities from military
officials, familiar with and sympathetic to their customs and way of
life, to civilian representatives concerned only with permanent
Beginning in the late 1800s, the Canadian government's Department of
Indian Affairs (DIA) officially encouraged the growth of the
residential school system as a valuable component in a wider policy of
integrating Indigenous people into
Responsible for separating children from their families and
communities, this process was found by the TRC to be cultural
genocide, a conclusion that echoed the words of historian John S.
Milloy, who argued that the system's aim was to "kill the Indian in
the child".:42 As the system was designed as an immersion
program, children were in many schools prohibited from, and sometimes
punished for, speaking their own languages or practising their own
faiths. The primary stated goal was to convert Indigenous children
to Christianity and to civilize them.
Many of the government-operated residential schools were run by
churches of various denominations, with the majority administered by
Roman Catholics. Between 1867 and 1939, the number of schools
operating at one time peaked at 80 in 1931. Of those schools, 44 were
operated by Roman Catholics; 21 were operated by the Church of England
/ Anglican Church of Canada; 13 were operated by the United Church of
Canada, and 2 were operated by Presbyterians.:682 The approach of
using established school facilities set up by missionaries was
employed by the federal government for economic expedience: the
government provided facilities and maintenance, while the churches
provided teachers and their own lesson-planning. As a result, the
number of schools per denomination was less a reflection of their
presence in the general population, but rather their legacy of
Although education in
Canada was made the jurisdiction of the
provincial governments by the British North America Act, Indigenous
peoples and their treaties were under the jurisdiction of the federal
government. Residential schools were funded under the Indian Act
by what was then the federal Department of the Interior. Adopted in
1876 as An Act to amend and consolidate the laws respecting Indians,
it consolidated all previous laws placing Indigenous communities, land
and finances under federal control. As explained by the TRC, the Act
"made Indians wards of the state, unable to vote in provincial or
federal elections or enter the professions if they did not surrender
their status, and severely limited their freedom to participate in
spiritual and cultural practices".:110
Front cover of Statistics Respecting Indian Schools, 1898, including
Egerton Ryerson's letter "Report by Dr Ryerson on Industrial Schools"
The design of a federally-supported residential school system relied
on the expert advice of several prominent Canadian and British
statesmen. Sir Peregrine Maitland, a British soldier and colonial
administrator, first proposed boarding schools in 1820, believing that
civilizing Indigenous children, rather than adults, was the best way
to influence cultural change. Residential schools focused on imparting
industry and knowledge were proposed again in 1845 in a report that
had been commissioned by Governor General Charles Bagot, entitled
Report on the affairs of the Indians in Canada.:12–17
Referred to as the Bagot Report, it is seen as the foundational
document for the federal residential school system. It was
supported by James Bruce, 8th Earl of Elgin, who had been impressed by
industrial schools in the West Indies, and Egerton Ryerson, who was
then the Chief Superintendent of Education in Upper Canada.:15
On May 26, 1847, Ryerson wrote a letter for George Vardon, Assistant
Superintendent of Indian Affairs, asserting that "the North American
Indian cannot be civilized or preserved in a state of civilization
(including habits of industry and sobriety) except in connection with,
if not by the influence of, not only religious instruction and
sentiment but of religious feelings".:3 He expressly recommended
that Indigenous students be educated in a separate, denominational,
English-only system with a focus on industrial training.
This letter was published as an appendix to a larger report entitled
Statistics Respecting Indian Schools.
Gradual Civilization Act of 1857 and the Gradual Enfranchisement
Act of 1869 formed the foundations for this system prior to
Confederation. These acts assumed the inherent superiority of French
and British ways, and the need for
Indigenous peoples to become French
or English speakers, Christians, and farmers. At the time, many
Indigenous leaders argued to have these acts overturned. The
Gradual Civilization Act awarded 50 acres (200,000 m2) of land to
any Indigenous male deemed "sufficiently advanced in the elementary
branches of education" and would automatically "enfranchise" him,
removing any tribal affiliation or treaty rights.:18 With this
legislation, and through the creation of residential schools, the
Indigenous peoples could eventually become
assimilated into the general population. For graduates to receive
individual allotments of farmland would require changes in the
communal reserve system, something fiercely opposed by First Nations
In January 1879, Sir John A. Macdonald, Prime Minister of what was now
Post-Confederation Canada, commissioned politician Nicholas Flood
Davin to write a report regarding the industrial boarding-school
system in the United States.:154 Now known as the Davin
Report, the Report on Industrial Schools for Indians and Half-Breeds
was submitted to Ottawa in March 14, 1879, and made the case for a
cooperative approach between the Canadian government and the church to
implement the "aggressive assimilation" pursued by President of the
United States, Ulysses S. Grant.:1 Davin's report relied
heavily on findings he acquired through consultations with government
officials and representatives of the
Five Civilized Tribes
Five Civilized Tribes in
Washington, D.C. and church officials in Winnipeg, Manitoba. He
visited only one industrial day school, in Minnesota, before
submitting his findings.:154–158 In his report Davin concluded
that the best way to civilize
Indigenous peoples was to start with
children in a residential setting, away from their families, so that
they could be "kept constantly within the circle of civilized
Davin's findings were supported by Vital-Justin Grandin, who felt that
while the likelihood of civilizing adults was low, there was hope when
it came to Indigenous children. He explained in a letter to Public
Hector-Louis Langevin that the best course of action
would be make children "lead a life different from their parents and
cause them to forget the customs, habits & language of their
ancestors".:159 In 1883 Parliament approved $43,000 for three
industrial schools and the first, Battleford Industrial School, opened
on December 1 of that year. By 1900 there were 61 schools in
The government began purchasing church run boarding schools in the
1920s. During this period capital costs associated with the schools
were assumed by the government, leaving administrative and
instructional duties to church officials. The hope was that minimizing
facility expenditures would allow church administrators to provide
higher quality instruction and support to the students in their care.
