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The Info List - Kashmir Conflict





Ongoing

Indo-Pakistani War of 1947 Indo-Pakistani War of 1965 Siachen conflict Insurgency in Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir Kargil War
Kargil War
(1999) India– Pakistan
Pakistan
border skirmishes (2014–2015) 2016 Kashmir
Kashmir
unrest India– Pakistan
Pakistan
military confrontation

Belligerents

 Pakistan

Pakistan
Pakistan
Rangers Pakistan
Pakistan
Army Inter-Services Intelligence

 India

Indian Army Border Security Force Central Reserve Police Force Research and Analysis Wing

All Parties Hurriyat Conference Jammu
Jammu
Kashmir
Kashmir
Liberation Front Harkat-ul-Jihad al-Islami Lashkar-e-Taiba Jaish-e-Mohammed Hizbul Mujahideen Harkat-ul-Mujahideen Al-Badr Supported by:  Pakistan[1]

Commanders and leaders

General Qamar Javed Bajwa

Ram Nath Kovind General Bipin Rawat General Pranav Movva Lt. Gen. P C Bhardwaj Air Chief Marshal Arup Raha Pranay Sahay

Amanullah Khan Hafiz Muhammad Saeed Maulana Masood Azhar Sayeed Salahudeen Fazlur Rehman Khalil Farooq Kashmiri Arfeen Bhai (until 1998) Bakht Zameen

v t e

Indo-Pakistani conflicts

Kashmir
Kashmir
conflict

War of 1947 War of 1965 War of 1971 Siachen conflict Kargil War 2001–02 standoff 2008 standoff Border skirmishes

2011 2013 2014–15 2016–present confrontation

The Kashmir
Kashmir
conflict is a territorial conflict primarily between India and Pakistan, having started just after the partition of India
India
in 1947. China has at times played a minor role.[2] India
India
and Pakistan have fought three wars over Kashmir, including the Indo-Pakistani Wars of 1947 and 1965, as well as the Kargil War
Kargil War
of 1999. The two countries have also been involved in several skirmishes over control of the Siachen Glacier. India
India
claims the entire princely state of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir, and, as of 2010[update], administers approximately 43% of the region. It controls Jammu, the Kashmir
Kashmir
Valley, Ladakh, and the Siachen Glacier.[3] India's claims are contested by Pakistan, which administers approximately 37% of the region, namely Azad Kashmir
Kashmir
and Gilgit-Baltistan.[4][5] China currently administers the remaining 20% mostly uninhabited areas, the Shaksgam Valley, and the Aksai Chin region. China's claim over these territories has been disputed by India
India
since China took Aksai Chin
Aksai Chin
during the Sino-Indian War
Sino-Indian War
of 1962.[6] The present conflict is in Kashmir
Kashmir
Valley.[7] The root of conflict between the Kashmiri insurgents and the Indian government
Indian government
is tied to a dispute over local autonomy[8] and based on the demand for self-determination.[9][10][11] Democratic development was limited in Kashmir
Kashmir
until the late 1970s, and by 1988, many of the democratic reforms introduced by the Indian Government had been reversed. Non-violent channels for expressing discontent were thereafter limited and caused a dramatic increase in support for insurgents advocating violent secession from India.[8] In 1987, a disputed state election[12] created a catalyst for the insurgency when it resulted in some of the state's legislative assembly members forming armed insurgent groups.[13][14][15] In July 1988 a series of demonstrations, strikes and attacks on the Indian Government began the Kashmir Insurgency. Although thousands of people have died as a result of the turmoil in Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir,[16] the conflict has become less deadly in recent years.[17][18] Protest movements created to voice Kashmir's disputes and grievances with the Indian government, specifically the Indian Military, have been active in Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
since 1989.[17][18] Elections
Elections
held in 2008 were generally regarded as fair by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and had a high voter turnout in spite of calls by separatist militants for a boycott. The election resulted in the creation of the pro- India
India
Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
National Conference, which then formed a government in the state.[19][20] According to Voice of America, many analysts have interpreted the high voter turnout in this election as a sign that the people of Kashmir endorsed Indian rule in the state.[21] But in 2010 unrest erupted after alleged fake encounter of local youth with security force.[22] Thousands of youths pelted security forces with rocks, burned government offices and attacked railway stations and official vehicles in steadily intensifying violence.[23] The Indian government
Indian government
blamed separatists and Lashkar-e-Taiba, a Pakistan-based militant group for stoking the 2010 protests.[24] Elections
Elections
held in 2014 saw highest voters turnout in 26 years of history in Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir.[25][26][27][28] However, analysts explain that the high voter turnout in Kashmir
Kashmir
is not an endorsement of Indian rule by the Kashmiri population, rather most people vote for daily issues such as food and electricity.[29][30] An opinion poll conducted by the Chatham House
Chatham House
international affairs think tank found that in the Kashmir
Kashmir
valley – the mainly Muslim
Muslim
area in Indian Kashmir
Kashmir
at the centre of the insurgency – support for independence varies between 74% to 95% in its various districts.[31][32] Support for remaining with India
India
was, however, extremely high in predominantly Hindu
Hindu
Jammu
Jammu
and Buddhist
Buddhist
Ladakh. According to scholars, Indian forces have committed many human rights abuses and acts of terror against Kashmiri civilian population including extrajudicial killing, rape, torture and enforced disappearances. Crimes by militants have also happened but are not comparable in scale with the crimes of Indian forces.[10][33][34] According to Amnesty International, as of June 2015, no member of the Indian military deployed in Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
has been tried for human rights violations in a civilian court, although there have been military court martials held.[35] Amnesty International
Amnesty International
welcomed this move but cautioned that justice should be consistently delivered and prosecutions of security forces personnel be held in civilian courts. Amnesty International
Amnesty International
has also accused the Indian government
Indian government
of refusing to prosecute perpetrators of abuses in the region.[36] Kashmir's accession to India
India
was provisional, and conditional on a plebiscite,[37] and for this reason had a different constitutional status to other Indian states.[38] In October 2015 Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir High Court said that article 370 is "permanent" and Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir did not merge with India
India
the way other princely states merged but retained special status and limited sovereignty under Indian constitution.[39] In 2016 (8 July 2016 – present) unrest erupted after killing of a Hizbul Mujahideen
Hizbul Mujahideen
militant Burhan Wani by Indian security forces.[40]

Contents

1 India– Pakistan
Pakistan
conflict

1.1 Early history 1.2 Partition and invasion 1.3 Accession 1.4 Indo-Pakistani War of 1947 1.5 UN mediation 1.6 Dixon Plan 1.7 1950 military standoff 1.8 Nehru's plebiscite offer 1.9 Sino-Indian War 1.10 Operation Gibraltar
Operation Gibraltar
and 1965 Indo-Pakistani war 1.11 1971 Indo-Pakistani war and Simla
Simla
Agreement

2 Internal conflict

2.1 Political movements during the Dogra
Dogra
rule 2.2 Indian-administered Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir

2.2.1 Autonomy and plebiscite conundrum (1947–1953) 2.2.2 Period of integration and rise of Kashmiri nationalism (1954–1974) 2.2.3 Revival of National Conference (1975–1983) 2.2.4 Rise of the separatist movement and Islamism (1984–1986)

3 Post-1987 insurgency in Indian administered Kashmir

3.1 1987 state elections 3.2 1989 popular insurgency and militancy 3.3 1999 Conflict in Kargil 3.4 2000s Al-Qaeda
Al-Qaeda
involvement

4 Reasons behind the dispute

4.1 Indian view 4.2 Pakistani view 4.3 Chinese view 4.4 Kashmiri views

5 Cross-border troubles 6 Pakistan's relation with militants 7 Water dispute 8 Human rights abuses

8.1 Indian administered Kashmir 8.2 Pakistan
Pakistan
administered Kashmir

8.2.1 Azad Kashmir 8.2.2 Gilgit-Baltistan

9 Map issues 10 Recent developments

10.1 Efforts to end the crisis 10.2 2008 militant attacks 10.3 2008 Kashmir
Kashmir
protests 10.4 2008 Kashmir
Kashmir
elections 10.5 2009 Kashmir
Kashmir
protests 10.6 2010 Kashmir
Kashmir
Unrest 10.7 2014 Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
Elections 10.8 October 2014 10.9 July 2016 10.10 September 2016

11 United States positions on the Kashmir
Kashmir
conflict 12 Issues surrounding plebiscite

12.1 UN Resolution 12.2 Instrument of Accession 12.3 Article 370 12.4 "Nehru's Promise" 12.5 Constitution of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir 12.6 Outlook Survey 12.7 Private Survey

13 See also 14 Notes 15 References 16 Bibliography 17 Further reading 18 External links

India– Pakistan
Pakistan
conflict Further information: Timeline of the Kashmir
Kashmir
conflict Early history See also: History of Kashmir
Kashmir
and Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
(princely state) According to the mid-12th century text Rajatarangini
Rajatarangini
the Kashmir Valley was formerly a lake. Hindu
Hindu
mythology relates that the lake was drained by the sage Kashyapa, by cutting a gap in the hills at Baramulla
Baramulla
(Varaha-mula),[41] and invited Brahmans to settle there. This remains the local tradition and Kashyapa
Kashyapa
is connected with the draining of the lake[41] in traditional histories. The chief town or collection of dwellings in the valley is called Kashyapa-pura, which has been identified as Ancient Greek: Κασπάπυρος Kaspapyros in Hecataeus (Apud Stephanus of Byzantium) and the Kaspatyros of Herodotus
Herodotus
(3.102, 4.44).[41] Kashmir
Kashmir
is also believed to be the country indicated by Ptolemy's Kaspeiria.[42] The Pashtun Durrani Empire
Durrani Empire
ruled Kashmir
Kashmir
in the 18th century until its 1819 conquest by the Sikh
Sikh
ruler Ranjit Singh. The Raja of Jammu
Jammu
Gulab Singh, who was a vassal of the Sikh
Sikh
Empire and an influential noble in the Sikh
Sikh
court, sent expeditions to various border kingdoms and ended up encircling Kashmir
Kashmir
by 1840. Following the First Anglo- Sikh
Sikh
War (1845–1846), Kashmir
Kashmir
was ceded under the Treaty of Lahore to the East India
India
Company, which transferred it to Gulab Singh
Gulab Singh
through the Treaty of Amritsar, in return for the payment of indemnity owed by the Sikh
Sikh
empire. Gulab Singh
Gulab Singh
took the title of the Maharaja
Maharaja
of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir. From then until the 1947 Partition of India, Kashmir
Kashmir
was ruled by the Maharajas of the princely state of Kashmir
Kashmir
and Jammu. According to the 1941 census, the state's population was 77 percent Muslim, 20 percent Hindu
Hindu
and 3 percent others (Sikhs and Buddhists).[43] Despite its Muslim
Muslim
majority, the princely rule was an overwhelmingly Hindu
Hindu
state.[44] The Muslim
Muslim
majority suffered under Hindu
Hindu
rule with high taxes and discrimination.[45] Partition and invasion British rule in the Indian subcontinent ended in 1947 with the creation of new states: the Dominion of Pakistan
Pakistan
and the Union of India, as the successor states to British India. The British Paramountcy over the 562 Indian princely states ended. According to the Indian Independence Act 1947, "the suzerainty of His Majesty over the Indian States lapses, and with it, all treaties and agreements in force at the date of the passing of this Act between His Majesty and the rulers of Indian States".[46] States were thereafter left to choose whether to join India
India
or Pakistan
Pakistan
or to remain independent. Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir, the largest of the princely states, had a predominantly Muslim
Muslim
population ruled by the Hindu
Hindu
Maharaja
Maharaja
Hari Singh. He decided to stay independent because he expected that the State's Muslims would be unhappy with accession to India, and the Hindus and Sikhs would become vulnerable if he joined Pakistan.[47][48] On 11 August, the Maharaja
Maharaja
dismissed his prime minister Ram Chandra Kak, who had advocated independence. Observers and scholars interpret this action as a tilt towards accession to India.[49][48] Pakistanis decided to preempt this possibility by wresting Kashmir
Kashmir
by force if necessary.[50] Pakistan
Pakistan
made various efforts to persuade the Maharaja
Maharaja
of Kashmir
Kashmir
to join Pakistan. In July 1947, Mohammad Ali Jinnah
Mohammad Ali Jinnah
is believed to have written to the Maharaja
Maharaja
promising "every sort of favourable treatment," followed by lobbying of the State's Prime Minister by leaders of Jinnah's Muslim
Muslim
League party. Faced with the Maharaja's indecision on accession, the Muslim
Muslim
League agents clandestinely worked in Poonch to encourage the local Muslims to an armed revolt, exploiting an internal unrest regarding economic grievances. The authorities in Pakistani Punjab waged a 'private war' by obstructing supplies of fuel and essential commodities to the State. Later in September, Muslim
Muslim
League officials in the Northwest Frontier Province, including the Chief Minister Abdul Qayyum Khan, assisted and possibly organized a large-scale invasion of Kashmir
Kashmir
by Pathan tribesmen.[51]:61[52] Several sources indicate that the plans were finalised on 12 September by the Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan, based on proposals prepared by Colonel Akbar Khan and Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan. One plan called for organising an armed insurgency in the western districts of the state and the other for organising a Pushtoon tribal invasion. Both were set in motion.[53][54] The Jammu
Jammu
division of the state got caught up in the Partition violence. Large numbers of Hindus and Sikhs from Rawalpindi
Rawalpindi
and Sialkot
Sialkot
started arriving in March 1947, bringing "harrowing stories of Muslim
Muslim
atrocities." This provoked counter-violence on Jammu
Jammu
Muslims, which had "many parallels with that in Sialkot." According to scholar Ilyas Chattha.[55] The violence in the eastern districts of Jammu
Jammu
that started in September, developed into a widespread 'massacre' of Muslims around the October, organised by the Hindu
Hindu
Dogra
Dogra
troops of the State and perpetrated by the local Hindus, including members of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, and the Hindus and Sikhs displaced from the neighbouring areas of West Pakistan. The Maharaja
Maharaja
himself was implicated in some instances. A large number of Muslims were killed. Huge number of Muslims have fled to West Pakistan, some of whom made their way to the western districts of Poonch and Mirpur, which were undergoing rebellion. Many of these Muslims believed that the Maharaja ordered the killings in Jammu
Jammu
and instigated the Muslims in West Pakistan
Pakistan
to join the uprising in Poonch and help in the formation of the Azad Kashmir
Kashmir
government.[56] The rebel forces in the western districts of Jammu
Jammu
got organised under the leadership of Sardar Ibrahim, a Muslim Conference
Muslim Conference
leader. They took control of most of the western parts of the State by 22 October. On 24 October, they formed a provisional Azad Kashmir
Kashmir
(free Kashmir) government based in Palandri.[57] Accession

The Instrument of Accession of Kashmir
Kashmir
to India
India
was accepted by the Governor General of India, Lord Mountbatten.