Although the government was willing to, and did, purchase schools from
the churches, many were acquired for free given that the rampant
disrepair present in the buildings resulted in their having no
economic value. Schools continued to be maintained by churches in
instances where they failed to reach an agreement with government
officials with the understanding that the government would provide
support for capital costs. The understanding ultimately proved
complicated due to the lack of written agreements outlining the extent
and nature of that support or the approvals required to undertake
expensive renovations and repairs.:240
By the 1930s it was recognized by government officials that the
residential school system was financially unsustainable and failing to
meet the intended goal of training and assimilating Indigenous
European-Canadian society. Robert Hoey, superintendent
of welfare and training at Indian Affairs, opposed the expansion of
new schools, noting in 1936 that "to build educational institutions,
particularly residential schools, while the money at our disposal is
insufficient to keep the schools already erected in a proper state of
repair, is, to me, very unsound and a practice difficult to
justify".:3 He proposed the expansion of day schools, an approach
to educating Indigenous children that he would continue to pursue
after being promoted to director of the welfare and training branch in
1945. The proposal was resisted by the United Church, the Anglican
Church, and the Oblates of Mary Immaculate, who believed that the
solution to the system's failure was not restructuring but
Between 1945 and 1955, the number of day schools run by Indian Affairs
expanded from 9,532 to 17,947. The growth in day schools was
accompanied by an amendment to the
Indian Act in 1951 that allowed
federal officials to establish agreements with provincial and
territorial governments and school boards regarding the education of
Indigenous students in the public school system. These changes were
indicative of the government's shift in policy from
assimilation-driven education at residential schools to the
integration of Indigenous students into public schools.:71 It was
believed that Indigenous children would receive a better education as
a result of their transition into the public school system.
Despite the shift in policy from educational assimilation to
integration, the removal of Indigenous children from their families by
state officials continued through much of the 1960s and 70s.:147
The removals were the result of the 1951 addition of Section 88 to the
Indian Act, which allowed for the application of provincial laws to
Indigenous peoples living on reserves in instances where federal laws
were not in place. The change included the monitoring of child
welfare. With no requirement for specialized training
regarding the traditions or lifestyles of the communities they
entered, provincial officials assessed the welfare of Indigenous
children based on Euro-Canadian values that, for example, deemed
traditional diets of game, fish and berries insufficient and grounds
for taking children into custody. This period resulted in the
widespread removal of Indigenous children from their traditional
communities, first termed the
Sixties Scoop by Patrick Johnston, the
author of the 1983 report Native Children and the Child Welfare
System. Often taken without the consent of their parents or community
elders, some children were placed in state-run child welfare
facilities, increasingly operated in former residential schools, while
others were fostered or placed up for adoption by predominantly
non-Indigenous families throughout
Canada and the United States. While
the Indian and Northern Affairs estimates that 11,132 children were
adopted between 1960 and 1990, the actual number may be as high as
In 1969, after years of sharing power with churches, the DIA took sole
control of the residential school system.:79–84 The last
residential school operated by the Canadian government, Gordon Indian
Residential School in Saskatchewan, was closed in 1996. It is
estimated that the number of residential schools reached its peak in
the early 1930s with 80 schools and more than 17,000 enrolled
students. About 150,000 children are believed to have attended a
residential school over the course of the system's
Parental resistance and compulsory attendance
The parents and families of Indigenous children resisted the
residential school system throughout its existence. Children were kept
from schools and, in some cases, hidden from government officials
tasked with rounding up children on reserves. Parents regularly
advocated for increased funding for schools, including the increase of
centrally located day schools to improve access to their children, and
made repeated requests for improvements to the quality of education,
food, and clothing being provided at the schools. Demands for answers
in regards to claims of abuse were often dismissed as a ploy by
parents seeking to keep their children at home, with government and
school officials positioned as those who knew best.:669–674
In 1884, amendments to the
Indian Act made school attendance
compulsory for Indigenous children between 7 and 16 years of age. The
changes included a series of exemptions regarding school location, the
health of the children and their prior completion of school
examinations.:254–255 It was changed to children between 6 and
15 years of age in 1908.:261 The introduction of mandatory
attendance was the result of pressure from missionary representatives.
Reliant on student enrollment quotas to secure funding, they were
struggling to attract new students due to increasingly poor school
Compulsory attendance ended in 1948, following the 1947 report of a
Special Joint Committee and subsequent amendment of the Indian
Act. Government officials were still able to influence student
attendance. The introduction of the Family Allowance Act in 1945
stipulated that school-aged children had to be enrolled in school for
families to qualify for the "baby bonus", further coercing Indigenous
parents into having their children attend residential
St. Paul's Indian Industrial School, Middlechurch, Manitoba, 1901
Students in the residential school system were faced with a multitude
of abuses from teachers and administrators, including sexual and
physical assault. They suffered from malnourishment and harsh
discipline that would not have been tolerated in any other school
Corporal punishment was often justified by a belief
that it was the only way to save souls, civilize the savage, or punish
and deter runaways – whose injuries or death sustained in their
efforts to return home would become the legal responsibility of the
school. Overcrowding, poor sanitation, inadequate heating, and a
lack of medical care led to high rates of influenza and tuberculosis;
in one school, the death rate reached 69%. Federal policies that
tied funding to enrollment numbers led to sick children being enrolled
in order to boost numbers, thus introducing and spreading disease. The
problem of unhealthy children was further exacerbated by the
conditions of the schools themselves – overcrowding and poor
ventilation, water quality and sewage systems.:83–89
Until the late 1950s, when the federal government shifted to a day
school integration model, residential schools were severely
underfunded and often relied on the forced labour of their students to
maintain their facilities, although it was presented as training for
artisan skills. The work was arduous, and severely compromised the
academic and social development of the students. School books and
textbooks were drawn mainly from the curricula of the provincially
funded public schools for non-Indigenous students, and teachers at the
residential schools were often poorly trained or prepared. During
this same period, Canadian government scientists performed nutritional
tests on students and knowingly kept some students undernourished to
serve as the control sample.