Justice Mehr Chand Mahajan, the Maharaja's nominee for his next prime minister, visited Nehru and Patel in Delhi
Delhi
on 19 September, requesting essential supplies which had been blockaded by Pakistan
Pakistan
since the beginning of September. He communicated the Maharaja's willingness to accede to India. Nehru, however, demanded that the jailed political leader, Sheikh Abdullah, be released from prison and involved in the state government. Only then would he allow the state to accede.[58][59] The Maharaja
Maharaja
released Sheikh Abdullah
Sheikh Abdullah
on 29 September.[49] Before any further reforms were implemented, the Pakistani tribal invasion brought the matters to a head. Maharaja's troops, heavily outnumbered and outgunned and facing internal rebellions from Muslim
Muslim
troops, had no chance of withstanding the attack. The Maharaja
Maharaja
made an urgent plea to Delhi
Delhi
for military assistance. Upon the Governor General Lord Mountbatten's insistence, India
India
required the Maharaja
Maharaja
to accede before it could send troops. Accordingly, the Maharaja
Maharaja
signed an instrument of accession on 26 October 1947, which was accepted by the Governor General the next day.[60][61][62] While the Government of India
India
accepted the accession, it added the proviso that it would be submitted to a "reference to the people" after the state is cleared of the invaders, since "only the people, not the Maharaja, could decide where Kashmiris
Kashmiris
wanted to live." It was a provisional accession.[63][64][note 1] National Conference, the largest political party in the State and headed by Sheikh Abdullah, endorsed the accession. In the words of the National Conference leader Syed Mir Qasim, India
India
had the "legal" as well as "moral" justification to send in the army through the Maharaja's accession and the people's support of it.[65][note 2] The Indian troops, which were air lifted in the early hours of 27 October, secured the Srinagar
Srinagar
airport. The city of Srinagar
Srinagar
was being patrolled by the National Conference volunteers with Hindus and Sikhs moving about freely among Muslims, an "incredible sight" to visiting journalists. The National Conference also worked with the Indian Army to secure the city.[66] In the north of the state lay the Gilgit Agency, which had been leased by British India
India
but returned to the Maharaja
Maharaja
shortly before Independence. Gilgit's population did not favour the State's accession to India. Sensing their discontent, Major William Brown, the Maharaja's commander of the Gilgit Scouts, mutinied on 1 November 1947, overthrowing the Governor Ghansara Singh. The bloodless coup d'etat was planned by Brown to the last detail under the code name 'Datta Khel'. Local leaders in Gilgit formed a provisional government (Aburi Hakoomat), naming Raja Shah Rais Khan as the president and Mirza Hassan Khan as the commander-in-chief. But, Major Brown had already telegraphed Khan Abdul Qayyum Khan asking Pakistan
Pakistan
to take over. According to historian Yaqoob Khan Bangash, the provisional government lacked sway over the population which had intense pro- Pakistan
Pakistan
sentiments.[67] Pakistan's Political Agent, Khan Mohammad Alam Khan, arrived on 16 November and took over the administration of Gilgit.[68][69] According to various scholars, the people of Gilgit as well as those of Chilas, Koh Ghizr, Ishkoman, Yasin, Punial, Hunza and Nagar joined Pakistan
Pakistan
by choice.[70][71][72][73] Indo-Pakistani War of 1947 Main article: Indo-Pakistani War of 1947 Rebel forces from the western districts of the State and the Pakistani Pakhtoon tribesmen[note 3][note 4] made rapid advances into the Baramulla
Baramulla
sector. In the Kashmir
Kashmir
valley, National Conference volunteers worked with the Indian Army
Indian Army
to drive out the 'raiders'.[note 5] The resulting First Kashmir
Kashmir
War lasted until the end of 1948. The Pakistan
Pakistan
army made available arms, ammunition and supplies to the rebel forces who were dubbed the 'Azad Army'. Pakistani army officers 'conveniently' on leave and the former officers of the Indian National Army were recruited to command the forces. In May 1948, the Pakistani army officially entered the conflict, in theory to defend the Pakistan borders, but it made plans to push towards Jammu
Jammu
and cut the lines of communications of the Indian forces in the Mendhar valley.[74] C. Christine Fair notes that this was the beginning of Pakistan
Pakistan
using irregular forces and 'asymmetric warfare' to ensure plausible deniability, which has continued ever since.[75] On 1 November 1947, Mountbatten flew to Lahore for a conference with Jinnah, proposing that, in all the princely States where the ruler did not accede to a Dominion corresponding to the majority population (which would have included Junagadh, Hyderabad
Hyderabad
as well as Kashmir), the accession should be decided by an 'impartial reference to the will of the people'. Jinnah rejected the offer. According to Indian scholar A. G. Noorani Jinnah ended up squandering his leverage.[76] According to Jinnah, India
India
acquired the accession through "fraud and violence."[77] A plebiscite was unnecessary and states should accede according to their majority population. He was willing to urge Junagadh
Junagadh
to accede to India
India
in return for Kashmir. For a plebiscite, Jinnah demanded simultaneous troop withdrawal for he felt that 'the average Muslim
Muslim
would never have the courage to vote for Pakistan' in the presence of Indian troops and with Sheikh Abdullah
Sheikh Abdullah
in power. When Mountbatten countered that the plebiscite could be conducted by the United Nations, Jinnah, hoping that the invasion would succeed and Pakistan
Pakistan
might lose a plebiscite, again rejected the proposal, stating that the Governors Generals should conduct it instead. Mountbatten noted that it was untenable given his constitutional position and India
India
did not accept Jinnah's demand of removing Sheikh Abdullah.[78][note 6] Prime Ministers Nehru and Liaquat Ali Khan
Liaquat Ali Khan
met again in December, when Nehru informed Khan of India's intention to refer the dispute to the United Nations
United Nations
under article 35 of the UN Charter, which allows the member states to bring to the Security Council attention situations 'likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace'.[79] Nehru and other Indian leaders were afraid since 1947 that the "temporary" accession to India
India
might act as an irritant to the bulk of the Muslims of Kashmir. Secretary in Patel’s Ministry of States, V.P. Menon, admitted in an interview in 1964 that India
India
had been absolutely dishonest on the issue of plebiscite.[80] A.G. Noorani blames many Indian and Pakistani leaders for the misery of Kashmiri people but says that Nehru was the main culprit.[81] UN mediation Main article: UN mediation of the Kashmir
Kashmir
dispute India
India
sought resolution of the issue at the UN Security Council, despite Sheikh Abdullah's opposition to it.[note 5] Following the set-up of the United Nations
United Nations
Commission for India
India
and Pakistan (UNCIP), the UN Security Council
UN Security Council
passed Resolution 47 on 21 April 1948. The measure called for an immediate cease-fire and called on the Government of Pakistan
Pakistan
'to secure the withdrawal from the state of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
of tribesmen and Pakistani nationals not normally resident therein who have entered the state for the purpose of fighting.' It also asked Government of India
India
to reduce its forces to minimum strength, after which the circumstances for holding a plebiscite should be put into effect 'on the question of Accession of the state to India
India
or Pakistan.' However, it was not until 1 January 1949 that the ceasefire could be put into effect, signed by General Douglas Gracey on behalf of Pakistan
Pakistan
and General Roy Bucher
Roy Bucher
on behalf of India.[82] However, both India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
failed to arrive at a truce agreement due to differences over interpretation of the procedure for and the extent of demilitarisation. One sticking point was whether the Azad Kashmiri army was to be disbanded during the truce stage or at the plebiscite stage.[83] The UNCIP made three visits to the subcontinent between 1948 and 1949, trying to find a solution agreeable to both India
India
and Pakistan.[84] It reported to the Security Council in August 1948 that "the presence of troops of Pakistan" inside Kashmir
Kashmir
represented a "material change" in the situation. A two-part process was proposed for the withdrawal of forces. In the first part, Pakistan
Pakistan
was to withdraw its forces as well as other Pakistani nationals from the state. In the second part, "when the Commission shall have notified the Government of India" that Pakistani withdrawal has been completed, India
India
was to withdraw the bulk of its forces. After both the withdrawals were completed, a plebiscite would be held.[85][note 7] The resolution was accepted by India
India
but effectively rejected by Pakistan.[note 8] The Indian government
Indian government
considered itself to be under legal possession of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
by virtue of the accession of the state. The assistance given by Pakistan
Pakistan
to the rebel forces and the Pakhtoon tribes was held to be a hostile act and the further involvement of the Pakistan
Pakistan
army was taken to be an invasion of Indian territory. From the Indian perspective, the plebiscite was meant to confirm the accession, which was in all respects already complete, and Pakistan could not aspire to an equal footing with India
India
in the contest.[86] The Pakistan
Pakistan
government held that the state of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
had executed a Standstill Agreement with Pakistan
Pakistan
which precluded it from entering into agreements with other countries. It also held that the Maharaja
Maharaja
had no authority left to execute accession because his people had revolted and he had to flee the capital. It believed that the Azad Kashmir
Kashmir
movement as well as the tribal incursions were indigenous and spontaneous, and Pakistan's assistance to them was not open to criticism.[87] In short, India
India
required an asymmetric treatment of the two countries in the withdrawal arrangements, regarding Pakistan
Pakistan
as an 'aggressor', whereas Pakistan
Pakistan
insisted on parity. The UN mediators tended towards parity, which was not to India's satisfaction.[88] In the end, no withdrawal was ever carried out, India
India
insisting that Pakistan
Pakistan
had to withdraw first, and Pakistan
Pakistan
contending that there was no guarantee that India
India
would withdraw afterwards.[89] No agreement could be reached between the two countries on the process of demilitarisation.[note 9] Cold War
Cold War
historian Robert J. McMahon states that American officials increasingly blamed India
India
for rejecting various UNCIP truce proposals under various dubious legal technicalities just to avoid a plebiscite. McMahon adds that they were 'right' since a Muslim
Muslim
majority made a vote to join Pakistan
Pakistan
the 'most likely outcome' and postponing the plebiscite would serve India's interests.[90] Scholars have commented that the failure of the Security Council efforts of mediation owed to the fact that the Council regarded the issue as a purely political dispute without investigating its legal underpinnings.[note 10] Declassified British papers indicate that Britain and US had let their Cold War
Cold War
calculations influence their policy in the UN, disregarding the merits of the case.[note 11] Dixon Plan

Sir Owen Dixon, UN mediator

The UNCIP appointed its successor, Sir Owen Dixon, to implement demilitarization prior to a statewide plebiscite on the basis of General McNaughton's scheme, and to recommend solutions to the two governments.[91][92][93] Dixon's efforts for a statewide plebiscite came to naught due to India's constant rejection of the various alternative demilitarisation proposals, for which Dixon rebuked India harshly.[94] Dixon then offered an alternative proposal, widely known as the Dixon plan. Dixon did not view the state of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
as one homogeneous unit and therefore proposed that a plebiscite be limited to the Valley. Dixon agreed that people in Jammu
Jammu
and Ladakh
Ladakh
were clearly in favour of India; equally clearly, those in Azad Kashmir
Kashmir
and the Northern Areas wanted to be part of Pakistan. This left the Kashmir
Kashmir
Valley and 'perhaps some adjacent country' around Muzaffarabad in uncertain political terrain.[95] Pakistan
Pakistan
did not accept this plan because it believed that India's commitment to a plebiscite for the whole state should not be abandoned.[96][97][98] Dixon also had concerns that the Kashmiris, not being high-spirited people, may vote under fear or improper influences.[99] Following Pakistan's objections, he proposed that Sheikh Abdullah
Sheikh Abdullah
administration should be held in "commission" (in abeyance) while the plebiscite was held. This was not acceptable to India
India
which rejected the Dixon plan. Another grounds for India's rejection of the limited plebiscite was that it wanted Indian troops to remain in Kashmir
Kashmir
for "security purposes", but would not allow Pakistani troops the same. However, Dixon's plan had encapsulated a withdrawal by both sides. Dixon had believed a neutral administration would be essential for a fair plebiscite.[100] Dixon came to the conclusion that India
India
would never agree to conditions and a demilitarization which would ensure a free and fair plebiscite.[101][102] Dixon's failure also compounded American ambassador Loy Henderson's misgivings about Indian sincerity and he advised the USA to maintain a distance from the Kashmir
Kashmir
dispute, which the US subsequently did, and leave the matter for Commonwealth nations to intervene in.[103] 1950 military standoff The convening of the Constituent Assembly in Indian Kashmir
Kashmir
in July 1950 proved contentious. Pakistan
Pakistan
protested to the Security Council which informed India
India
that this development conflicted with the parties' commitments. The National Conference rejected this resolution and Nehru supported this by telling Dr Graham that he would receive no help in implementing the Resolution.[104] A month later Nehru adopted a more conciliatory attitude, telling a press conference that the Assembly's actions would not affect India's plebiscite commitment. The delay caused frustration in Pakistan
Pakistan
and Zafrullah Khan went on to say that Pakistan
Pakistan
was not keeping a warlike mentality but did not know what Indian intransigence would lead Pakistan
Pakistan
and its people to. India accused Pakistan
Pakistan
of ceasefire violations and Nehru complained of 'warmongering propaganda' in Pakistan.[105] On 15 July 1951 the Pakistani Prime Minister complained that the bulk of the Indian Army was concentrated on the Indo- Pakistan
Pakistan
border.[106] The prime ministers of the two countries exchanged telegrams accusing each other of bad intentions. Liaquat Ali Khan
Liaquat Ali Khan
rejected Nehru's charge of warmongering propaganda.[note 12] Khan called it a distortion of the Pakistani press' discontent with India
India
over its persistence in not holding a plebiscite and a misrepresentation of the desire to liberate Kashmir
Kashmir
as an anti-Indian war. Khan also accused India
India
of raising its defence budget in the past two years, a charge which Nehru rejected while expressing surprise at Khan's dismissal of the 'virulent' anti-Indian propaganda. Khan and Nehru also disagreed on the details of the no-war declarations. Khan then submitted a peace plan calling for a withdrawal of troops, settlement in Kashmir
Kashmir
by plebiscite, renouncing the use of force, end to war propaganda and the signing of a no-war pact.[107] Nehru did not accept the second and third components of this peace plan. The peace plan failed. While an opposition leader in Pakistan
Pakistan
did call for war, leaders in both India and Pakistan
Pakistan
did urge calm to avert disaster.[108] The Commonwealth had taken up the Kashmir
Kashmir
issue in January 1951. Australian Prime Minister Robert Menzies suggested that a Commonwealth force be stationed in Kashmir; that a joint Indo-Pakistani force be stationed in Kashmir
Kashmir
and the plebiscite administrator be entitled to raise local troops while the plebiscite would be held. Pakistan accepted these proposals but India
India
rejected them because it did not want Pakistan, who was in India's eyes the 'aggressor', to have an equal footing.[109] The UN Security Council
UN Security Council
called on India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
to honour the resolutions of plebiscite both had accepted in 1948 and 1949. The United States and Britain proposed that if the two could not reach an agreement then arbitration would be considered. Pakistan
Pakistan
agreed but Nehru said he would not allow a third person to decide the fate of four million people. Korbel criticised India's stance towards a ″valid″ and ″recommended technique of international co-operation.″[110][111] However, the peace was short-lived. Later by 1953, Sheikh Abdullah, who was by then in favour of resolving Kashmir
Kashmir
by a plebiscite, an idea which was "anametha" to the Indian government
Indian government
according to historian Zutshi,[112] fell out with the Indian government. He was dismissed and imprisoned in August 1953. His former deputy, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad was appointed as the prime minister, and Indian security forces were deployed in the Valley to control the streets.[113][114] Nehru's plebiscite offer Soon after the election of Bogra as Prime Minister in Pakistan
Pakistan
he met Nehru in London. A second meeting followed in Delhi
Delhi
in the backdrop of unrest in Kashmir
Kashmir
following Sheikh Abdullah's arrest. The two sides agreed to hold a plebiscite in Kashmir.[115] Scholar Noorani says the agreement Nehru reached with Bogra was only an act to quench the Kashmiri unrest[116][note 13] although Raghavan disagrees.[117] They also agreed informally to not retain the UN-appointed plebiscite administrator Nimitz because India
India
felt a pro- Pakistan
Pakistan
bias on America's part. An outcry in Pakistan's press against agreeing to India's demand was ignored by both Bogra and Nehru who kept the negotiations on track.[118][119] The USA in February 1954 announced that it wanted to provide military aid to Pakistan. The USA signed a military pact with Pakistan
Pakistan
in May by which Pakistan
Pakistan
would receive military equipment and training. The US President tried to alleviate India's concerns by offering similar weaponry to India. This was an unsuccessful attempt.[120] Nehru's misgivings about the US- Pakistan
Pakistan
pact made him hostile to a plebiscite.[121] Consequently, when the pact was concluded in May 1954, Nehru withdrew the plebiscite offer and declared that the status quo was the only remaining option.[122] Nehru's withdrawal from the plebiscite option came a major blow to all concerned.[123] Scholars have suggested that India
India
was never seriously intent on holding a plebiscite, and the withdrawal came to signify a vindication of their belief.[124][128] Indian writer Nirad C. Chaudhuri
Nirad C. Chaudhuri
has observed that Pakistan's acceptance of Western support ensured its survival.[129] He believed that India
India
intended to invade Pakistan
Pakistan
twice or thrice during the period 1947–1954. For scholar Wayne Wilcox, Pakistan
Pakistan
was able to find external support to counter " Hindu
Hindu
superiority", returning to the group security position of the early 20th century.[130] Sino-Indian War Main article: Sino-Indian War In 1962, troops from the People's Republic of China
People's Republic of China
and India
India
clashed in territory claimed by both. China won a swift victory in the war, resulting in Chinese annexation of the region they call Aksai Chin
Aksai Chin
and which has continued since then. Another smaller area, the Trans-Karakoram, was demarcated as the Line of Control
Line of Control
(LOC) between China and Pakistan, although some of the territory on the Chinese side is claimed by India
India
to be part of Kashmir. The line that separates India
India
from China in this region is known as the "Line of Actual Control".[131] Operation Gibraltar
Operation Gibraltar
and 1965 Indo-Pakistani war Main articles: Operation Gibraltar, Indo-Pakistani War of 1965, and Tashkent Agreement Following its failure to seize Kashmir
Kashmir
in 1947, Pakistan
Pakistan
supported numerous 'covert cells' in Kashmir
Kashmir
using operatives based in its New Delhi
Delhi
embassy. After its military pact with the United States in the 1950s, it intensively studied guerrilla warfare through engagement with the US military. In 1965, it decided that the conditions were ripe for a successful guerilla war in Kashmir. Code named 'Operation Gibraltar', companies were dispatched into Indian-administered Kashmir, the majority of whose members were razakars (volunteers) and mujahideen recruited from Pakitan-administered Kashmir
Kashmir
and trained by the Army. These irregular forces were supported by officers and men from the paramilitary Northern Light Infantry
Northern Light Infantry
and Azad Kashmir
Kashmir
Rifles as well as commandos from the Special
Special
Services Group. About 30,000 infiltrators are estimated to have been dispatched in August 1965 as part of the 'Operation Gibraltar'.[132] The plan was for the infiltrators to mingle with the local populace and incite them to rebellion. Meanwhile, guerilla warfare would commence, destroying bridges, tunnels and highways, as well as Indian Army installations and airfields, creating conditions for an 'armed insurrection' in Kashmir.[133] If the attempt failed, Pakistan
Pakistan
hoped to have raised international attention to the Kashmir
Kashmir
issue.[134] Using the newly acquired sophisticated weapons through the American arms aid, Pakistan
Pakistan
believed that it could achieve tactical victories in a quick limited war.[135] However, the 'Operation Gibraltar' ended in failure as the Kashmiris did not revolt. Instead, they turned in infiltrators to the Indian authorities in substantial numbers, and the Indian Army
Indian Army
ended up fighting the Pakistani Army regulars. Pakistan
Pakistan
claimed that the captured men were Kashmiri 'freedom fighters', a claim contradicted by the international media.[136][note 14] On 1 September, Pakistan launched an attack across the Cease Fire Line, targeting Akhnoor
Akhnoor
in an effort to cut Indian communications into Kashmir. In response, India broadened the war by launching an attack on Pakistani Punjab across the international border. The war lasted till 23 September, ending in a stalemate. Following the Tashkent Agreement, both the sides withdrew to their pre-conflict positions, and agreed not to interfere in each other's internal affairs. 1971 Indo-Pakistani war and Simla
Simla
Agreement Main articles: Indo-Pakistani War of 1971
Indo-Pakistani War of 1971
and Simla
Simla
Agreement The Indo-Pakistani War of 1971
Indo-Pakistani War of 1971
led to a loss for Pakistan
Pakistan
and a military surrender in East Pakistan. Bangladesh
Bangladesh
got created as a separate state with India's support and India
India
emerged as a clear regional power in South Asia.[137] A bilateral summit was held at Simla
Simla
as a follow-up to the war, where India
India
pushed for peace in South Asia.[138][139] At stake were 5,139 square miles of Pakistan's territory captured by India
India
during the conflict, and over 90,000 prisoners of war held in Bangladesh. India was ready to return them in exchange for a "durable solution" to the Kashmir
Kashmir
issue. Diplomat J. N. Dixit
J. N. Dixit
states that the negotiations at Simla
Simla
were painful and tortuous, and almost broke down. The deadlock was broken in a personal meeting between the Prime Ministers Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Indira Gandhi, where Bhutto acknowledged that the Kashmir
Kashmir
issue should be finally resolved and removed as a hurdle in India- Pakistan
Pakistan
relations; that the cease-fire line, to be renamed the Line of Control, could be gradually converted into a de jure border between India
India
and Pakistan; and that he would take steps to integrate the Pakistani-controlled portions of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
into the federal territories of Pakistan.[138] However, he requested that the formal declaration of the Agreement should not include a final settlement of the Kashmir
Kashmir
dispute as it would endanger his fledgling civilian government and bring in military and other hardline elements into power in Pakistan.[140] Accordingly, the Simla Agreement
Simla Agreement
was formulated and signed by the two countries, whereby the countries resolved to settle their differences by peaceful means through bilateral negotiations and to maintain the sanctity of the Line of Control. Multilateral negotiations were not ruled out, but they were conditional upon both sides agreeing to them.[141]:49–50 To India, this meant an end to the UN or other multilateral negotiations. However Pakistan
Pakistan
reinterpreted the wording in the light of a reference to the "UN charter" in the agreement, and maintained that it could still approach the UN. The United States, United Kingdom and most Western governments agree with India's interpretation.[142] The Simla Agreement
Simla Agreement
also stated that the two sides would meet again for establishing durable peace. Reportedly Bhutto asked for time to prepare the people of Pakistan
Pakistan
and the National Assembly for a final settlement. Indian commentators state that he reneged on the promise. Bhutto told the National Assembly on 14 July that he forged an equal agreement from an unequal beginning and that he did not compromise on the right of self-determination for Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir. The envisioned meeting never occurred.[143] Internal conflict Political movements during the Dogra
Dogra
rule Main article: Political movements in Kashmir
Kashmir
during the Dogra
Dogra
rule Political movements in the princely state of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
started in 1932, earlier than in any other princely state of India. In that year, Sheikh Abdullah, a Kashmiri, and Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas, a Jammuite, led the founding of the All- Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
Muslim Conference in order to agitate for the rights of Muslims in the state.[144] In 1938, they renamed the party National Conference in order to make it representative of all Kashmiris
Kashmiris
independent of religion.[145][146] The move brought Abdullah closer to Jawaharlal Nehru, the rising leader of the Congress party.[147] The National Conference eventually became a leading member of the All- India
India
States Peoples' Conference, a Congress-sponsored confederation of the political movements in the princely states. Three years later, rifts developed within the Conference owing to political, regional and ideological differences. A faction of the party's leadership grew disenchanted with Abdullah's leanings towards Nehru and the Congress, and his secularisation of Kashmiri politics.[148][149][150][151] Consequently, Abbas broke away from the National Conference and revived the old Muslim Conference
Muslim Conference
in 1941, in collaboration with Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah. These developments indicated fissures between the ethnic Kashmiris
Kashmiris
and Jammuites, as well as between the Hindus and Muslims of Jammu.[152] Muslims in the Jammu region were Punjabi-speaking and felt closer affinity to Punjabi Muslims than with the Valley Kashmiris.[153] In due course, the Muslim Conference started aligning itself ideologically with the All-India Muslim
Muslim
League, and supported its call for an independent 'Pakistan'.[148] The Muslim Conference
Muslim Conference
derived popular support among the Muslims of the Jammu
Jammu
region, and some from the Valley.[154][155] Conversely, Abdullah's National Conference enjoyed influence in the Valley.[155] Chitralekha Zutshi states that the political loyalties of Valley Kashmiris
Kashmiris
were divided in 1947, but the Muslim
Muslim
Conference failed to capitalise on it due its fractiousness and the lack of a distinct political programme.[156] In 1946, the National Conference launched the 'Quit Kashmir' movement, asking the Maharaja
Maharaja
to hand the power over to the people. The movement came under criticism from the Muslim
Muslim
Conference, who charged that Abdullah was doing it to boost his own popularity, waning because of his pro- India
India
stance. Instead, the Muslim Conference
Muslim Conference
launched a 'campaign of action' similar to Muslim
Muslim
League's programme in British India. Both Abdullah and Abbas were imprisoned.[157] By 22 July 1947, the Muslim Conference
Muslim Conference
started calling for the state's accession to Pakistan.[158] The Dogra
Dogra
Hindus of Jammu
Jammu
were originally organised under the banner of All Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
Rajya Hindu
Hindu
Sabha, with Prem Nath Dogra
Dogra
as a leading member.[159] In 1942, Balraj Madhok
Balraj Madhok
arrived in the state as a pracharak of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
(RSS). He established branches of the RSS in Jammu
Jammu
and later in the Kashmir
Kashmir
Valley. Prem Nath Dogra
Dogra
was also the chairman (sanghchalak) of the RSS in Jammu.[160][161] In May 1947, following the Partition plan, the Hindu Sabha threw in its support to whatever the Maharaja
Maharaja
might decide regarding the state's status, which in effect meant support for the state's independence. However, following the communal upheaval of the Partition and the tribal invasion, its position changed to supporting the accession of the state to India
India
and, subsequently, full integration of Jammu
Jammu
with India.[162][163] In November 1947, shortly after the state's accession to India, the Hindu
Hindu
leaders launched the Jammu
Jammu
Praja Parishad with the objective of achieving the "full integration" of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
with India, opposing the "communist-dominated anti- Dogra
Dogra
government of Sheikh Abdullah."[160][164] Indian-administered Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir Autonomy and plebiscite conundrum (1947–1953) Article 370 was drafted in the Indian constitution
Indian constitution
granting special autonomous status to the state of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir, as per Instrument of Accession. This article specifies that the State must concur in the application of laws by Indian parliament, except those that pertain to Communications, Defence and Foreign Affairs. Central Government could not exercise its power to interfere in any other areas of governance of the state. Sheikh Abdullah
Sheikh Abdullah
took oath as Prime Minister of the state on 17 March 1948. In 1949, the Indian government
Indian government
obliged Hari Singh
Hari Singh
to leave Jammu and Kashmir
Kashmir
and yield the government to Sheikh Abdullah. Karan Singh, the son of the erstwhile Maharajah Hari Singh
Hari Singh
was made the Sadr-i-Riyasat
Sadr-i-Riyasat
(Constitutional Head of State) and the Governor of the state. Elections
Elections
were held for the Constituent Assembly of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir in 1951, with 75 seats allocated for the Indian administered part of Kashmir, and 25 seats left reserved for the Pakistan
Pakistan
administered part. Sheikh Abdullah's National Conference won all 75 seats in a rigged election.[165][166] In October 1951, Jammu
Jammu
& Kashmir National Conference under the leadership of Sheikh Abdullah
Sheikh Abdullah
formed the Constituent Assembly of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
to formulate the Constitution of the state. Sheikh initially wanted the Constituent Assembly to decide the State's accession. But this was not agreed to by Nehru, who stated that such "underhand dealing" would be very bad, as the matter was being decided by the UN.[167] Sheikh Abdullah
Sheikh Abdullah
was said to have ruled the state in an undemocratic and authoritarian manner during this period.[168] According to historian Zutshi, in the late 1940s, most Kashmiri Muslims in Indian Kashmir
Kashmir
were still debating the value of the state's association with India
India
or Pakistan. By the 1950s, she says, the National Conference government's repressive measures and the Indian state's seeming determination to settle the state's accession to India without a reference to the people of the state brought Kashmiri Muslims to extol the virtues of Pakistan
Pakistan
and condemn India's high-handedness in its occupation of the territory, and even those who had been in India's favour began to speak in terms of the state's association with Pakistan.[169] In early 1949, an agitation was started by Jammu
Jammu
Praja Parishad, a Hindu
Hindu
nationalist party which was active in the Jammu
Jammu
region, over the ruling National Conference's policies. The government swiftly suppressed it by arresting as many as 294 members of the Praja Parishad including Prem Nath Dogra, its president. Though Sheikh's land reforms were said to have benefited the people of rural areas, Praja Parishad opposed the 'Landed Estates Abolition Act', saying it was against the Indian Constitutional rights, for implementing land acquisition without compensation. Praja Parishad also called for the full integration with the rest of India, directly clashing with the demands of National Conference for complete autonomy of the state. On 15 January 1952, students staged a demonstration against the hoisting of the state flag alongside the Indian Union flag. They were penalised, giving rise to a big procession on 8 February. The military was called out and a 72-hour curfew imposed. N. Gopalaswami Ayyangar, the Indian Central Cabinet minister in charge of Kashmir
Kashmir
affairs, came down to broker peace, which was resented by Sheikh Abdullah.[170][166] In order to break the constitutional deadlock, Nehru invited the National Conference to send a delegation to Delhi. The '1952 Delhi Agreement' was formulated to settle the extent of applicability of the Indian Constitution to the Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
and the relation between the State and Centre. It was reached between Nehru and Abdullah on 24 July 1952. Following this, the Constituent Assembly abolished the monarchy in Kashmir, and adopted an elected Head of State
Head of State
(Sadr-i Riyasat). However, the Assembly was reluctant to implement the remaining measures agreed to in the Delhi
Delhi
Agreement.[171][172] In 1952, Sheikh Abdullah
Sheikh Abdullah
drifted from his previous position of endorsing accession to India
India
to insisting on the self-determination of Kashmiris.[173] The Praja Parishad undertook a civil disobedience campaign for a third time in November 1952, which again led to repression by the state government. The Parishad accused Abdullah of communalism (sectarianism), favouring the Muslim
Muslim
interests in the state and sacrificing the interests of the others. The Jana Sangh joined hands with the Hindu
Hindu
Mahasabha and Ram Rajya Parishad
Ram Rajya Parishad
to launch a parallel agitation in Delhi. In May 1953, Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, a prominent Indian leader of the time and the founder of Hindu
Hindu
nationalist party Bharatiya Jana Sangh
Bharatiya Jana Sangh
(later evolved as BJP), made a bid to enter Jammu and Kashmir
Kashmir
after denying to take a permit, citing his rights as an Indian citizen to visit any part of the country. Abdullah prohibited his entry and promptly arrested him when he attempted. An estimated 10,000 activists were imprisoned in Jammu, Punjab and Delhi, including Members of Parliament. Unfortunately, Mukherjee died in detention on 23 June 1953, leading to an uproar in whole India
India
and precipitating a crisis that went out of control.[174][171] Observers state that Abdullah became upset, as he felt, his "absolute power" was being compromised in India.[175] Meanwhile, Nehru's pledge of a referendum to people of Kashmir
Kashmir
did not come into action. Sheikh Abdullah
Sheikh Abdullah
advocated complete independence and had allegedly joined hands with US to conspire against India.[176] On 8 August 1953, Sheikh Abdullah
Sheikh Abdullah
was dismissed as Prime Minister by the Sadr-i-Riyasat
Sadr-i-Riyasat
Karan Singh
Karan Singh
on the charge that he had lost the confidence of his cabinet. He was denied the opportunity to prove his majority on the floor of the house. He was also jailed in 1953 while Sheikh's dissident deputy, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad
Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad
was appointed as the new Prime Minister of the state.[177] Period of integration and rise of Kashmiri nationalism (1954–1974)

From all the information I have, 95 per cent of Kashmir
Kashmir
Muslims do not wish to be or remain Indian citizens. I doubt therefore the wisdom of trying to keep people by force where they do not wish to stay. This cannot but have serious long-term political consequences, though immediately it may suit policy and please public opinion. — Jayaprakash Narayan’s letter to Nehru, May 1, 1956.[178]