Details of the mistreatment of students were published numerous times
throughout the 20th century by both government officials, reporting on
the condition of schools, and by the proceedings of civil cases
brought forward by survivors seeking compensation for the abuse they
endured. Attention to the conditions and impacts of residential
schools were also brought to light in popular culture as early as 1967
with the publication of "The Lonely Death of Chanie Wenjack" by Ian
Maclean's and the Indians of
Canada Pavilion at Expo 67. In
the 1990s, investigations and memoirs by former students revealed that
many students at residential schools were subjected to severe
physical, psychological, and sexual abuse by school staff members and
by older students. Among the former students to come forward was Phil
Fontaine, then Grand Chief of the Assembly of
Manitoba Chiefs, who in
October 1990 publicly discussed the abuse he and others suffered while
attending Fort Alexander Indian Residential School.:129–130
Following the government's closure of most of the schools in the
1960s, the work of Indigenous activists and historians led to greater
awareness by the public of the damage the schools had caused, as well
as to official government and church apologies, and a legal
settlement. These gains were achieved through the persistent
organizing and advocacy by Indigenous communities to draw attention to
the residential school system's legacy of abuse, including their
participation in hearings of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal
Parents and family members regularly travelled to the schools, often
camping outside to be closer to their children. The number of parents
who made the trip prompted Indian Commissioner
Hayter Reed to argue
that industrial schools, like residential schools, be moved greater
distances from reserves to make visiting more difficult.:601–604
He also objected to allowing children to return home during school
breaks and holidays because he believed the trips interrupted the
civilizing of school attendees. As Reed explained in 1894, the
problem with day schools was that students returned home each night
where they were influenced by life on the reserve, whereas "in the
boarding or industrial schools the pupils are removed for a long
period from the leadings of this uncivilized life and receive constant
care and attention".:199
Visitation, for those able to make the journey, was strictly
controlled by school officials in a manner similar to the procedures
enforced in the prison system. In some cases visitors were altogether
denied access to their children, while in others families were
required to meet in the presence of school officials and forced to
communicate in English. For parents unable to speak the language,
verbal communication with their children was impossible. The obstacles
families faced to visit their children were further exacerbated by the
pass system. Introduced by Reed without legislative authority to do
so, the system restricted and closely monitored the movement of
Indigenous peoples off reserves.:601–604 Launched in 1885 as a
response to the North-West Rebellion, and later replaced by permits,
the system was designed to prevent Indigenous people from leaving
reserves without a pass issued by a local Indian agent.
Instruction style and outcomes
Residential school group photograph, Regina, Saskatchewan, 1908
Instruction provided to students was rooted in an institutional and
European approach to education. It differed dramatically from child
rearing in traditional knowledge systems that are generally based on
'look, listen, and learn' models. Unlike the corporal punishment and
loss of privileges that characterized the residential school system,
traditional approaches to education favour positive guidance toward
desired behaviour through the use of game-based play, story-telling,
and formal ritualized ceremonies.:15–21 While at school,
many children had no contact with their families for up to 10 months
at a time because of the distance between their home communities and
schools, and in some cases had no contact for years. The impact of the
disconnect from their families was furthered by students being
discouraged or prohibited from speaking Indigenous languages, even
among themselves and outside the classroom, so that English or French
would be learned and their own languages forgotten. In some schools,
they were subject to physical violence for speaking their own
languages or for practicing non-Christian faiths.
Most schools operated with the goal of providing students with the
vocational training and social skills required to obtain employment
and integrate into Canadian society after graduation. In actuality,
these goals were poorly and inconsistently achieved. Many graduates
were unable to land a job due to poor educational training. Returning
home was equally challenging due to an unfamiliarity with their
culture and, in some cases, an inability to communicate with family
members using their traditional language. Instead of intellectual
achievement and advancement, it was often physical appearance and
dress, like that of middle class, urban teenagers, or the promotion of
a Christian ethic, that was used as a sign of successful assimilation.
There was no indication that school attendees achieved greater
financial success than those who did not go to school. As the father
of a pupil who attended Battleford Industrial School, in Saskatchewan,
for five years explained: "he cannot read, speak or write English,
nearly all his time having been devoted to herding and caring for
cattle instead of learning a trade or being otherwise educated. Such
employment he can get at home.":164–172, 194–199
Chief medical officer
Peter Bryce (1890)
Residential school deaths were common and have been linked to the
persistence of poorly constructed and maintained
facilities.:92–101 The actual number of deaths remains unknown
due to inconsistent reporting by school officials and the destruction
of medical and administrative records in compliance with retention and
disposition policies for government records.:92–93 Research by
the TRC revealed that at least 6,000 students had died, mostly from
The 1906 Annual Report of the Department of Indian Affairs, submitted
by chief medical officer Peter Bryce, highlighted that the "Indian
Canada has a mortality rate of more than double that of
the whole population, and in some provinces more than three
times".:97–98:275 Among the list of causes he noted
tuberculosis and the role residential schools played in spreading the
disease by way of poor ventilation and medical
In 1909, Bryce reported that, between 1894 and 1908, mortality rates
at some residential schools in western
Canada ranged from 30% to 60%
over five years (that is, five years after entry, 30% to 60% of
students had died, or 6–12% per annum). These statistics did not
become public until 1922, when Bryce, who was no longer working for
the government, published The Story of a National Crime: Being a
Record of the Health Conditions of the Indians of
Canada from 1904 to
1921. In particular, he alleged that the high mortality rates could
have been avoided if healthy children had not been exposed to children
with tuberculosis. At the time, no antibiotic had been
identified to treat the disease, and this exacerbated the impact of
the illness. Streptomycin, the first effective treatment, was not
introduced until 1943.:381
In 1920 and 1922, Regina physician F. A. Corbett was commissioned
to visit the schools in the west of the country, and found similar
results to those reported by Bryce. At the Ermineskin school in
Hobbema, Alberta, he found 50% of the children had
tuberculosis.:98 At Sarcee Boarding School near Calgary, he noted
that all 33 students were "much below even a passable standard of
health" and "[a]ll but four were infected with tuberculosis".:99
In one classroom, he found 16 ill children, many near death, who were
being made to sit through lessons.:99
Cairn erected in 1975 marking the Battleford Industrial School
In 2011, reflecting on the TRC's research, Justice Murray Sinclair
told the Toronto Star: "Missing children—that is the big surprise
for me ... That such large numbers of children died at the
schools. That the information of their deaths was not communicated
back to their families."