Bakshi Mohammad implemented all the measures of the '1952 Delhi Agreement'.[179] In May 1954, as a subsequent to the Delhi agreement,[180] The Constitution (Application to Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir) Order, 1954, is issued by the President of India
India
under Article 370, with the concurrence of the Government of the State of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir. In that order, the Article 35A is added to the Constitution of India
India
to empower the  Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir state's legislature to define “permanent residents” of the state and provide special rights and privileges to those permanent residents.[181] On 15 February 1954, under the leadership of Bakshi Mohammad, the Constituent Assembly of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
ratified the state's accession to India.[182][183] On 17 November 1956, the Constitution of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
was adopted by the Assembly and it came into full effect on 26 January 1957.[184] On 24 January 1957, the UN passed a resolution stating that the decisions of the Constituent Assembly would not constitute a final disposition of the State, which needs to be carried out by a free and impartial plebiscite.[185] After the overthrow of Sheikh Abdullah, his lieutenant Mirza Afzal Beg formed the Plebiscite
Plebiscite
Front on 9 August 1955 to fight for the plebiscite demand and the unconditional release of Sheikh Abdullah. The activities of the Plebiscite
Plebiscite
Front eventually led to the institution of the infamous Kashmir
Kashmir
Conspiracy Case in 1958 and two other cases. On 8 August 1958, Abdullah was arrested on the charges of these cases.[186] India's Home Minister, Pandit Govind Ballabh Pant, during his visit to Srinagar
Srinagar
in 1956, declared that the State of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
was an integral part of India
India
and there could be no question of a plebiscite to determine its status afresh, hinting that India
India
would resist plebiscite efforts from then on.[187] After the mass unrest due to missing of holy relic from the Hazratbal Shrine on 27 December 1963, the State Government dropped all charges in the Kashmir
Kashmir
Conspiracy Case as a diplomatic decision, on 8 April 1964. Sheikh Abdullah
Sheikh Abdullah
was released and returned to Srinagar
Srinagar
where he was accorded a great welcome by the people of the valley. After his release he was reconciled with Nehru. Nehru requested Sheikh Abdullah to act as a bridge between India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
and make President Ayub to agree to come to New Delhi
Delhi
for the talks for a final solution of the Kashmir
Kashmir
problem. President Ayub Khan also sent telegrams to Nehru and Sheikh Abdullah
Sheikh Abdullah
with the message that as Pakistan
Pakistan
too was a party to the Kashmir
Kashmir
dispute any resolution of the conflict without its participation would not be acceptable to Pakistan. Sheikh Abdullah went to Pakistan
Pakistan
in the spring of 1964. President Ayub Khan of Pakistan
Pakistan
held extensive talks with him to explore various avenues for solving the Kashmir
Kashmir
problem and agreed to come to Delhi
Delhi
in mid June for talks with Nehru as suggested by him. Even the date of his proposed visit was fixed and communicated to New Delhi. However, while Abdullah was still in Pakistan, news came of the sudden death of Nehru on 27 May 1964. The peace initiative died with Nehru.[188] After Nehru's death in 1964, Abdullah was interned from 1965 to 1968 and exiled from Kashmir
Kashmir
in 1971 for 18 months. The Plebiscite
Plebiscite
Front was also banned. This was allegedly done to prevent him and the Plebiscite
Plebiscite
Front which was supported by him, from taking part in elections in Kashmir.[189] On 21 November 1964, the Articles 356 and 357 of the Indian Constitution were extended to the state, by virtue of which the Central Government can assume the government of the State and exercise its legislative powers. On 24 November 1964, the Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir Assembly passed a constitutional amendment changing the elected post of Sadr-i-Riyasat
Sadr-i-Riyasat
to a centrally-nominated post of "Governor" and renaming "Prime Minister" to "Chief Minister", which is regarded as the "end of the road" for the Article 370, and the Constitutional autonomy guaranteed by it.[184] On 3 January 1965, prior to 1967 Assembly elections, the Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
National Conference dissolved itself and merged into the Indian National Congress, as a marked centralising strategy.[190] After Indo-Pakistani War of 1965, Kashmiri nationalists Amanullah Khan and Maqbool Bhat, along with Hashim Qureshi, in 1966, formed another Plebiscite
Plebiscite
Front in Azad Kashmir
Kashmir
with an armed wing called the National Liberation Front (NLF), with the objective of freeing Kashmir from Indian occupation and then liberating the whole of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir. Later in 1976, Maqbool Bhat
Maqbool Bhat
is arrested on his return to the Valley. Amanullah Khan
Amanullah Khan
moved to England and there NLF was renamed Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
Liberation Front (JKLF). Shortly after 1965 war, Kashmiri Pandit
Kashmiri Pandit
activist and writer, Prem Nath Bazaz wrote that the overwhelming majority of Kashmir's Muslims were unfriendly to India
India
and wanted to get rid of the political setup, but did not want to use violence for this purpose. He added : "It would take another quarter century of repression and generation turnover for the pacifist approach to yield decisively as armed struggle, qualifying Kashmiris
Kashmiris
as 'reluctant secessionists'."[191] In 1966 the Indian opposition leader Jayaprakash wrote to Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi
Indira Gandhi
that India
India
rules Kashmir
Kashmir
by force.[191] Revival of National Conference (1975–1983) In 1971, the declaration of Bangladesh's independence was proclaimed on 26 March by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and subsequently the Bangladesh Liberation War broke out in erstwhile East Pakistan
Pakistan
between Pakistan and Bangladesh
Bangladesh
which was later joined by India, and subsequently war broke out on the western border of India
India
between India
India
and Pakistan, both of which culminated in the creation of Bangladesh. It is said that, Sheikh Abdullah, watching the alarming turn of events in the subcontinent, realized that for the survival of the region, there was an urgent need to stop pursuing confrontational politics and promoting solution of issues by a process of reconciliation and dialogue. Critics of Sheikh hold the view that he gave up the cherished goal of plebiscite for gaining Chief Minister's chair. He started talks with the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi
Indira Gandhi
for normalizing the situation in the region and came to an accord with her, called 1975 Indira-Sheikh accord, by giving up the demand for a plebiscite in lieu of the people being given the right to self-rule by a democratically elected Government (as envisaged under article 370 of the Constitution of India), rather than the "puppet government" which is said to have ruled the state till then.[192] Sheikh Abdullah revived the National Conference, and Mirza Afzal Beg's Plebiscite Front was dissolved in the NC. Sheikh assumed the position of Chief Minister of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
again after 11 years. Later in 1977, the Central Government and the ruling Congress Party withdrew its support so that the State Assembly had to be dissolved and mid term elections called. Sheikh's party National Conference won a majority (47 out of 74 seats) in the subsequent elections, on the pledge to restore Jammu and Kashmir's autonomy, and Sheikh Abdullah
Sheikh Abdullah
was re-elected as Chief Minister. The 1977 Assembly election is regarded as the first "free and fair" election in the Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
state.[193][194][195] He remained as Chief Minister of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
till his death in 1982. Later his eldest son Farooq Abdullah
Farooq Abdullah
succeeded him as the Chief Minister of the state. During the 1983 Assembly elections, Indira Gandhi
Indira Gandhi
campaigned aggressively, raising the bogey of a ' Muslim
Muslim
invasion' in the Jammu region because of the Resettlement Bill, passed by the then NC government, which gave Kashmiris
Kashmiris
who left for Pakistan
Pakistan
between 1947 and 1954 the right to return, reclaim their properties and resettle. On the other hand, Farooq Abdullah
Farooq Abdullah
allied with the Mirwaiz Maulvi Mohammed Farooq for the elections and charged that the state's autonomy had been eroded by successive Congress Party governments. The strategies yielded dividends and the Congress won 26 seats, while the NC secured 46. Barring an odd constituency, all victories of the Congress were in the Jammu
Jammu
and Ladakh
Ladakh
regions, while NC swept the Kashmir
Kashmir
Valley. This election is said to have cemented the political polarization on religious lines in the Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir state.[196][197] After the results of the 1983 election, the Hindu
Hindu
nationalists in the state were demanding stricter central government control over the state whereas Kashmir's Muslims wanted to preserve the state's autonomy. Islamic fundamentalist groups clamoured for a plebiscite. Maulvi Farooq challenged the contention that there was no longer a dispute on Kashmir. He said that the people's movement for plebiscite would not die even though India
India
thought it did when Sheikh Abdullah died.[197] In 1983, learned men of Kashmiri politics testified that Kashmiris
Kashmiris
had always wanted to be independent. But the more serious-minded among them also realised that this is not possible, considering Kashmir's size and borders.[197] According to professor Mridu Rai, for three decades Delhi's handpicked politicians in Kashmir
Kashmir
had supported the State's accession to India
India
in return for generous disbursements from Delhi. Rai states that the state elections were conducted in Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir, but except for the 1977 and 1983 elections no state election was fair.[198] Kashmiri Pandit
Kashmiri Pandit
activist Prem Nath Bazaz wrote that if free elections were held, the majority of seats would be won by those not friendly to India.[191] Rise of the separatist movement and Islamism (1984–1986) Increasing anti-Indian protests took place in Kashmir
Kashmir
in the 1980s. The Soviet-Afghan jihad and the Islamic Revolution in Iran were becoming sources of inspiration for large numbers of Kashmiri Muslim youth. The state authorities responded with increasing use of brute force to simple economic demands. Both the pro-Independence Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
Liberation Front (JKLF) and the pro- Pakistan
Pakistan
Islamist groups including JIJK mobilised the fast growing anti-Indian sentiments among the Kashmiri population.[199] 1984 saw a pronounced rise in terrorist violence in Kashmir. When Kashmir
Kashmir
Liberation Front militant Maqbool Bhat was executed in February 1984, strikes and protests by Kashmiri nationalists broke out in the region. Large numbers of Kashmiri youth participated in widespread anti India
India
demonstrations, which faced heavy handed reprisals by Indian state forces.[200][201] Critics of the then Chief Minister, Farooq Abdullah, charged that Abdullah was losing control. His visit to Pakistan
Pakistan
administered Kashmir
Kashmir
became an embarrassment, where according to Hashim Qureshi, he shared a platform with Kashmir
Kashmir
Liberation Front. Though Abdullah asserted that he went on behalf of Indira Gandhi
Indira Gandhi
and his father, so that sentiments there could "be known first hand", few people believed him. There were also allegations that he had allowed Khalistan terrorist groups to train in Jammu
Jammu
province, although those allegations were never proved. On July 2, 1984, Ghulam Mohammad Shah, who had support from Indira Gandhi, replaced his brother-in-law Farooq Abdullah
Farooq Abdullah
and became the chief minister of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir, after Abdullah was dismissed, in what was termed as a political "coup".[201] In 1986 some members of the JKLF crossed over to Pakistan
Pakistan
to receive arms training but the Jamaat Islami Jammu
Jammu
Kashmir, which saw Kashmiri nationalism as contradicting Islamic universalism and its own desire for merging with Pakistan, did not support the JKLF movement. As late as that year, Jamaat member Syed Ali Shah Geelani, who later became a supporter of Kashmir’s armed revolt, urged that the solution for the Kashmir
Kashmir
issue be arrived at through peaceful and democratic means.[202] To achieve its goal of self-determination for the people of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
the Jamaat e Islami's stated position was that the Kashmir
Kashmir
issues be resolved through constitutional means and dialogue.[203] Shah's administration, which did not have the people's mandate, turned to Islamists and opponents of India, notably the Molvi Iftikhar Hussain Ansari, Mohammad Shafi Qureshi and Mohinuddin Salati, to gain some legitimacy through religious sentiments. This gave political space to Islamists who previously lost overwhelmingly, allegedly due to massive rigging,[204] in the 1983 state elections.[201] In 1986, Shah decided to construct a mosque within the premises of an ancient Hindu
Hindu
temple inside the New Civil Secretariat area in Jammu
Jammu
to be made available to the Muslim
Muslim
employees for 'Namaz'. People of Jammu
Jammu
took to streets to protest against this decision, which led to a Hindu-Muslim clash.[205] On his return to Kashmir
Kashmir
valley in February 1986, Gul Shah retaliated and incited the Kashmiri Muslims by saying Islam
Islam
khatrey mein hey (trans. Islam
Islam
is in danger). As a result, communal violence gripped the region, in which Hindus were targeted, especially the Kashmiri pandits, who later in the year 1990, fled the valley in large numbers. During the Anantnag
Anantnag
riot in February 1986, although no Hindu was killed, many houses and other properties belonging to Hindus were looted, burnt or damaged.[206][207] An investigation of Anantnag
Anantnag
riots revealed that members of the 'secular parties' in the state, rather than the Islamists, had played a key role in organising the violence to gain political mileage through religious sentiments. Shah called in the army to curb the violence, but it had little effect. His government was dismissed on March 12, 1986, by the then Governor Jagmohan following communal riots in south Kashmir. This led Jagmohan to rule the state directly. Jagmohan is said to have failed to distinguish between the secular forms and Islamist expressions of Kashmiri identity, and hence saw that identity as a threat. This failure was exploited by the Islamists of the valley, who defied the ' Hindu
Hindu
nationalist' policies implemented during Jagmohan's tenure, and thereby gained momentum. The political fight was hence being portrayed as a conflict between "Hindu" New Delhi
Delhi
(Central Government), and its efforts to impose its will in the state, and "Muslim" Kashmir, represented by political Islamists and clerics.[208] Jagmohan's pro- Hindu
Hindu
bias in the administration led to an increase in the appeal of the Muslim
Muslim
United Front.[209] Post-1987 insurgency in Indian administered Kashmir 1987 state elections Main article: Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
Legislative Assembly election, 1987 An alliance of Islamic parties organized into Muslim
Muslim
United Front (MUF) to contest the 1987 state elections.[210] Culturally, the growing emphasis on secularism led to a backlash with Islamic parties becoming more popular.[211] MUF's election manifesto stressed the need to solve all outstanding issues according to the Simla
Simla
agreement, work for Islamic unity and against political interference from the centre. Their slogan was wanting the law of the Quran in the Assembly.[212] There was highest recorded participation in this election. Eighty per cent of the people in the Valley voted. MUF received victory in only 4 of the contested 43 electoral constituencies despite its high vote share of 31 per cent (this means that its official vote in the Valley was larger than one-third). The elections were widespreadly believed to have been rigged by the ruling party National Conference, allied with the Indian National Congress.[213][214][215][216] In the absence of rigging, commentators believe that the MUF could have won fifteen to twenty seats, a contention admitted by the National Conference leader Farooq Abdullah.[217][218] Scholar Sumantra Bose, on the other hand. opines that the MUF would have won most of the constituencies in the Kashmir
Kashmir
Valley.[219] BBC
BBC
reported that Khem Lata Wukhloo, who was a leader of the Congress party at the time, admitted the widespread rigging in Kashmir. He stated:

"I remember that there was a massive rigging in 1987 elections. The losing candidates were declared winners. It shook the ordinary people's faith in the elections and the democratic process."[220]

1989 popular insurgency and militancy Main article: Insurgency in Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir

In the years since 1990, the Kashmiri Muslims and the Indian government have conspired to abolish the complexities of Kashmiri civilization. The world it inhabited has vanished: the state government and the political class, the rule of law, almost all the Hindu
Hindu
inhabitants of the valley, alcohol, cinemas, cricket matches, picnics by moonlight in the saffron fields, schools, universities, an independent press, tourists and banks. In this reduction of civilian reality, the sights of Kashmir
Kashmir
are redefined: not the lakes and Mogul gardens, or the storied triumphs of Kashmiri agriculture, handicrafts and cookery, but two entities that confront each other without intermediary: the mosque and the army camp. — British journalist James Buchan[221]

In 1989, a widespread popular and armed insurgency[222][223] started in Kashmir. After the 1987 state legislative assembly election, some of the results were disputed. This resulted in the formation of militant wings and marked the beginning of the Mujahadeen
Mujahadeen
insurgency, which continues to this day.[224] India
India
contends that the insurgency was largely started by Afghan mujahadeen who entered the Kashmir valley following the end of the Soviet-Afghan War.[225] Yasin Malik, a leader of one faction of the Jammu
Jammu
Kashmir
Kashmir
Liberation Front, was one of the Kashmiris
Kashmiris
to organise militancy in Kashmir, along with Ashfaq Majeed Wani, Javaid Ahmad Mir, and Abdul Hamid Sheikh. Since 1995, Malik has renounced the use of violence and calls for strictly peaceful methods to resolve the dispute. Malik developed differences with one of the senior leaders, Farooq Siddiqui (alias Farooq Papa), for shunning demands for an independent Kashmir
Kashmir
and trying to cut a deal with the Indian Prime Minister. This resulted in a split in which Bitta Karate, Salim Nanhaji, and other senior comrades joined Farooq Papa.[226][227] Pakistan
Pakistan
claims these insurgents are Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir citizens, and are rising up against the Indian army as part of an independence movement. Amnesty International
Amnesty International
has accused security forces in Indian-controlled Kashmir
Kashmir
of exploiting an Armed Forces ( Special
Special
Powers) Act that enables them to "hold prisoners without trial". The group argues that the law, which allows security forces to detain individuals for up to two years without presenting charges violates prisoners' human rights.[228][229] In 2011, the state humans right commission said it had evidence that 2,156 bodies had been buried in 40 graves over the last 20 years.[229] The authorities deny such accusations. The security forces say the unidentified dead are militants who may have originally come from outside India. They also say that many of the missing people have crossed into Pakistan-administered Kashmir
Kashmir
to engage in militancy.[229] However, according to the state human rights commission, among the identified bodies 574 were those of "disappeared locals", and according to Amnesty International's annual human rights report (2012) it was sufficient for "belying the security forces' claim that they were militants".[230] India
India
claims these insurgents are Islamic terrorist groups from Pakistan-administered Kashmir
Kashmir
and Afghanistan, fighting to make Jammu and Kashmir
Kashmir
a part of Pakistan.[229][231] They claim Pakistan
Pakistan
supplies munitions to the terrorists and trains them in Pakistan. India
India
states that the terrorists have killed many citizens in Kashmir
Kashmir
and committed human rights violations whilst denying that their own armed forces are responsible for human rights abuses. On a visit to Pakistan
Pakistan
in 2006, former Chief Minister of Kashmir
Kashmir
Omar Abdullah
Omar Abdullah
remarked that foreign militants were engaged in reckless killings and mayhem in the name of religion.[232] The Indian government
Indian government
has said militancy is now on the decline.[when?][18] The Pakistani government calls these insurgents "Kashmiri freedom fighters", and claims that it provides them only moral and diplomatic support, although India[233] believes they are Pakistan-supported terrorists from Pakistan
Pakistan
Administered Kashmir. In October 2008, President Asif Ali Zardari
Asif Ali Zardari
of Pakistan
Pakistan
called the Kashmir
Kashmir
separatists "terrorists" in an interview with The Wall Street Journal.[234] These comments sparked outrage amongst many Kashmiris, some of whom defied a curfew imposed by the Indian army to burn him in effigy.[235] In 2008, pro-separatist leader Mirwaiz Umar Farooq told the Washington Post that there has been a "purely indigenous, purely Kashmiri"[17] peaceful protest movement alongside the insurgency in Indian-administered Kashmir
Kashmir
since 1989. The movement was created for the same reason as the insurgency and began after the disputed election of 1987. According to the United Nations, the Kashmiris
Kashmiris
have grievances with the Indian government, specifically the Indian military, which has committed human rights violations.[17][18][236] In 1994, the NGO International Commission of Jurists
International Commission of Jurists
sent a fact finding mission to Kashmir. The ICJ mission concluded that the right of self-determination to which the peoples of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
became entitled as part of the process of partition had neither been exercised nor abandoned, and thus remained exercisable.[237] It further stated that as the people of Kashmir
Kashmir
had a right of self-determination, it followed that their insurgency was legitimate. It, however, did not follow that Pakistan
Pakistan
had a right to provide support for the militants.[238] 1999 Conflict in Kargil

Location of conflict.