Missing children and unmarked graves
The TRC concluded that it may be impossible to ever identify the
number of deaths or missing children, in part because of the habit of
burying students in unmarked graves. The work is further
complicated by a pattern of poor record keeping by school and
government officials, who neglected to keep reliable numbers about the
number of children who died or where they were buried. While most
schools had cemeteries on site, their location and extent remain
difficult to determine as cemeteries that were originally marked were
found to have been later razed, intentionally hidden or built
The fourth volume of the TRC's final report, dedicated to missing
children and unmarked burials, was developed after the original TRC
members realized, in 2007, that the issue required its own working
group. In 2009, the TRC requested $1.5 million in extra funding
from the federal government to complete this work, but was denied.
The researchers concluded, after searching land near schools using
satellite imagery and maps, that, "for the most part, the cemeteries
that the Commission documented are abandoned, disused, and vulnerable
to accidental disturbance".:1
Self-governance and school closure
See also: List of Indian residential schools in Canada
When the government revised the
Indian Act in the 1940s and 1950s,
some bands, along with regional and national Indigenous organizations,
wanted to maintain schools in their communities. Motivations for
support of the schools included their role as a social service in
communities that were suffering from extensive family breakdowns; the
significance of the schools as employers; and the inadequacy of other
opportunities for children to receive education.
Students at the Blue Quills residential school in Alberta
In the 1960s, a major confrontation took place at the Saddle Lake
Reserve in Alberta. After several years of deteriorating conditions
and administrative changes, parents protested against the lack of
transparency at the Blue Quills Indian School in 1969. In response,
the government decided to close the school, convert the building into
a residence, and enrol students in a public school 5 kilometres
(3 mi) away in St. Paul, Alberta. The TRC report pertaining
to this period states:
Fearing their children would face racial discrimination in St. Paul,
parents wished to see the school transferred to a private society that
would operate it both as a school and a residence. The federal
government had been open to such a transfer if the First Nations
organization was structured as a provincial school division. The First
Nations rejected this, saying that a transfer of First Nations
education to the provincial authority was a violation of Treaty
In the summer of 1970, members of the Saddle Lake community occupied
the building and demanded the right to run it themselves. More than
1,000 people are believed to have participated over the course of the
17-day sit-in, which lasted from July 14 to July 31.:89–90 Their
efforts resulted in Blue Quills becoming the first
Indigenous-administered school in the country. It continues to
operate today as
University nuhelot’įne thaiyots’į
nistameyimâkanak Blue Quills, the first Indigenous-governed
university in Canada. Following the success of the Blue Quills
effort the National Indian Brotherhood (NIB) released the 1972 paper
Indian Control of Indian Education that responded, in part, to the
1969 White Paper calling for the abolishment of
the land treaties and the Indian Act. The NIB paper underscored the
right of Indigenous communities to locally direct how their children
are educated and served as the integral reference for education policy
Few other former residential schools have transitioned into
independently-operated community schools for Indigenous children.
White Calf Collegiate in Lebret, Saskatchewan, was run by the Star
Blanket Cree Nation from 1973 until its closure in 1998, after being
run by the Oblates from 1884 to 1969.
Old Sun Community College
Old Sun Community College is
run by the
Siksika Nation in
Alberta in a building designed by
architect Roland Guerney Orr. From 1929 to 1971 the building
housed Old Sun residential school, first run by the Anglicans and
taken over by the federal government in 1969. It was converted to
adult learning and stood as a campus of Mount Royal
College from 1971
to 1978, at which point the
Siksika Nation took over operations. In
1988, the Old Sun
College Act was passed in the
Old Sun Community College
Old Sun Community College as a
First Nations College.
Survivors of residential schools and their families have been found to
suffer from historic trauma that has had a lasting and adverse effect
on the transmission of Indigenous culture between generations. Passed
on intergenerationally, a 2010 study led by Gwen Reimer explains
historic trauma as the process through which "cumulative stress and
grief experienced by Aboriginal communities is translated into a
collective experience of cultural disruption and a collective memory
of powerlessness and loss".:x It has been used to explain the
persistent negative social and cultural impacts of colonial rule and
residential schools, including the prevalence of sexual abuse,
alcoholism, drug addiction, lateral violence, mental illness and
suicide among Indigenous peoples.:10–11
The 2012 national report of the
First Nations Regional Health Study
found that of respondents who attended residential schools were more
likely than those who did not to have been diagnosed with at least one
chronic medical condition. A sample of 127 survivors revealed that
half have criminal records; 65% have been diagnosed with posttraumatic
stress disorder; 21% have been diagnosed with major depression; 7%
have been diagnosed with anxiety disorder; and 7% have been diagnosed
with borderline personality disorder.