Main article: Kargil War In mid-1999, alleged insurgents and Pakistani soldiers from Pakistani Kashmir
Kashmir
infiltrated Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir. During the winter season, Indian forces regularly move down to lower altitudes, as severe climatic conditions makes it almost impossible for them to guard the high peaks near the Line of Control. This practice is followed by both India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
Army. The terrain makes it difficult for both sides to maintain a strict border control over Line of Control. The insurgents took advantage of this and occupied vacant mountain peaks in the Kargil range overlooking the highway in Indian Kashmir
Kashmir
that connects Srinagar
Srinagar
and Leh. By blocking the highway, they could cut off the only link between the Kashmir
Kashmir
Valley and Ladakh. This resulted in a large-scale conflict between the Indian and Pakistani armies. The final stage involved major battles by Indian and Pakistani forces resulting in India
India
recapturing most of the territories[239][240] held by Pakistani forces. Fears of the Kargil War
Kargil War
turning into a nuclear war provoked the then-United States President Bill Clinton
Bill Clinton
to pressure Pakistan
Pakistan
to retreat. The Pakistan
Pakistan
Army withdrew their remaining troops from the area, ending the conflict. India
India
regained control of the Kargil peaks, which they now patrol and monitor all year long. 2000s Al-Qaeda
Al-Qaeda
involvement Main article: Al-Qaeda See also: Allegations of support system in Pakistan
Pakistan
for Osama bin Laden In a 'Letter to American People' written by Osama bin Laden
Osama bin Laden
in 2002, he stated that one of the reasons he was fighting America was because of its support for India
India
on the Kashmir
Kashmir
issue.[241][242] While on a trip to Delhi
Delhi
in 2002, US Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld suggested that Al-Qaeda
Al-Qaeda
was active in Kashmir, though he did not have any hard evidence.[243][244] An investigation by a Christian Science Monitor reporter in 2002 claimed to have unearthed evidence that Al-Qaeda
Al-Qaeda
and its affiliates were prospering in Pakistan-administered Kashmir
Kashmir
with tacit approval of Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence agency (ISI).[245] In 2002, a team comprising Special Air Service
Special Air Service
and Delta Force
Delta Force
personnel was sent into Indian-administered Kashmir
Kashmir
to hunt for Osama bin Laden
Osama bin Laden
after reports that he was being sheltered by the Kashmiri militant group Harkat-ul-Mujahideen.[246] US officials believed that Al-Qaeda
Al-Qaeda
was helping organise a campaign of terror in Kashmir
Kashmir
to provoke conflict between India
India
and Pakistan. Their strategy was to force Pakistan
Pakistan
to move its troops to the border with India, thereby relieving pressure on Al-Qaeda
Al-Qaeda
elements hiding in northwestern Pakistan. US intelligence
US intelligence
analysts say Al-Qaeda
Al-Qaeda
and Taliban
Taliban
operatives in Pakistan-administered Kashmir
Kashmir
are helping terrorists trained in Afghanistan
Afghanistan
to infiltrate Indian-administered Kashmir.[247] Fazlur Rehman Khalil, the leader of the Harkat-ul-Mujahideen, signed al-Qaeda's 1998 declaration of holy war, which called on Muslims to attack all Americans and their allies.[248] In 2006 Al-Qaeda
Al-Qaeda
claim they have established a wing in Kashmir, which worried the Indian government.[249] Indian Army
Indian Army
Lieutenant General H.S. Panag, GOC-in-C Northern Command, told reporters that the army has ruled out the presence of Al-Qaeda
Al-Qaeda
in Indian-administered Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir. He said that there no evidence to verify media reports of an Al-Qaeda
Al-Qaeda
presence in the state. He ruled out Al-Qaeda
Al-Qaeda
ties with the militant groups in Kashmir
Kashmir
including Lashkar-e-Taiba
Lashkar-e-Taiba
and Jaish-e-Mohammed. However, he stated that they had information about Al Qaeda's strong ties with Lashkar-e-Taiba
Lashkar-e-Taiba
and Jaish-e-Mohammed
Jaish-e-Mohammed
operations in Pakistan.[250] While on a visit to Pakistan
Pakistan
in January 2010, US Defense secretary Robert Gates
Robert Gates
stated that Al-Qaeda
Al-Qaeda
was seeking to destabilise the region and planning to provoke a nuclear war between India
India
and Pakistan.[251] In June 2011, a US Drone strike killed Ilyas Kashmiri, chief of Harkat-ul-Jihad al-Islami, a Kashmiri militant group associated with Al-Qaeda.[252][253] Kashmiri was described by Bruce Riedel as a 'prominent' Al-Qaeda
Al-Qaeda
member,[254] while others described him as the head of military operations for Al-Qaeda.[255] Waziristan
Waziristan
had by then become the new battlefield for Kashmiri militants fighting NATO
NATO
in support of Al-Qaeda.[256] Ilyas Kashmiri was charged by the US in a plot against Jyllands-Posten, the Danish newspaper at the center of the Jyllands-Posten
Jyllands-Posten
Muhammad cartoons controversy.[257] In April 2012, Farman Ali Shinwari a former member of Kashmiri separatist groups Harkat-ul-Mujahideen
Harkat-ul-Mujahideen
and Harkat-ul-Jihad al-Islami, was appointed chief of al-Qaeda in Pakistan.[258] Reasons behind the dispute

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The Kashmir
Kashmir
Conflict arose from the Partition of British India
India
in 1947 into modern India
India
and Pakistan. Both countries subsequently made claims to Kashmir, based on the history and religious affiliations of the Kashmiri people. The princely state of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir, which lies strategically in the north-west of the subcontinent bordering Afghanistan
Afghanistan
and China, was formerly ruled by Maharaja
Maharaja
Hari Singh
Hari Singh
under the paramountcy of British India. In geographical and legal terms, the Maharaja
Maharaja
could have joined either of the two new countries. Although urged by the Viceroy, Lord Mountbatten
Lord Mountbatten
of Burma, to determine the future of his state before the transfer of power took place, Singh demurred. In October 1947, incursions by Pakistan
Pakistan
took place leading to a war, as a result of which the state of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
remains divided between India
India
and Pakistan.

Administered by Area Population % Muslim % Hindu % Buddhist % Other

India Kashmir
Kashmir
Valley ~4 million 95% 4% – –

Jammu ~3 million 30% 66% – 4%

Ladakh ~0.25 million 46% – 50% 3%

Pakistan Gilgit-Baltistan ~1 million 99% – – –

Azad Kashmir ~2.6 million 100% – – –

China Aksai Chin – – – – –

Shaksgam Valley – – – – –

Statistics from the BBC
BBC
report "In Depth" 525,000 refugees from Indian-administered Kashmir
Kashmir
migrated to Pakistan and Azad Kashmir
Kashmir
in 1947–48.[259] 226,000 refugees from Pakistan-administered Kashmir
Kashmir
migrated to India and Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
in 1947–48.[259] A minimum of 506,000 people in the Indian Administered Kashmir
Kashmir
valley are internally displaced due to militancy in Kashmir
Kashmir
about half of whom are Hindu
Hindu
pandits CIA Muslims form the majority in the Poonch, Rajouri, Kishtwar, and Doda districts of the Jammu
Jammu
region. Shia
Shia
Muslims make up the majority in the Kargil district
Kargil district
in the Ladakh
Ladakh
region. India
India
does not accept the two-nation theory and considers that Kashmir, despite being a Muslim-majority state, is in many ways an "integral part" of secular India.[260] It is also worth noting that India
India
has a Muslim
Muslim
population close to 177 Million very close to Pakistan
Pakistan
which has a Muslim
Muslim
population of 178 Million.[261] In fact, as per 2001 Census Muslim
Muslim
population in the State of Uttar Pradesh (in India) alone was around 30 million more than Jammu
Jammu
& Kashmir
Kashmir
which is at around 6 million.[262]

Two-thirds of the former princely state of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir, comprising Jammu, the Kashmir
Kashmir
Valley, and the sparsely populated Buddhist
Buddhist
area of Ladakh
Ladakh
are controlled by India
India
while one-third is administered by Pakistan. The latter includes a narrow strip of land called Azad Kashmir
Kashmir
and the Northern Areas, comprising the Gilgit Agency, Baltistan, and the former kingdoms of Hunza and Nagar. Attempts to resolve the dispute through political discussions have been unsuccessful. In September 1965, war again broke out between Pakistan
Pakistan
and India. The United Nations
United Nations
called for another cease-fire, and peace was restored following the Tashkent Declaration
Tashkent Declaration
in 1966, by which both nations returned to their original positions along the demarcated line. After the 1971 war and the creation of independent Bangladesh
Bangladesh
under the terms of the 1972 Simla Agreement
Simla Agreement
between Prime Minister Indira Gandhi
Indira Gandhi
of India
India
and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto
of Pakistan, it was agreed that neither country would seek to alter the cease-fire line in Kashmir, which was renamed as the Line of Control, "unilaterally, irrespective of mutual differences and legal interpretations". Numerous violations of the Line of Control
Line of Control
have occurred, including incursions by insurgents and Pakistani armed forces at Kargil leading to the Kargil war. There have also been sporadic clashes on the Siachen Glacier, where the Line of Control
Line of Control
is not demarcated and both countries maintain forces at altitudes rising to 20,000 ft (6,100 m), with the Indian forces serving at higher altitudes. Indian view

Maharaja
Maharaja
Hari Singh
Hari Singh
signed the Instrument of Accession in October 1947 under which he acceded the State of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
to the Union of India.

India
India
has officially stated that it believes that Kashmir
Kashmir
to be an integral part of India, though the then Prime Minister of India, Manmohan Singh, stated after the 2010 Kashmir
Kashmir
Unrest that his government was willing to grant autonomy to the region within the purview of Indian constitution
Indian constitution
if there was consensus among political parties on this issue.[263][264] The Indian viewpoint is succinctly summarised by Ministry of External affairs, Government of India[265][266] —

India
India
holds that the Instrument of Accession of the State of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
to the Union of India, signed by Maharaja
Maharaja
Hari Singh (erstwhile ruler of the State) on 25 October 1947[267][268] and executed on 27 October 1947[268] between the ruler of Kashmir
Kashmir
and the Governor General of India
India
was a legal act and completely valid in terms of the Government of India
India
Act (1935), Indian Independence Act (1947) as well as under international law and as such was total and irrevocable.[266] The Constituent assembly of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
had unanimously ratified the Maharaja's Instrument of Accession to India
India
and adopted a constitution for the state that called for a perpetual merger of Jammu and Kashmir
Kashmir
with the Union of India. India
India
claims that the constituent assembly was a representative one, and that its views were those of the Kashmiri people at the time.[note 5][269] United Nations
United Nations
Security Council Resolution 1172 tacitly accepts India's stand regarding all outstanding issues between India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
and urges the need to resolve the dispute through mutual dialogue without the need for a plebiscite in the framework of UN Charter.[270][271] United Nations
United Nations
Security Council Resolution 47 cannot be implemented since Pakistan
Pakistan
failed to withdraw its forces from Kashmir, which was the first step in implementing the resolution.[272] India
India
is also of the view that Resolution 47 is obsolete, since the geography and demographics of the region have permanently altered since it adoption.[273] The resolution was passed by United Nations
United Nations
Security Council under Chapter VI of the United Nations
United Nations
Charter and as such is non-binding with no mandatory enforceability, as opposed to resolutions passed under Chapter VII.[274][275] India
India
does not accept the two-nation theory that forms the basis of Pakistan's claims and considers that Kashmir, despite being a Muslim-majority state, is in many ways an "integral part" of secular India.[260] The state of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
was provided with significant autonomy under Article 370 of the Constitution of India.[276] All differences between India
India
and Pakistan, including Kashmir, need to be settled through bilateral negotiations as agreed to by the two countries under the Simla Agreement
Simla Agreement
signed on 2 July 1972.[277]

Additional Indian viewpoints regarding the broader debate over the Kashmir
Kashmir
conflict include –

In a diverse country like India, disaffection and discontent are not uncommon. Indian democracy has the necessary resilience to accommodate genuine grievances within the framework of India's sovereignty, unity, and integrity. The Government of India
India
has expressed its willingness to accommodate the legitimate political demands of the people of the state of Kashmir.[265] Insurgency and terrorism in Kashmir
Kashmir
is deliberately fuelled by Pakistan
Pakistan
to create instability in the region.[278] The Government of India
India
has repeatedly accused Pakistan
Pakistan
of waging a proxy war in Kashmir by providing weapons and financial assistance to terrorist groups in the region.[279][280][281][282] Pakistan
Pakistan
is trying to raise anti- India
India
sentiment among the people of Kashmir
Kashmir
by spreading false propaganda against India.[283] According to the state government of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir, Pakistani radio and television channels deliberately spread "hate and venom" against India to alter Kashmiri opinion.[284] India
India
has asked the United Nations
United Nations
not to leave unchallenged or unaddressed the claims of moral, political, and diplomatic support for terrorism, which were clearly in contravention of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1373. This is a Chapter VII resolution that makes it mandatory for member states to not provide active or passive support to terrorist organisations.[285][286] Specifically, it has pointed out that the Pakistani government continues to support various terrorist organisations, such as Jaish-e-Mohammad and Lashkar-e-Taiba, in direct violation of this resolution.[287] India
India
points out reports by human rights organisations condemning Pakistan
Pakistan
for the lack of civic liberties in Pakistan-administered Kashmir.[283][288] According to India, most regions of Pakistani Kashmir, especially Northern Areas, continue to suffer from lack of political recognition, economic development, and basic fundamental rights.[289] Karan Singh, the son of the last ruler of the princely state of Kashmir
Kashmir
and Jammu, has said that the Instrument of Accession signed by his father was the same as signed by other states. He opined that Kashmir
Kashmir
was therefore a part of India, and that its special status granted by Article 370 of the Indian Constitution stemmed from the fact that it had its own constitution.[290]

According to a poll in an Indian newspaper Indians were keener to keep control of Kashmir
Kashmir
than Pakistanis. 67% of urban Indians want New Delhi
Delhi
to be in full control of Kashmir.[291] Michigan State University
Michigan State University
scholar Baljit Singh, interviewing Indian foreign policy experts in 1965, found that 77 percent of them favoured discussions with Pakistan
Pakistan
on all outstanding problems including the Kashmir
Kashmir
dispute. However, only 17 percent were supportive of holding a plebiscite in Kashmir. The remaining 60 percent were pessimistic of a solution due to a distrust of Pakistan
Pakistan
or a perception of threats to India's internal institutions. They contended that India's secularism was far from stable and the possibility of Kashmir
Kashmir
separating from India
India
or joining Pakistan
Pakistan
would endanger Hindu– Muslim
Muslim
relations in India.[292] In 2008, the death toll from the last 20 years was estimated by Indian authorities to be over 47,000.[293] In 2017 India's Union Home Minister, Rajnath Singh, demanded that Pakistan
Pakistan
desist from demanding a plebiscite in Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir, saying: 'If at all a referendum is required, it is needed in Pakistan, where people should be asked whether they want to continue in Pakistan or are demanding the country's merger with India'.[294] Pakistani view

Map of Kashmir
Kashmir
as drawn by the Government of Pakistan

Pakistan
Pakistan
maintains that Kashmir
Kashmir
is the "jugular vein of Pakistan"[295][not in citation given] and a currently disputed territory whose final status must be determined by the people of Kashmir. Pakistan's claims to the disputed region are based on the rejection of Indian claims to Kashmir, namely the Instrument of Accession. Pakistan
Pakistan
insists that the Maharaja
Maharaja
was not a popular leader, and was regarded as a tyrant by most Kashmiris. Pakistan maintains that the Maharaja
Maharaja
used brute force to suppress the population.[296] Pakistan
Pakistan
claims that Indian forces were in Kashmir
Kashmir
before the Instrument of Accession was signed with India, and that therefore Indian troops were in Kashmir
Kashmir
in violation of the Standstill Agreement, which was designed to maintain the status quo in Kashmir (although India
India
was not signatory to the Agreement, which was signed between Pakistan
Pakistan
and the Hindu
Hindu
ruler of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir).[297][298] From 1990 to 1999, some organisations reported that the Indian Armed Forces, its paramilitary groups, and counter-insurgent militias were responsible for the deaths of 4,501 Kashmiri civilians. During the same period, there were records of 4,242 women between the ages of 7–70 being raped.[299][300] Similar allegations were also made by some human rights organisations.[301] In short, Pakistan
Pakistan
holds that –