Loss of language and culture
Although encouragement to keep
Indigenous languages alive was present
in some schools, a key tactic used to assimilate Indigenous children
into Canadian society was to suppress
Indigenous languages and
culture. Many students spoke the language of their families fluently
when they first entered residential schools. Teachers responded by
strictly prohibiting the use of these languages despite many students
having little or no understanding of English or French. The
practice of traditional and spiritual activities including the
Sun Dance were also banned. Some survivors reported
being strapped or forced to eat soap when they were caught speaking
their own language. The inability to communicate was further affected
by their families' inabilities to speak English or French. Upon
leaving residential school some survivors felt ashamed for being
Indigenous as they were made to view their traditional identities as
ugly and dirty.:4, 83–87
The stigma created by the residential school system regarding
transmission of Indigenous culture by elders to younger generations
has been linked to the over-representation of
Indigenous languages on
the list of endangered languages in Canada. The TRC noted that the
majority of 90
Indigenous languages still in existence are "under
serious threat of extinction".:202 With great-grandparents
representing the only speakers of many Indigenous languages, it was
concluded that a failure of governments and Indigenous communities to
prioritize the teaching and preservation of traditional languages
would ensure that, despite the closure of resident schools, the
eradication of Indigenous culture desired by government officials and
administrators would inevitably be fulfilled "through a process
I accept and I confess before God and you, our failures in the
residential schools. We failed you. We failed ourselves. We failed
I am sorry, more than I can say, that we were part of a system which
took you and your children from home and family.
I am sorry, more than I can say, that we tried to remake you in our
image, taking from you your language and the signs of your identity.
I am sorry, more than I can say, that in our schools so many were
abused physically, sexually, culturally and emotionally.
On behalf of the Anglican Church of Canada, I present our apology.
Archbishop Michael Peers, "A Step Along the Path"
Acknowledgment of the wrongs done by the residential school system
began in the 1980s. In 1986, at its 31st General Council, the
United Church of
Canada responded to the request of Indigenous peoples
that it apologize to them for its part in colonization and in 1998
apologized expressly for the role it played in the residential school
Michael Peers apologized to residential school survivors,
on behalf of the Anglican Church of Canada, on August 6, 1993, at the
National Native Convocation in Minaki, Ontario. The following year
the Presbyterian Church in
Canada adopted a confession at its 120th
General Assembly in Toronto on June 5, recognizing its role in
residential schools and seeking forgiveness. The confession was
presented on October 8 during a ceremony in Winnipeg.
In 2004, immediately before signing the first Public Safety Protocol
with the Assembly of First Nations, Royal Canadian Mounted Police
Giuliano Zaccardelli issued an apology on behalf
of the RCMP for its role in the Indian residential school system: "We,
I, as Commissioner of the RCMP, am truly sorry for what role we played
in the residential school system and the abuse that took place in the
On June 11, 2008, Prime Minister
Stephen Harper issued a formal
apology, on behalf of the sitting Cabinet, in front of an audience of
Indigenous delegates, and in an address that was broadcast nationally
on the CBC, for the past governments' policies of
assimilation. The Prime Minister apologized not only for the
known excesses of the residential school system, but for the creation
of the system itself. Harper delivered the speech in the House of
Commons; the procedural device of a
Committee of the Whole was used,
so that Indigenous leaders, who were not Members of Parliament, could
be allowed to respond to the apology on the floor of the House.
Prime Minister Harper's apology excluded
Newfoundland and Labrador
Newfoundland and Labrador as
it was argued that the government should not be held accountable for
pre-Confederation actions. Residential schools in Newfoundland and
Labrador were located in St. Anthony, Cartwright, North West River,
Nain and Makkovik. These schools were run by the International
Grenfell Association and the German Monrovian Missionaries. The
government argued that because these schools were not created under
the auspices of the Indian Act, they were not true residential
schools. More than 1000 survivors disagreed and filed a class action
lawsuit against the government for compensation in 2007. By the time
the suit was settled in 2016, almost a decade later, dozens of
plaintiffs had died. It was expected that up to 900 former students
would be compensated.
On November 24, 2017, Prime Minister
Justin Trudeau issued a formal
apology to former Innu,
Inuit and NunatuKavut school survivors and
their families during a ceremony in Happy Valley-Goose Bay,
Labrador. He acknowledged that students experienced multiple
forms of abuse linking their treatment to the colonial thinking that
shaped the school system. Trudeau's apology was received on behalf
of residential school survivors by Toby Obed who framed the apology as
a key part of the healing process that connected survivors from
Newfoundland and Labrador
Newfoundland and Labrador with school attendees from across the
country. Members of the
Innu Nation were less receptive, rejecting
the apology ahead of the ceremony. Grand Chief Gregory Rich noted
in a released statement that he was "not satisfied that Canada
understands yet what it has done to
Innu and what it is still doing",
indicating that members felt they deserved an apology for more than
their experiences at residential schools.
On June 22, 2015, Rachel Notley, Premier of the province of Alberta,
issued a formal apology as a Ministerial Statement in a bid to begin
to address the wrongs done by the government to the Indigenous peoples
Alberta and the rest of Canada. Notley's provincial government
called on the federal government to hold an inquiry on the missing and
murdered Indigenous women in
Canada at the same time. They also stated
their intent to build relationships with provincial leaders of
Indigenous communities, and sought to amend the provincial curriculum
to include the history of Indigenous culture.
On June 18, 2015,
Greg Selinger became the first
politician to issue a formal apology for the government's role in the
Sixties Scoop. Class action lawsuits have been brought against the
Ontario governments for the harm caused to
victims of the large-scale adoption scheme that saw thousands of
Indigenous children forcibly removed from their parents in the
1960s. Indigenous leaders responded by insisting that while
apologies were welcomed, action – including a federal apology,
reunification of families, compensation and counselling for victims
– must accompany words for them to have real meaning.
Kathleen Wynne apologized on behalf of the provincial
government for the harm done at residential schools at Legislative
Ontario on May 30, 2016. Affirming Ontario's
commitment to reconciliation with
Indigenous peoples she acknowledged
the school system as "one of the most shameful chapters in Canadian
history". In a 105-minute ceremony, Wynne announced that the
Ontario government would spend $250 million on education
initiatives and renamed the Ministry of Aboriginal Affairs the
Ministry of Indigenous Relations and Reconciliation. It was further
announced that the first week of November would be known as Treaties
On October 27, 2011,
Manitoba president David Barnard
apologized to the TRC for the institution's role in educating people
who operated the residential school system. This is believed to be the
first time a Canadian university has apologized for playing a role in
Vatican's expression of sorrow
Students of St. Anne's Indian Residential School in Fort Albany,
Ontario, ca. 1945
In 2009, Chief Fontaine had a private meeting with Pope Benedict XVI
to obtain an apology for abuses that occurred in the residential
school system. Fontaine was accompanied at the meeting by a delegation
Indigenous peoples from
Canada funded by Indian and Northern
Affairs Canada. Following the meeting, the Vatican released an
official expression of sorrow on the church's role in residential
His Holiness [i.e. the Pope] recalled that since the earliest days of
her presence in Canada, the Church, particularly through her
missionary personnel, has closely accompanied the Indigenous peoples.
Given the sufferings that some Indigenous children experienced in the
Canadian Residential School system, the Holy Father expressed his
sorrow at the anguish caused by the deplorable conduct of some members
of the Church and he offered his sympathy and prayerful solidarity.
His Holiness emphasized that acts of abuse cannot be tolerated in
society. He prayed that all those affected would experience healing,
and he encouraged
First Nations Peoples to continue to move forward
with renewed hope.
Fontaine later stated at a news conference that, at the meeting, he
sensed the Pope's "pain and anguish" and that the acknowledgement was
"important to [him] and that was what [he] was looking for".
On May 29, 2017, Prime Minister
Justin Trudeau asked the current Pope
Francis for a public apology to all survivors of the residential
school system, rather than the expression of sorrow issued in
2009. The request aligned with the Truth and
Reconciliation Commission's call for "a formal apology issued by the
Pope to the survivors of the residential school system for the
spiritual, cultural, emotional, physical and sexual abuse of Canada's
Inuit and Métis peoples". Trudeau invited the
Pope to issue the apology in Canada. Although no commitment for such
an apology followed the meeting, he noted that the Pope pointed to a
life-long commitment of supporting marginalized people and an interest
in working collaboratively with Trudeau and Canadian bishops to
establish a way forward.
Former St. Michael's Residential School in Alert Bay, British
Columbia. Formerly standing on the traditional territory of the
‘Namgis First Nation, it was demolished in February 2015.
In the summer of 1990, the Mohawks of Kanesatake confronted the
government about its failure to honour Indigenous land claims and
recognize traditional Mohawk territory in Oka, Quebec. Referred to by
media outlets as the Oka Crisis, the land dispute sparked a critical
discussion about the Canadian government's complacency regarding
relations with Indigenous communities and responses to their concerns.
The action prompted then Prime Minister
Brian Mulroney to underscore
four government responsibilities: "resolving land claims; improving
the economic and social conditions on reserves; defining a new
relationship between aboriginal peoples and governments; and
addressing the concerns of Canada's aboriginal peoples in contemporary
Canadian life.":240 The actions of the Mohawk community members led
to, in part, along with objections from Indigenous leaders regarding
the Meech Lake Accord, the creation of the Royal Commission on
Aboriginal Peoples to examine the status of
Indigenous peoples in
Canada. In 1996, the Royal Commission presented a final report which
first included a vision for meaningful and action-based
In January 1998, the government made a Statement of
Reconciliation – including an apology to those people who were
sexually or physically abused while attending residential
schools – and established the Aboriginal Healing Foundation
(AHF). The Foundation was provided with $350 million to fund
community-based healing projects addressing the legacy of physical and
sexual abuse. In its 2005 budget, the Canadian government
committed an additional $40 million to support the work of the
AHF. Federal funding for the foundation was cut in 2010 by the
Stephen Harper government, leaving 134 national healing-related
initiatives without an operating budget. The AHF closed in 2014.
Former AHF executive director Mike DeGagne has said that the loss of
AHF support has created a gap in dealing with mental health crises
such as suicides in the Attawapiskat First Nation.
In June 2001, the government established Indian Residential Schools
Canada as an independent government department to manage
the residential school file. In 2003, the Alternative Dispute
Resolution (ADR) process was launched as part of a larger National
Resolution Framework which included health supports, a commemoration
component and a strategy for litigation. As explained by the TRC,
the ADR was designed as a "voluntary process for resolution of certain
claims of sexual abuse, physical abuse, and forcible confinement,
without having to go through the civil litigation process".:564 It
was created by the Canadian government without consultation with
Indigenous communities or former residential school students. The ADR
system also made it the responsibility of the former students to prove
that the abuse occurred and was intentional, resulting in former
students finding the system difficult to navigate, re-traumatizing,
and discriminatory. Many survivor advocacy groups and Indigenous
political organizations such as the
Assembly of First Nations
Assembly of First Nations (AFN)
worked to have the ADR system dissolved. In 2004 the Assembly of
First Nations released a report critical of the ADR underscoring,
among other issues, the failure of survivors to automatically receive
the full amount of compensation without subsequent ligation against
the church and failure to compensate for lost family, language and
culture.:565 The Canadian House of Commons Standing Committee on
Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development released its own report in
April 2005 finding the ADR to be "an excessively costly and
inappropriately applied failure, for which the Minister and her
officials are unable to raise a convincing defence".:566 Within a
month of the report's release a Supreme Court of
granted school attendees the right to pursue class-action suits, which
ultimately led to a government review of the compensation
On November 23, 2005, the Canadian government announced a
$1.9 billion compensation package to benefit tens of thousands of
former students. National Chief of the AFN, Phil Fontaine, said the
package was meant to cover "decades in time, innumerable events and
countless injuries to
First Nations individuals and communities".