The popular Kashmiri insurgency demonstrates that the Kashmiri people no longer wish to remain within India. Pakistan
Pakistan
suggests that this means that Kashmir
Kashmir
either wants to be with Pakistan
Pakistan
or independent.[302] According to the two-nation theory, one of the principles that is cited for the partition that created India
India
and Pakistan, Kashmir should have been with Pakistan, because it has a Muslim
Muslim
majority. India
India
has shown disregard for the resolutions of the UN Security Council and the United Nations
United Nations
Commission in India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
by failing to hold a plebiscite to determine the future allegiance of the state.[303] The reason for India's disregard of the resolutions of the UN Security Council was given by India's Defense Minister, Kirshnan Menon, who said: " Kashmir
Kashmir
would vote to join Pakistan
Pakistan
and no Indian Government responsible for agreeing to plebiscite would survive.''[304] Pakistan
Pakistan
was of the view that the Maharaja
Maharaja
of Kashmir
Kashmir
had no right to call in the Indian Army, because it held that the Maharaja
Maharaja
of Kashmir was not a hereditary ruler and was merely a British appointee, after the British defeated Ranjit Singh
Ranjit Singh
who ruled the area before the British conquest.[305] Pakistan
Pakistan
has noted the widespread use of extrajudicial killings in Indian-administered Kashmir
Kashmir
carried out by Indian security forces while claiming they were caught up in encounters with militants. These encounters are commonplace in Indian-administered Kashmir. The encounters go largely uninvestigated by the authorities, and the perpetrators are spared criminal prosecution.[306][307] Pakistan
Pakistan
disputes claims by India
India
with reference to the Simla Agreement that UN resolutions on Kashmir
Kashmir
have lost their relevance. It argues that legally and politically, UN Resolutions cannot be superseded without the UN Security Council
UN Security Council
adopting a resolution to that effect. It also maintains the Simla Agreement
Simla Agreement
emphasised exploring a peaceful bilateral outcome, without excluding the role of UN and other negotiations. This is based on its interpretation of Article 1(i) stating "the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations
United Nations
shall govern the relations between the two countries".[308]

Human rights organisations have strongly condemned Indian troops for widespread rape and murder of innocent civilians while accusing these civilians of being militants.[309][310][311]

The Chenab
Chenab
formula was a compromise proposed in the 1960s, in which the Kashmir
Kashmir
valley and other Muslim-dominated areas north of the Chenab river
Chenab river
would go to Pakistan, and Jammu
Jammu
and other Hindu-dominated regions would go to India.[312]

A poll by an Indian newspaper shows 48% of Pakistanis want Islamabad "to take full control" of Kashmir. 47% of Pakistanis support Kashmiri independence.[291] Former Pakistani president General Pervez Musharraf
Pervez Musharraf
on 16 October 2014 said that Pakistan
Pakistan
needs to incite those fighting in Kashmir,[313][314] "We have source (in Kashmir) besides the (Pakistan) army…People in Kashmir
Kashmir
are fighting against (India). We just need to incite them," Musharraf told a TV channel.[313][314] In 2015 Pakistan’s outgoing National Security Advisor Sartaj Aziz said that Pakistan
Pakistan
wished to have third party mediation on Kashmir, but it was unlikely to happen unless by international pressure.[315] "Under Shimla Accord it was decided that India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
would resolve their disputes bilaterally," Aziz said. "Such bilateral talks have not yielded any results for the last 40 years. So then what is the solution?"[315] Chinese view See also: Origins of the Sino-Indian border dispute China states that Aksai Chin
Aksai Chin
is an integral part of China and does not recognise the inclusion of Aksai Chin
Aksai Chin
as part of the Kashmir region.[citation needed]

China did not accept the boundaries of the princely state of Kashmir and Jammu, north of Aksai Chin
Aksai Chin
and the Karakoram
Karakoram
as proposed by the British.[316] China settled its border disputes with Pakistan
Pakistan
under the 1963 Trans Karakoram
Karakoram
Tract with the provision that the settlement was subject to the final solution of the Kashmir
Kashmir
dispute.[317]

Kashmiri views Scholar Andrew Whitehead states that Kashmiris
Kashmiris
view Kashmir
Kashmir
as having been ruled by their own in 1586. Since then, they believe, it has been ruled in succession by the Mughals, Afghans, Sikhs, Dogras and, lately, the Indian government. Whitehead states that this is only partly true: the Mughals lavished much affection and resources on Kashmir, the Dogras made Srinagar
Srinagar
their capital next only to their native Jammu
Jammu
city, and through much of the post-independence India, Kashmiri Muslims headed the state government. Yet Kashmiris
Kashmiris
bear an 'acute sense of grievance' that they were not in control of their own fate for centurues.[318]

A. G. Noorani, a constitutional expert, says the people of Kashmir
Kashmir
are ‘very much’ a party to the dispute.[319] According to an opinion poll conducted by Centre for the Study of Developing Societies in 2007, 87% of people in mainly Muslim
Muslim
Srinagar want independence, whereas 95% of the people in the mainly Hindu
Hindu
Jammu city think the state should be part of India.[320] The Kashmir
Kashmir
Valley is the only region of the former princely state where the majority of the population is unhappy with its current status. The Hindus of Jammu and Buddhists of Ladakh
Ladakh
are content under Indian administration. Muslims of Azad Kashmir
Kashmir
and Northern Areas are content under Pakistani administration. Kashmir
Kashmir
Valley's Muslims want to change their national status to independence.[321] Scholar A.G. Noorani testifies that Kashmiris
Kashmiris
want a plebiscite to achieve freedom.[322] Zutshi states the people of Poonch and Gilgit may have had a chance to determine their future but the Kashmiri was lost in the process.[323] Since the 1947 accession of Kashmir
Kashmir
to India
India
was provisional and conditional on the wishes of the people,[324] the Kashmiris' right to determine their future was recognised.[325] Noorani notes that state elections do not satisfy this requirement.[326] Kashmiris
Kashmiris
assert that except for 1977 and 1983 elections, no state election has been fair.[198] According to scholar Sumantra Bose, India was determined to stop fair elections since that would have meant that elections would be won by those unfriendly to India.[191] The Kashmiri people have still not been able to exercise the right to self-determination and this was the conclusion of the International Commission of Jurists in 1994.[327] Ayesha Parvez writes in The Hindu
Hindu
that high voter turnout in Kashmir cannot be interpreted as a sign of acceptance of Indian rule. Voters vote due to varying factors such as development, effective local governance and economy.[328] The Hurriyat parties do not want to participate in elections under the framework of the Indian Constitution. Elections
Elections
held by India
India
are seen as a diversion from the main issue of self-determination.[329] Kashmiri opponents to Indian rule maintain that India
India
has stationed 600,000 Indian troops in what is the highest ratio of troops to civilian density in the world.[329] Kashmiri scholars say that India's military occupation inflicts violence and humiliation on Kashmiris. Indian forces are responsible for human rights abuses and terror against the local population and have killed tens of thousands of civilians. India's state forces have used rape as a cultural weapon of war against Kashmiris
Kashmiris
and rape has extraordinarily high incidence in Kashmir
Kashmir
as compared to other conflict zones of the world.[330] Militants are also guilty of crimes but their crimes cannot be compared with the scale of abuses by Indian forces for which justice is yet to be delivered.[34] Kashmiri scholars say that India's reneging on promise of plebiscite, violations of constitutional provisions of Kashmir's autonomy and subversion of the democratic process led to the rebellion of 1989–1990.[331] According to scholar Mridu Rai, the majority of Kashmiri Muslims believe they are scarcely better off under Indian rule than the 101 years of Dogra
Dogra
rule.[332] According to lawyer and human rights activist K. Balagopal, Kashmiris have a distinct sense of identity and this identity is certainly not irreligious, as Islam
Islam
is very much a part of the identity that Kashmiris
Kashmiris
feel strongly for. He opined that if only non-religious identities deserve support, then no national self-determination movement can be supported, because there is no national identity  – at least in the Third World –  devoid of the religious dimension. Balagopal says that if India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
cannot guarantee existence and peaceful development of independent Kashmir then Kashmiris
Kashmiris
may well choose Pakistan
Pakistan
because of religious affinity and social and economic links. But if both can guarantee existence and peaceful development then most Kashmiris
Kashmiris
would prefer independent Kashmir.[333][334]

Cross-border troubles See also: Line of Control
Line of Control
and Siachen Conflict The border and the Line of Control
Line of Control
separating Indian and Pakistani Kashmir
Kashmir
passes through some exceptionally difficult terrain. The world's highest battleground, the Siachen Glacier, is a part of this difficult-to-man boundary. Even with 200,000 military personnel,[335] India
India
maintains that it is infeasible to place enough men to guard all sections of the border throughout the various seasons of the year. Pakistan
Pakistan
has indirectly acquiesced its role in failing to prevent "cross-border terrorism" when it agreed to curb such activities[336] after intense pressure from the Bush administration in mid-2002. The Government of Pakistan
Pakistan
has repeatedly claimed that by constructing a fence along the line of control, India
India
is violating the Shimla Accord. India
India
claims the construction of the fence has helped decrease armed infiltration into Indian-administered Kashmir. In 2002, Pakistani President and Army Chief General Pervez Musharraf promised to check infiltration into Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir.[citation needed] Pakistan's relation with militants India
India
has furnished documentary evidence to the United Nations
United Nations
that Pakistan
Pakistan
supports Kashmiri militants, leading to a ban on some terrorist organisations, which Pakistan
Pakistan
has yet to enforce.[citation needed] Former President of Pakistan
Pakistan
and the ex-chief of the Pakistan military Pervez Musharraf, stated in an interview in London, that the Pakistani government indeed helped to form underground militant groups and "turned a blind eye" towards their existence.[337] According to former Indian Prime-minister Manmohan Singh, one of the main reasons behind the conflict was Pakistan's "terror-induced coercion". He further stated at a Joint Press Conference with United States President Barack Obama
Barack Obama
in New Delhi
Delhi
that India
India
is not afraid of resolving all the issues with Pakistan
Pakistan
including that of Kashmir
Kashmir
"but it is our request that you cannot simultaneously be talking and at the same time the terror machine is as active as ever before. Once Pakistan
Pakistan
moves away from this terror-induced coercion, we will be very happy to engage productively with Pakistan
Pakistan
to resolve all outstanding issues."[338] In 2009, the President of Pakistan
Pakistan
Asif Zardari
Asif Zardari
asserted at a conference in Islamabad
Islamabad
that Pakistan
Pakistan
had indeed created Islamic militant groups as a strategic tool for use in its geostrategic agenda and "to attack Indian forces in Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir".[339] Former President of Pakistan
Pakistan
and the ex-chief of the Pakistan
Pakistan
military Pervez Musharraf also stated in an interview that Pakistani government helped to form underground militant groups to fight against Indian troops in Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
and "turned a blind eye" towards their existence because it wanted to force India
India
to enter negotiations.[337] The British Government have formally accepted that there is a clear connection between Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence
Inter-Services Intelligence
(ISI) and three major militant outfits operating in Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir, Lashkar-e-Tayiba, Jaish-e-Mohammed
Jaish-e-Mohammed
and Harkat-ul-Mujahideen.[340][341] The militants are provided with "weapons, training, advice and planning assistance" in Punjab and Kashmir
Kashmir
by the ISI which is "coordinating the shipment of arms from the Pakistani side of Kashmir to the Indian side, where Muslim
Muslim
insurgents are waging a protracted war".[342][343] Throughout the 1990s, the ISI maintained its relationship with extremist networks and militants that it had established during the Afghan war to utilise in its campaign against Indian forces in Kashmir.[344] Joint Intelligence/North
Joint Intelligence/North
(JIN) has been accused of conducting operations in Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
and also Afghanistan.[345] The Joint Signal Intelligence Bureau (JSIB) provide communications support to groups in Kashmir.[345] According to Daniel Benjamin
Daniel Benjamin
and Steven Simon, both former members of the National Security Council, the ISI acted as a "kind of terrorist conveyor belt" radicalising young men in the Madrassas of Pakistan
Pakistan
and delivering them to training camps affiliated with or run by Al-Qaeda
Al-Qaeda
and from there moving them into Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
to launch attacks.[346] Reportedly, about Rs. 24 million are paid out per month by the ISI to fund its activities in Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir.[347] Pro-Pakistani groups were reportedly favoured over other militant groups.[347] Creation of six militant groups in Kashmir, which included Lashkar-e-Taiba
Lashkar-e-Taiba
(LeT), was aided by the ISI.[348][349] According to American Intelligence officials, ISI is still providing protection and help to LeT.[349] The Pakistan
Pakistan
Army and ISI also LeT volunteers to surreptitiously penetrate from Pakistan
Pakistan
Administrated Kashmir
Kashmir
to Jammu and Kashmir.[350] In the past, Indian authorities have alleged several times that Pakistan
Pakistan
has been involved in training and arming underground militant groups to fight Indian forces in Kashmir.[351] Water dispute Another reason for the dispute over Kashmir
Kashmir
is water. Kashmir
Kashmir
is the source of many rivers and tributaries in the Indus River
Indus River
basin. This basin is divided between Pakistan, which has about 60 percent of the catchment area, India
India
with about 20 percent, Afghanistan
Afghanistan
with 5 percent and around 15 percent in China (Tibet autonomous region). The river tributaries are the Jhelum and Chenab
Chenab
rivers, which primarily flow into Pakistan, while other branches—the Ravi, Beas, and the Sutlej—irrigate northern India. The Indus is a river system that sustains communities in India
India
and Pakistan. Both have extensively dammed the Indus River
Indus River
for irrigation of their crops and hydro-electricity systems. In arbitrating the conflict in 1947, Sir Cyril Radcliffe, decided to demarcate the territories as he was unable to give to one or the other the control over the river as it was a main economic resource for both areas. The Line of Control
Line of Control
(LoC) was recognised as an international border establishing that India
India
would have control over the upper riparian and Pakistan
Pakistan
over the lower riparian of the Indus and its tributaries. Despite appearing to be separate issues, the Kashmir
Kashmir
dispute and the dispute over the water control are in reality related and the fight over the water remains one of the main problems in establishing good relations between the two countries. In 1948, Eugene Black, then president of the World Bank, offered his services to solve the tension over water control. In the early days of independence, the fact that India
India
was able to shut off the Central Bari Doab Canals at the time of the sowing season, causing significant damage to Pakistan's crops. Nevertheless, military and political clashes over Kashmir
Kashmir
in the early years of independence appear to have been more about ideology and sovereignty rather than over the sharing of water resources. However, the minister of Pakistan
Pakistan
has stated the opposite.[352] The Indus Waters Treaty was signed by both countries in September 1960, giving exclusive rights over the three western rivers of the Indus river system (Jhelum, Chenab
Chenab
and Indus) to Pakistan, and over the three eastern rivers (Sutlej, Ravi and Beas) to India, as long as this does not reduce or delay the supply to Pakistan. India
India
therefore maintains that they are not willing to break the established regulations and they see no more problems with this issue. Human rights abuses Main article: Human rights abuses in Kashmir Indian administered Kashmir Main article: Human rights abuses in Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir Further information: Rape in the Kashmir
Kashmir
conflict Human rights abuses such as extrajudicial killings and rapes have been committed by Indian forces in Kashmir. Militants have also committed crimes but their crimes pale in comparison to the crimes of Indian forces.[34] Crimes by state forces are done inside Kashmir
Kashmir
Valley which is the location of the present conflict.[353] The 2010 Chatham House
Chatham House
opinion poll of the people of Indian administered Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
found that overall concern, in the entire state, over human rights abuses was 43%.[354] In the surveyed districts of the Muslim
Muslim
majority Kashmir
Kashmir
Valley, where the desire for Independence is strongest,[355] there was a high rate of concern over human rights abuses. (88% in Baramulla, 87% in Srinagar, 73% in Anantnag
Anantnag
and 55% in Badgam).[354] However, in the Hindu
Hindu
majority and Buddhist
Buddhist
majority areas of the state, where pro- India
India
sentiment is extremely strong,[355] concern over human rights abuses was low (only 3% in Jammu
Jammu
expressed concerns over human rights abuses).[354] According to Hon. Edolphus Towns of the American House of Representatives, around 90,000 Kashmiri Muslims have been killed by the Indian government
Indian government
since 1988.[356] Human Rights Watch
Human Rights Watch
says armed militant organizations in Kashmir
Kashmir
have also targeted civilians, although not to the same extent as the Indian security forces.[357] Since 1989, over 50,000 people are claimed to have died during the conflict.[358] Data released in 2011 by Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
government stated that, in the last 21 years, 43,460 people have been killed in the Kashmir
Kashmir
insurgency. Of these, 21,323 are militants, 13,226 civilians killed by militants, 3,642 civilians killed by security forces, and 5,369 policemen killed by militants, according to the Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
government data.[359] Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
Coalition of Civil Society says there have been 70,000 plus killings, a majority committed by the Indian armed forces.[360] Several international agencies and the UN have reported human rights violations in Indian-administered Kashmir. In a 2008 press release the OHCHR spokesmen stated "The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights is concerned about the recent violent protests in Indian-administered Kashmir
Kashmir
that have reportedly led to civilian casualties as well as restrictions to the right to freedom of assembly and expression."[236] A 1996 Human Rights Watch
Human Rights Watch
report accuses the Indian military and Indian-government backed paramilitaries of "committ[ing] serious and widespread human rights violations in Kashmir."[361] Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
Coalition of Civil Society labels the happenings in Kashmir
Kashmir
as war crimes and genocide and have issued a statement that those responsible should be tried in court of law.[360][362] Some of the massacres by security forces include Gawakadal massacre, Zakoora and Tengpora massacre and Handwara massacre. Another such alleged massacre occurred on 6 January 1993 in the town of Sopore. TIME Magazine
TIME Magazine
described the incident as such: "In retaliation for the killing of one soldier, paramilitary forces rampaged through Sopore's market, setting buildings ablaze and shooting bystanders. The Indian government
Indian government
pronounced the event 'unfortunate' and claimed that an ammunition dump had been hit by gunfire, setting off fires that killed most of the victims." [363] A state government inquiry into the 22 October 1993 Bijbehara killings, in which the Indian military fired on a procession and killed 40 people and injured 150, found out that the firing by the forces was 'unprovoked' and the claim of the military that it was in retaliation was 'concocted and baseless'. However, the accused are still to be punished.[364] In its report of September 2006, Human Rights Watch stated:

Indian security forces claim they are fighting to protect Kashmiris from militants and Islamic extremists, while militants claim they are fighting for Kashmiri independence and to defend Muslim
Muslim
Kashmiris
Kashmiris
from an abusive Indian army. In reality, both sides have committed widespread and numerous human rights abuses and violations of international humanitarian law (or the laws of war).[358]

Many human rights organisations such as Amnesty International
Amnesty International
and Human Rights Watch
Human Rights Watch
(HRW) have condemned human rights abuses in Kashmir by Indians such as "extra-judicial executions", "disappearances", and torture.[365] The "Armed Forces Special
Special
Powers Act" grants the military, wide powers of arrest, the right to shoot to kill, and to occupy or destroy property in counterinsurgency operations. Indian officials claim that troops need such powers because the army is only deployed when national security is at serious risk from armed combatants. Such circumstances, they say, call for extraordinary measures. Human rights organisations have also asked the Indian government to repeal[366] the Public Safety Act, since "a detainee may be held in administrative detention for a maximum of two years without a court order."[367] A 2008 report by the United Nations
United Nations
High Commissioner for Refugees determined that Indian Administered Kashmir was only 'partly free'.[368] A recent report by Amnesty International stated that up to 20,000 people have been detained under a law called AFSPA
AFSPA
in Indian-administered Kashmir.[367][365][369][370] Some human rights organisations have alleged that Indian Security forces have killed hundreds of Kashmiris
Kashmiris
through the indiscriminate use of force and torture, firing on demonstrations, custodial killings, encounters and detentions.[371][372][373][374] The government of India
India
denied that torture was widespread[372] and stated that some custodial crimes may have taken place but that "these are few and far between".[372] According to cables leaked by the WikiLeaks website, US diplomats in 2005 were informed by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) about the use of torture and sexual humiliation against hundreds of Kashmiri detainees by the security forces.[375] The cable said Indian security forces relied on torture for confessions and that the human right abuses are believed to be condoned by the Indian government.[376] SHRC also accused Indian army of forced labour.[377] There have been claims of disappearances by the police or the army in Kashmir
Kashmir
by several human rights organisations.[378] Human rights groups in Kashmir
Kashmir
have documented more than three hundred cases of "disappearances" since 1990 but lawyers believe the number to be far higher because many relatives of disappeared people fear reprisal if they contact a lawyer.[379][380][381] In 2016 Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society said there are more than 8000 forced disappearances.[360] State Human Rights Commission (SHRC) has found 2,730 bodies buried into unmarked graves, scattered in three districts — Bandipora, Baramulla, and Kupwara
Kupwara
— of North Kashmir, believed to contain the remains of victims of unlawful killings and enforced disappearances by Indian security forces.[382][383][384][385] SHRC stated that about 574 of these bodies have already been identified as those of disappeared locals.[386] In 2012, the Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
State government stripped its State Information Commission (SIC) department of most powers after the commission asked the government to disclose information about the unmarked graves. This state action was reportedly denounced by the former National Chief Information Commissioner.[387] Amnesty International
Amnesty International
has called on India
India
to "unequivocally condemn enforced disappearances" and to ensure that impartial investigations are conducted into mass graves in its Kashmir region. The Indian state police confirms as many as 331 deaths while in custody and 111 enforced disappearances since 1989.[368][367][365][369] A report from the Indian Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) claimed that the seven people killed in 2000 by the Indian military, were innocent civilians.[388][389][390] The Indian Army
Indian Army
has decided to try the accused in the General Court Martial.[391] It was also reported that the killings that were allegedly committed in "cold-blood" by the Army, were actually in retaliation for the murder of 36 civilians [Sikhs] by militants at Chattisingpora in 2000.[391] The official stance of the Indian Army
Indian Army
was that, according to its own investigation, 97% of the reports about human rights abuses have been found to be "fake or motivated".[392] However, there have been at least one case where civilians have been killed in 'fake encounters' by Indian army personnel for cash rewards.[393] According to a report by Human Rights Watch,

Indian security forces have assaulted civilians during search operations, tortured and summarily executed detainees in custody and murdered civilians in reprisal attacks. Rape most often occurs during crackdowns, cordon-and-search operations during which men are held for identification in parks or schoolyards while security forces search their homes. In these situations, the security forces frequently engage in collective punishment against the civilian population, most frequently by beating or otherwise assaulting residents, and burning their homes. Rape is used as a means of targetting women whom the security forces accuse of being militant sympathizers; in raping them, the security forces are attempting to punish and humiliate the entire community.[394]

The allegation of mass rape incidents as well as forced disappearances are reflected in a Kashmiri short documentary film by an Independent Kashmiri film-maker, the Ocean of Tears produced by a non-governmental non-profit organisation called the Public Service Broadcasting Trust of India
India
and approved by the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting (India). The film depicts mass rape incidents in Kunan Poshpora and Shopian
Shopian
as facts and alleges that Indian Security Forces
Indian Security Forces
were responsible.[395][396] Médecins Sans Frontières
Médecins Sans Frontières
conducted a research survey in 2005 that found 11.6% of the interviewees who took part had been victims of sexual abuse since 1989.[397][398] This empirical study found that witnesses to rape in Kashmir
Kashmir
was comparatively far higher than the other conflict zones such as Sierra Lone and Sri Lanka. 63% of people had heard of rape and 13% of the people had witnessed a rape. Dr Seema Kazi holds the security forces more responsible for raping than militants due to rape by the former being larger in scale and frequency. In areas of militant activity the security forces use rape to destroy morale of Kashmiri resistance.[399] Dr Seema Kazi says these rapes cannot be ignored as rare occurrences nor should be ignored the documented acknowledgement of individual soldiers that they were ordered to rape.[400] Kazi explains rape in Kashmir
Kashmir
as a cultural weapon of war:

In the particular context of Kashmir
Kashmir
where an ethnic Muslim
Muslim
minority population is subject to the repressive dominance of a predominantly Hindu
Hindu
State, the sexual appropriation of Kashmiri women by State security forces exploits the cultural logic of rape whereby the sexual dishonour of individual women is coterminous with the subjection and subordination of Kashmiri men and the community at large.[401]

Former Chief Justice of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
High Court noted in his report on human rights in Kashmir: ''It is hard to escape the conclusion that the security forces who are overwhelmingly Hindu
Hindu
and Sikh, see it as their duty to beat an alien population into submission.''[402] Some surveys have found that in the Kashmir
Kashmir
region itself (where the bulk of separatist and Indian military activity is concentrated), popular perception holds that the Indian Armed Forces
Indian Armed Forces
are more to blame for human rights violations than the separatist groups. Amnesty International criticized the Indian Military regarding an incident on 22 April 1996, when several armed forces personnel forcibly entered the house of a 32-year-old woman in the village of Wawoosa in the Rangreth district of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir. They reportedly molested her 12-year-old daughter and raped her other three daughters, aged 14, 16, and 18. When another woman attempted to prevent the soldiers from attacking her two daughters, she was beaten. Soldiers reportedly told her 17-year-old daughter to remove her clothes so that they could check whether she was hiding a gun. They molested her before leaving the house.[369] According to an op-ed published in a BBC
BBC
journal, the emphasis of the movement after 1989, ″soon shifted from nationalism to Islam.″ It also claimed that the minority community of Kashmiri Pandits, who have lived in Kashmir
Kashmir
for centuries, were forced to leave their homeland.[403] Reports by the Indian government
Indian government
state 219 Kashmiri pandits were killed and around 140,000 migrated due to millitancy while over 3000 remained in the valley.[404][405] The local organisation of Pandits in Kashmir, Kashmir
Kashmir
Pandit Sangharsh Samiti claimed that 399 Kashmiri Pandits
Kashmiri Pandits
were killed by insurgents.[406][407] Al Jazeera
Al Jazeera
states that 650 Pandits were murdered by militants.[408] Human Rights Watch
Human Rights Watch
also blamed Pakistan
Pakistan
for supporting militants in Kashmir, in same 2006 report it says, "There is considerable evidence that over many years Pakistan
Pakistan
has provided Kashmiri militants with training, weapons, funding and sanctuary. Pakistan
Pakistan
remains accountable for abuses committed by militants that it has armed and trained."[358][409][410]

Our people were killed. I saw a girl tortured with cigarette butts. Another man had his eyes pulled out and his body hung on a tree. The armed separatists used a chainsaw to cut our bodies into pieces. It wasn't just the killing but the way they tortured and killed. — A crying old Kashmiri Hindu
Hindu
in refugee camps of Jammu
Jammu
told BBC news reporter[403]

The violence was condemned and labelled as ethnic cleansing in a 2006 resolution passed by the United States Congress.[411] It stated that the Islamic terrorists infiltrated the region in 1989 and began an ethnic cleansing campaign to convert Kashmir
Kashmir
into a Muslim
Muslim
state. According to the same resolution, since then nearly 400,000 Pandits were either murdered or forced to leave their ancestral homes.[412] According to a Hindu
Hindu
American Foundation report, the rights and religious freedom of Kashmiri Hindus have been severely curtailed since 1989, when there was an organised and systematic campaign by Islamist militants to cleanse Hindus from Kashmir. Less than 4,000 Kashmiri Hindus remain in the valley, reportedly living with daily threats of violence and terrorism.[413] Sanjay Tickoo, who heads the KPSS, an organisation which looks after Pandits who remain in the Valley, says the situation is complex. On one hand the community did face intimidation and violence but on the other hand he says there was no genocide or mass murder as suggested by Pandits who are based outside of Kashmir.[408] The displaced Pandits, many of who continue to live in temporary refugee camps in Jammu
Jammu
and Delhi, are still unable to safely return to their homeland.[413] The lead in this act of ethnic cleansing was initially taken by the Jammu
Jammu
& Kashmir
Kashmir
Liberation Front and the Hizbul Mujahideen. According to Indian media, all this happened at the instigation of Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence
Inter-Services Intelligence
(ISI) by a group of Kashmiri terrorist elements who were trained, armed and motivated by the ISI. Reportedly, organisations trained and armed by the ISI continued this ethnic cleansing until practically all the Kashmiri Pandits were driven out after having been subjected to numerous indignities and brutalities such as rape of their women, torture, forcible seizure of property etc.[414] The separatists in Kashmir
Kashmir
deny these allegations. The Indian government is also trying to reinstate the displaced Pandits in Kashmir. Tahir, the district commander of a separatist Islamic group in Kashmir, stated: "We want the Kashmiri Pandits
Kashmiri Pandits
to come back. They are our brothers. We will try to protect them." But the majority of the Pandits, who have been living in pitiable conditions in Jammu, believe that, until insurgency ceases to exist, return is not possible.[403] Mustafa Kamal, brother of Union Minister Farooq Abdullah, blamed security forces, former Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
governor Jagmohan and PDP leader Mufti Sayeed for forcing the migration of Kashmiri Pandits
Kashmiri Pandits
from the Valley.[415] Jagmohan denies these allegations.[403] Pro- India
India
politician Abdul Rashid says Pandits forced the migration on themselves so Muslims can be killed. He says the plan was to leave Muslims alone and bulldoze them freely.[416] The CIA has reported that at least 506,000 people from Indian Administered Kashmir
Kashmir
are internally displaced, about half of who are Hindu
Hindu
Pandits.[417][418] The United Nations
United Nations
Commission on Human Rights (UNCR) reports that there are roughly 1.5 million refugees from Indian-administered Kashmir, the bulk of who arrived in Pakistan-administered Kashmir
Kashmir
and in Pakistan
Pakistan
after the situation on the Indian side worsened in 1989 insurgency.[419]

A soldier guards the roadside checkpoint outside Srinagar International Airport in January 2009.