Irwin Cotler applauded the compensation decision
noting that the placement of children in the residential school system
was "the single most harmful, disgraceful and racist act in our
history". At an Ottawa news conference, Deputy Prime Minister
Anne McLellan said: "We have made good on our shared resolve to
deliver what I firmly believe will be a fair and lasting resolution of
the Indian school legacy."
The compensation package led to the Indian Residential Schools
Settlement Agreement (IRSSA), announced on May 8, 2006, and
implemented in September 2007. At the time, there were about
86,000 living victims. The IRSSA included funding for the AHF, for
commemoration, for health support, and for a Truth and Reconciliation
program, as well as an individual Common Experience Payment (CEP).
Any person who could be verified as having resided at a federally run
Indian residential school in
Canada was entitled to a CEP. The
amount of compensation was based on the number of years a particular
former student resided at the residential schools: $10,000 for the
first year attended (from one night residing there to a full school
year) plus $3,000 for every year thereafter.:44
The IRSSA also included the Independent Assessment Process (IAP), a
case-by-case, out-of-court resolution process designed to provide
compensation for sexual, physical and emotional abuse. The IAP process
was built on the ADR program and all IAP claims from former students
are examined by an Adjudicator. The IAP became available to all former
students of residential schools on September 19, 2007. Former students
who experienced abuse and wished to pursue compensation had to apply
by themselves or through a lawyer of their choice to receive
consideration. The deadline to apply for the IAP was September
19, 2012. This gave former students of residential schools four years
from the implementation date of the IRSSA to apply for the IAP. Claims
involving physical and sexual abuse were compensated up to
$275,000. By the end of January 2017, the IAP had resolved 36,538
claims and paid $3.1 billion in compensation.
The IRSSA also proposed an advance payment for former students alive
and who were 65 years old and over as of May 30, 2005. The deadline
for reception of the advance payment form by IRSRC was December 31,
2006. Following a legal process, including an examination of the IRSSA
by the courts of the provinces and territories of Canada, an "opt-out"
period occurred. During this time, the former students of residential
schools could reject the agreement if they did not agree with its
dispositions. This opt-out period ended on August 20, 2007, with about
350 former students opting out. The IRSSA was the largest class action
settlement in Canadian history. By December 2012, a total of
$1.62 billion was paid to 78,750 former students, 98% of the
80,000 who were eligible. In 2014, the IRSSA funds left over from
CEPs were offered for educational credits for survivors and their
Truth and Reconciliation Commission
Murray Sinclair at the 2015 Shingwauk Gathering and Conference
at Algoma University
Main article: Truth and Reconciliation Commission (Canada)
In 2008, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was established
to travel across
Canada collecting the testimonies of people affected
by the residential school system. About 6,000 Indigenous people told
their stories. The TRC concluded in 2015 with the publication of a six
volume, 4,000-plus-page report detailing the testimonies of survivors
and historical documents from the time. It focused on the importance
of moving "from apology to action":262 to achieve true
reconciliation and resulted in the establishment of the National
Centre for Truth and Reconciliation.
The executive summary of the TRC concluded that the assimilation
amounted to cultural genocide.:1 The ambiguity of the phrasing
allowed for the interpretation that physical and biological genocide
also occurred. The TRC was not authorized to conclude that physical
and biological genocide occurred, as such a finding would imply a
legal responsibility of the Canadian government that would be
difficult to prove. As a result, the debate about whether the Canadian
government also committed physical and biological genocide against
Indigenous populations remains open.
Among the 94 Calls to Action that accompanied the conclusion of the
TRC were recommendations to ensure that all Canadians are educated and
made aware of the residential school system.:175–176 Justice
Murray Sinclair explained that the recommendations were not aimed
solely at prompting government action, but instead a collective move
toward reconciliation in which all Canadians have a role to play:
"Many of our elements, many of our recommendations and many of the
Calls to Action are actually aimed at Canadian society."
Preservation of documentation of the legacy of residential schools was
also highlighted as part of the TRC's Calls to Action. Community
groups and other stakeholders have variously argued for documenting or
destroying evidence and testimony of residential school
abuses. On April 4, 2016, the
Ontario Court of Appeal
ruled that documents pertaining to IAP settlements will be destroyed
in 15 years if individual claimants do not request to have their
documents archived. This decision was fought by the TRC as well as the
federal government, but argued for by religious representatives.
In March 2017, Lynn Beyak, a Conservative member of the Senate
Standing Committee of Aboriginal Peoples, voiced disapproval of the
final TRC report, saying that it had omitted an "abundance of good"
that was present in the schools. Although Beyak's right to
free speech was defended by some Conservative senators, her comments
were widely criticized by members of the opposition, among them
Minister of Indigenous and Northern Affairs, Carolyn Bennett, and
leader of the New Democratic Party, Tom Mulcair. The Anglican
Church also raised concerns stating in a release co-signed by bishops
Fred Hiltz and Mark MacDonald: "There was nothing good about children
going missing and no report being filed. There was nothing good about
burying children in unmarked graves far from their ancestral
homes." In response, the Conservative Party leadership
removed Beyak from the Senate committee underscoring that her comments
did not align with the views of the party.
The four churches of the IRSSA – the United, Roman Catholic,
Anglican and Presbyterian churches – agreed to participate
in the reconciliation process between Indigenous and settler
Canadians. They have been involved in funding various projects and
services that assist former residential school students and their
families in healing from the trauma caused by the schools. The
Anglican Church of
Canada set up the Anglican Healing Fund in the
1990s to respond to the ongoing need for healing related to
residential schools. In the 2000s the United Church established
the Justice and Reconciliation Fund to support healing initiatives and
the Presbyterian Church has established a Healing & Reconciliation
The churches have also engaged in reconciliation initiatives such as
the Returning to Spirit: Residential School Healing and Reconciliation
Program, a workshop that aims to unite Indigenous and non-Indigenous
people through discussing the legacy of residential schools and
fostering an environment for them to communicate and develop mutual
understanding. In 2014, the federal government ceased to contribute
funds to Indigenous health organizations such as the AHF and the
National Aboriginal Health Organization. Since then, more pressure has
been placed on churches to sustain their active participation in these
For many communities the existence of buildings that formerly housed
residential schools is a traumatic reminder of the system's legacy,
and there has been much discussion about demolition, heritage status
and how the possibility of incorporating sites into the healing
process. In July 2016, it was announced that the
building of the former
Mohawk Institute Residential School
Mohawk Institute Residential School would be
converted into an educational centre with exhibits on the legacy of
residential schools. Ontario's Minister of Indigenous Relations and
Reconciliation, David Zimmer, noted: "Its presence will always be a
reminder of colonization and the racism of the residential school
system; one of the darkest chapters of Canadian history."
Reconciliation efforts have also been undertaken by several Canadian
universities. In 2015
Lakehead University and the
Winnipeg introduced a mandatory course requirement for all
undergraduate students focused on Indigenous culture and history.
The same year the
Saskatchewan hosted a two-day national
forum at which Canadian university administrators, scholars and
members of Indigenous communities discussed how Canadian universities
can and should respond to the TRC's Calls to Action.
Raising of the Reconciliation Pole on UBC Vancouver campus
On April 1, 2017, a 17-metre (56 ft) pole, titled Reconciliation
Pole, was raised on the grounds of the
University of British Columbia
(UBC) Vancouver campus, which sits on the unceded territory of the
Musqueam people. Carved by Haida master carver and hereditary chief,
7idansuu (Edenshaw), James Hart, the pole tells the story of the
residential school system prior to, during and after its operation. It
features thousands of copper nails, used to represent the children who
died in Canadian residential schools, and depictions of residential
school survivors carved by artists from multiple Indigenous
communities. Included among them are Canadian Inuk director Zacharias
Maliseet artist Shane Perley-Dutcher, and Muqueam Coast Salish
artist Susan Point.
In October 2016, Canadian singer-songwriter
Gord Downie released
Secret Path, a concept album about Chanie Wenjack's escape and death.
It was accompanied by a graphic novel and animated film, aired on CBC
Television. All proceeds go to the
University of Manitoba's Centre for
Truth and Reconciliation. Following his death in October 2017,
Downie's brother Mike said he was aware of 40,000 teachers who had
used the material in their classrooms, and hoped to continue
this. In December 2017, Downie was posthumously named Canadian
Newsmaker of the Year by the Canadian Press, in part because of his
work with reconciliation efforts for survivors of residential
Indigenous peoples in
Cultural assimilation of Native Americans
List of Indian residential schools in Canada
Media portrayals of the Canadian Indian residential school system
^ Indian has been used in keeping with page name guidelines because of
the historical nature of the page and the precision of the name. It
was, and continues to be, used by government officials, Indigenous
peoples and historians while referencing the school system. The use of
the name also provides relevant context about the era in which the
system was established, specifically one in which Indigenous peoples
Canada were homogeneously referred to as Indians rather than by
language that distinguishes First Nations,
Inuit and Métis peoples.
Use of Indian is limited throughout the page to proper nouns and
references to government legislation.
^ Indigenous has been capitalized in keeping with the style guide of
the Government of Canada. The capitalization also aligns with the
style used within the final report of the Truth and Reconciliation
Canada and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights
of Indigenous Peoples. In the Canadian context, Indigenous is
capitalized when discussing peoples, cultures or communities in the
same way European or Canadian is used to refer to non-Indigenous
topics or people.
^ Survivor is the term used in the final report of the TRC and the
Statement of apology to former students of Indian Residential Schools
Stephen Harper on behalf of the Government of
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Canadian Aboriginal and indigenous law
Note: "Aboriginal law" refers to Canadian law dealing with indigenous
peoples, whereas "indigenous law" refers to the customary law of
individual indigenous groups.
Sources of law
Royal Proclamation of 1763
Section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982
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Nanfan Treaty (1701)
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Robinson Treaty (1850)
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Numbered Treaties (1871-1921)
Indian Act (1876-present)
1969 White Paper
James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement
James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement (1975)
Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (1995)
Nisga'a Final Agreement (1998)
Ongoing treaty negotiations in British Columbia
Paix des Braves (2002)
Duty to consult and accommodate (since 2004)
Attorney General of
Canada v. Lavell
R. v. Badger
Calder v. British Columbia
Chippewas of Sarnia Band v. Canada
Corbiere v. Canada
Daniels v. Canada
Delgamuukw v. British Columbia
Native Women's Association of
Canada v. Canada
Kruger and al. v. The Queen
R. v. Marshall; R. v. Bernard
R. v. Marshall
Mitchell v. M.N.R.
Paul v. British Columbia
R. v. Drybones
R. v. Gladstone
R. v. Gladue
R. v. Gonzales
R. v. Guerin
R. v. Jim
R. v. Pamajewon
R. v. Sparrow
St. Catharines Milling and Lumber Co. v. R.
R. v. Van der Peet
Tsilhqot'in Nation v. British Columbia
Daniels v. Canada
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