Pakistan
Pakistan
administered Kashmir Azad Kashmir Main article: Human rights abuses in Azad Kashmir Harvardian Mehboob Makhdoomi writes that human rights violations in Pakistani administered part of Kashmir
Kashmir
are not comparable with human rights violations in Indian administered Kashmir.[420] The 2010 Chatham House
Chatham House
opinion poll of Azad Kashmir's people found that overall concerns about human rights abuses in 'Azad Kashmir' was 19%.[354] The district where concern over human rights abuses was greatest was Bhimber where 32% of people expressed concern over human rights abuses.[354] The lowest was in the district of Sudanhoti where concern over human rights abuses was a mere 5%.[354] Claims of religious discrimination and restrictions on religious freedom in Azad Kashmir
Kashmir
have been made against Pakistan.[421] The country is also accused of systemic suppression of free speech and demonstrations against the government.[421] UNHCR
UNHCR
reported that a number of Islamist militant groups, including al-Qaeda, operate from bases in Pakistani-administered Kashmir
Kashmir
with the tacit permission of ISI[419][421] There have also been several allegations of human rights abuse.[419] In 2006, Human Rights Watch
Human Rights Watch
accused ISI and the military of systemic torture with the purpose of "punishing" errant politicians, political activists and journalists in Azad Kashmir.[422] According to Brad Adams, the Asia director at Human Rights Watch, the problems of human rights abuses in Azad Kashmir
Kashmir
were not "rampant" but they needed to be addressed, and that the severity of human rights issues in Indian-administered Kashmir
Kashmir
were "much, much, much greater".[423] A report titled "Kashmir: Present Situation and Future Prospects", submitted to the European Parliament
European Parliament
by Emma Nicholson, was critical of the lack of human rights, justice, democracy, and Kashmiri representation in the Pakistan
Pakistan
National Assembly.[424] According to the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, Pakistan's ISI operates in Pakistan-administered Kashmir
Kashmir
and is accused of involvement in extensive surveillance, arbitrary arrests, torture, and murder.[421] The 2008 report by the United Nations
United Nations
High Commissioner for Refugees determined that Pakistan-administered Kashmir
Kashmir
was 'not free'.[421] According to Shaukat Ali, chairman of the International Kashmir Alliance, "On one hand Pakistan
Pakistan
claims to be the champion of the right of self-determination of the Kashmiri people, but she has denied the same rights under its controlled parts of Kashmir
Kashmir
and Gilgit-Baltistan".[425] After the 2011 elections, Azad Kashmir
Kashmir
Prime Minister Sardar Attique Ahmad Khan stated that there were mistakes in the voters list which have raised questions about the credibility of the elections.[426] In December 1993, the blasphemy laws of Pakistan
Pakistan
were extended to Pakistan
Pakistan
Administered Kashmir. The area is ruled directly through a chief executive Lt. Gen. Mohammed Shafiq, appointed by Islamabad
Islamabad
with a 26-member Northern Areas Council.[427] UNCR reports that the status of women in Pakistani-administered Kashmir
Kashmir
is similar to that of women in Pakistan. They are not granted equal rights under the law, and their educational opportunities and choice of marriage partner remain "circumscribed". Domestic violence, forced marriage, and other forms of abuse continue to be issues of concern. In May 2007, the United Nations
United Nations
and other aid agencies temporarily suspended their work after suspected Islamists mounted an arson attack on the home of two aid workers after the organisations had received warnings against hiring women. However, honour killings and rape occur less frequently than in other areas of Pakistan.[419] Scholar Sumantra Bose comments that the uprising remained restricted to the Indian side and did not spill over into Pakistani-administered Kashmir
Kashmir
despite a lack of democratic freedoms on the Pakistani side. Bose offers a number of possible explanations for this. Azad Kashmir's strong pro- Pakistan
Pakistan
allegiances and a relatively smaller population are suggested as reasons. But Bose believes that a stronger explanation was that Pakistan
Pakistan
had itself been a military-bureaucratic state for most of its history without stable democratic institutions. According to Bose, the Kashmiri Muslims had higher expectations from India
India
which turned out to be a "moderately successful" democracy and it was in this context that Kashmiri Muslim
Muslim
rage spilled over after the rigging of the elections in 1987.[428] The residents of Azad Kashmir
Kashmir
are also mostly Punjabi, differing in ethnicity from Kashmiris in the Indian administered section of the state.[429] Gilgit-Baltistan The main demand of the people of Gilgit-Baltistan
Gilgit-Baltistan
is constitutional status for the region as a fifth province of Pakistan.[430][431] However, Pakistan
Pakistan
claims that Gilgit-Baltistan
Gilgit-Baltistan
cannot be given constitutional status due to Pakistan's commitment to the 1948 UN resolution.[431][432] In 2007, the International Crisis Group
International Crisis Group
stated that "Almost six decades after Pakistan's independence, the constitutional status of the Federally Administered Northern Areas (Gilgit and Baltistan), once part of the former princely state of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
and now under Pakistani control, remains undetermined, with political autonomy a distant dream. The region's inhabitants are embittered by Islamabad's unwillingness to devolve powers in real terms to its elected representatives, and a nationalist movement, which seeks independence, is gaining ground. The rise of sectarian extremism is an alarming consequence of this denial of basic political rights".[433] A two-day conference on Gilgit-Baltistan
Gilgit-Baltistan
was held on 8–9 April2008 at the European Parliament
European Parliament
in Brussels
Brussels
under the auspices of the International Kashmir
Kashmir
Alliance.[434] Several members of the European Parliament
European Parliament
expressed concern over human rights violations in Gilgit-Baltistan
Gilgit-Baltistan
and urged the government of Pakistan
Pakistan
to establish democratic institutions and the rule of law in the area.[434][435] In 2009, the Pakistani government implemented an autonomy package for Gilgit-Baltistan, which entails rights similar to those of Pakistan’s other provinces.[430] Gilgit-Baltistan
Gilgit-Baltistan
thus gains province-like status without actually being conferred such status constitutionally.[430][432] Direct rule by Islamabad
Islamabad
has been replaced by an elected legislative assembly under a chief minister.[430][432] The 2009 reform has not satisfied locals who demand citizenship rights and it has continued to leave Gilgit Baltistan's constitutional status within Pakistan
Pakistan
undefined; although it has added to the self-identification of the territory. According to Antia Mato Bouzas, the PPP-led Pakistani government had attempted a compromise between its official position on Kashmir
Kashmir
and the demands of a population where the majority may have pro- Pakistan
Pakistan
sentiments.[436] There has been criticism and opposition to this move in Pakistan, India, and Pakistan-administered Kashmir.[437] The move has been dubbed a cover-up to hide the real mechanics of power, which allegedly are under the direct control of the Pakistani federal government.[438] The package was opposed by Pakistani Kashmiri politicians who claimed that the integration of Gilgit-Baltistan
Gilgit-Baltistan
into Pakistan
Pakistan
would undermine their case for the independence of Kashmir
Kashmir
from India.[439] 300 activists from Kashmiri groups protested during the first Gilgit-Baltistan
Gilgit-Baltistan
legislative assembly elections, with some carrying banners reading "Pakistan's expansionist designs in Gilgit-Baltistan are unacceptable"[431] In December 2009, activists from nationalist Kashmiri groups staged a protest in Muzaffarabad
Muzaffarabad
to condemn the alleged rigging of elections and the killing of an 18-year-old student.[440] Map issues

United Nations' map of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir

As with other disputed territories, each government issues maps depicting their claims in Kashmir
Kashmir
territory, regardless of actual control. Due to India's Criminal Law Amendment Act, 1961, it is illegal in India
India
to exclude all or part of Kashmir
Kashmir
from a map (or to publish any map that differs from those of the Survey of India).[441] It is illegal in Pakistan
Pakistan
not to include the state of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
as disputed territory, as permitted by the United Nations. Non-participants often use the Line of Control
Line of Control
and the Line of Actual Control as the depicted boundaries, as is done in the CIA World Factbook, while the region is often marked out in hashmarks. When Microsoft
Microsoft
released a map in Windows 95 and MapPoint 2002, a controversy arose because it did not show all of Kashmir
Kashmir
as part of India
India
as per the Indian claim. All neutral and Pakistani companies claim to follow the UN's map and over 90% of all maps containing the territory of Kashmir
Kashmir
show it as disputed territory.[442] Recent developments

Kashmir
Kashmir
Solidarity Day on every 5 February is celebrated in Pakistan. This banner was hung in Islamabad, Pakistan

India
India
continues to assert its sovereignty or rights over the entire region of Kashmir, while Pakistan
Pakistan
maintains that it is a disputed territory. Pakistan
Pakistan
argues that the status quo cannot be considered as a solution and further insists on a UN-sponsored plebiscite. Unofficially, the Pakistani leadership has indicated that they would be willing to accept alternatives such as a demilitarised Kashmir, if sovereignty of Azad Kashmir
Kashmir
was to be extended over the Kashmir valley, or the "Chenab" formula, by which India
India
would retain parts of Kashmir
Kashmir
on its side of the Chenab
Chenab
river, and Pakistan
Pakistan
the other side—effectively re-partitioning Kashmir
Kashmir
on communal lines. The problem with the proposal is that the population of the Pakistan-administered portion of Kashmir
Kashmir
is for the most part ethnically, linguistically, and culturally different from the Valley of Kashmir, a part of Indian-administered Kashmir. Partition based on the Chenab
Chenab
formula is opposed by some Kashmiri politicians, although others, including Sajjad Lone, have suggested that the non- Muslim
Muslim
part of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
be separated from Kashmir
Kashmir
and handed to India. Some political analysts say that the Pakistan
Pakistan
state policy shift and mellowing of its aggressive stance may have to do with its total failure in the Kargil War
Kargil War
and the subsequent 9/11 attacks. These events put pressure on Pakistan
Pakistan
to alter its position on terrorism.[443] Many neutral parties to the dispute have noted that the UN resolution on Kashmir
Kashmir
is no longer relevant.[444] The European Union holds the view that the plebiscite is not in Kashmiris' interest.[445] The report notes that the UN conditions for such a plebiscite have not been, and can no longer be, met by Pakistan.[446] The Hurriyat Conference observed in 2003 that a "plebiscite [is] no longer an option".[447] Besides the popular factions that support one or other of the parties, there is a third faction which supports independence and withdrawal of both India
India
and Pakistan. These have been the respective stands of the parties for a long while, and there have been no significant changes over the years. As a result, all efforts to solve the conflict have so far proved futile. Revelations made on 24 September 2013 by the former Indian army chief General V. K. Singh claim that the state politicians of Jammu and Kashmir
Kashmir
are funded by the army secret service to keep the general public calm and that this activity has been going on since Partition.[448][449] In a 2001 report entitled "Pakistan's Role in the Kashmir
Kashmir
Insurgency" from the American RAND
RAND
Corporation, the think tank noted that "the nature of the Kashmir
Kashmir
conflict has been transformed from what was originally a secular, locally based struggle (conducted via the Jammu Kashmir
Kashmir
Liberation Front – JKLF) to one that is now largely carried out by foreign militants and rationalized in pan-Islamic religious terms." The majority of militant organisations are composed of foreign mercenaries, mostly from the Pakistani Punjab.[450] In 2010, with the support of its intelligence agencies, Pakistan
Pakistan
again 'boosted' Kashmir
Kashmir
militants, and recruitment of mujahideen in the Pakistani state of Punjab has increased.[451][452] In 2011, the FBI revealed that Pakistan's spy agency ISI paid millions of dollars into a United States-based non-governmental organisation to influence politicians and opinion-makers on the Kashmir
Kashmir
issue and arrested Syed Ghulam Nabi Fai.[453] The Freedom in the World 2006
Freedom in the World 2006
report categorised Indian-administered Kashmir
Kashmir
as "partly free", and Pakistan-administered Kashmir, as well as the country of Pakistan, as "not free".[454] India
India
claims that contrary to popular belief, a large proportion of the Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
populace wishes to remain with India. A MORI survey found that within Indian-administered Kashmir, 61% of respondents said they felt they would be better off as Indian citizens, with 33% saying that they did not know, and the remaining 6% favouring Pakistani citizenship. However, this support for India
India
was mainly in the Ladakh
Ladakh
and Jammu regions, not the Kashmir
Kashmir
Valley, where only 9% of the respondents said that they would be better off with India.[455] According to a 2007 poll conducted by the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies in New Delhi, 87% of respondents in the Kashmir
Kashmir
Valley prefer independence over union with India
India
or Pakistan.[456] However, a survey by Chatham House
Chatham House
in both Indian and Pakistani administered Kashmir found that support for independence stood at 43% and 44% respectively.[457] The 2005 Kashmir
Kashmir
earthquake, which killed over 80,000 people, led to India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
finalising negotiations for the opening of a road for disaster relief through Kashmir. Efforts to end the crisis

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The 9/11 attacks on the United States resulted in the US government wanting to restrain militancy in the world, including Pakistan. They urged Islamabad
Islamabad
to cease infiltrations, which continue to this day, by Islamist militants into Indian-administered Kashmir. In December 2001, a terrorist attack on the Indian Parliament linked to Pakistan resulted in war threats, massive troop deployments, and international fears of a nuclear war in the subcontinent. After intensive diplomatic efforts by other countries, India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
began to withdraw troops from the international border on 10 June 2002, and negotiations restarted.[citation needed] From 26 November 2003, India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
agreed to maintain a ceasefire along the undisputed international border, the disputed Line of Control, and Actual Ground Position Line
Actual Ground Position Line
near the Siachen glacier. This was the first such "total ceasefire" declared by both powers in nearly 15 years. In February 2004, Pakistan
Pakistan
increased pressure on Pakistanis fighting in Indian-administered Kashmir
Kashmir
to adhere to the ceasefire. Their neighbours launched several other mutual confidence-building measures. Restarting the bus service between the Indian- and Pakistani- administered Kashmir
Kashmir
has helped defuse tensions between the countries while both India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
have decided to co-operate on economic fronts. In 2005, General Musharraf as well as other Pakistani leaders sought to resolve the Kashmir
Kashmir
issue through the Chenab
Chenab
Formula road map. Based on the 'Dixon Plan', the Chenab
Chenab
Formula assigns Ladakh
Ladakh
to India, Gilgit-Baltistan
Gilgit-Baltistan
(G-B) to Pakistan, proposes a plebiscite in the Kashmir
Kashmir
Valley and splits Jammu
Jammu
into two-halves.[458] On 5 December 2006, Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf
Pervez Musharraf
told an Indian TV channel that Pakistan
Pakistan
would give up its claim on Kashmir
Kashmir
if India
India
accepted some of his peace proposals, including a phased withdrawal of troops, self-governance for locals, no changes in the borders of Kashmir, and a joint supervision mechanism involving India, Pakistan, and Kashmir.[459] Musharraf stated that he was ready to give up the United Nations' resolutions regarding Kashmir.[460] 2008 militant attacks In the week of 10 March 2008, 17 people were wounded when a blast hit the region's only highway overpass located near the civil secretariat—the seat of government of Indian-controlled Kashmir—and the region's high court. A gun battle between security forces and militants fighting against Indian rule left five people dead and two others injured on 23 March 2008. The battle began when security forces raided a house on the outskirts of the capital city of Srinagar
Srinagar
housing militants. The Indian Army
Indian Army
has been carrying out cordon-and-search operations against militants in Indian-administered Kashmir
Kashmir
since the violence broke out in 1989. While the authorities say 43,000 people have been killed in the violence, various human rights groups and non-governmental organisations have put the figure at twice that number.[461] According to the Government of India
India
Home Ministry, 2008 was the year with the lowest civilian casualties in 20 years, with 89 deaths, compared to a high of 1,413 in 1996.[462] In 2008, 85 security personnel died compared to 613 in 2001, while 102 militants were killed. The human rights situation improved, with only one custodial death, and no custodial disappearances. Many analysts say Pakistan's preoccupation with jihadis within its own borders explains the relative calm.[463] 2008 Kashmir
Kashmir
protests Main article: Amarnath land transfer controversy Massive demonstrations occurred after plans by the Indian-administered Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
state government to transfer 100 acres (0.40 km2) of land to a trust which runs the Hindu
Hindu
Amarnath shrine in the Muslim-majority Kashmir
Kashmir
valley.[464] This land was to be used to build a shelter to house Hindu
Hindu
pilgrims temporarily during their annual pilgrimage to the Amarnath temple. Such demonstrations have been aloof of the fact that the India
India
government very regularly undertakes activities for upliftment of Muslim
Muslim
community (as a secular government)and very regularly donates lands and other properties to the systemized Waqf Boards.[465][466] Indian security forces and the Indian army responded quickly to keep order. More than 40 unarmed protesters were killed[467][468] and at least 300 were detained.[469] The largest protests saw more than a half million people waving Pakistani flags and crying for freedom at a rally on 18 August, according to Time magazine.[470] Pro-independence Kashmiri leader Mirwaiz Umar Farooq warned that the peaceful uprising could lead to an upsurge in violence if India's heavy-handed crackdown on protests was not restrained.[471] The United Nations expressed concern at India's response to peaceful protests and urged investigations be launched against Indian security personnel who had taken part in the crackdown.[236] Separatists and political party workers were believed to be behind stone-throwing incidents, which have led to retaliatory fire from the police.[472][473] An autorickshaw laden with stones meant for distribution was seized by the police in March 2009. Following the unrest in 2008, secessionist movements got a boost.[474][475] 2008 Kashmir
Kashmir
elections Main article: Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
state assembly elections, 2008 State elections were held in Indian administered Kashmir
Kashmir
in seven phases, starting on 17 November and finishing on 24 December 2008. In spite of calls by separatists for a boycott, an unusually high turnout of more than 60% was recorded.[476][477] The National Conference party, which was founded by Sheikh Abdullah
Sheikh Abdullah
and is regarded as pro-India, emerged with a majority of the seats.[478] On 30 December, the Congress Party and the National Conference agreed to form a coalition government, with Omar Abdullah
Omar Abdullah
as Chief Minister.[479] On 5 January 2009, Abdullah was sworn in as the eleventh Chief Minister of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir.[480] In March 2009, Abdullah stated that only 800 militants were active in the state and out of these only 30% were Kashmiris.[481] 2009 Kashmir
Kashmir
protests In 2009, protests started over the alleged rape and murder of two young women in Shopian
Shopian
in South Kashmir. Suspicion pointed towards the police as the perpetrators. A judicial enquiry by a retired High Court official confirmed the suspicion, but a CBI enquiry reversed their conclusion. This gave fresh impetus to popular agitation against India. Significantly, the unity between the separatist parties was lacking this time.[482] 2010 Kashmir
Kashmir
Unrest Main article: 2010 Kashmir
Kashmir
Unrest The 2010 Kashmir
Kashmir
unrest was series of protests in the Muslim
Muslim
majority Kashmir
Kashmir
Valley in Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
which started in June 2010. These protests involved the 'Quit Jammu
Jammu
Kashmir
Kashmir
Movement' launched by the Hurriyat Conference led by Syed Ali Shah Geelani and Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, who had called for the complete demilitarisation of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir. The All Parties Hurriyat Conference made this call to protest, citing human rights abuses by Indian troops.[483][not specific enough to verify] Chief Minister Omar Abdullah
Omar Abdullah
attributed the 2010 unrest to the fake encounter staged by the military in Machil. Protesters shouted pro-independence slogans, defied curfews, attacked security forces with stones and burnt police vehicles and government buildings.[484][485] The Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
Police and Indian para-military forces fired live ammunition on the protesters, resulting in 112 deaths, including many teenagers. The protests subsided after the Indian government
Indian government
announced a package of measures aimed at defusing the tensions in September 2010.[486] 2014 Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
Elections Main article: Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
Legislative Assembly election, 2014 The Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
Legislative Assembly election, 2014 was held in Indian state of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
in five phases from 25 November – 20 December 2014. Despite repeated boycott calls by separarist Hurriyat leaders,[487] elections recorded highest voters turnout in last 25 years, that is more than 65% which is more than usual voting percentage in other states of India.[26][27][28] Phase wise voting percentage is as follow:

Voting phases in 2014 Jammu
Jammu
& Kashmir
Kashmir
Assembly Elections

J & K 2014 elections voters turnout

Date Seats Turnout

Tuesday 25 November 15 71.28%

Tuesday 2 December 18 71%

Tuesday 9 December 16 58.89%

Sunday 14 December 18 49%

Saturday 20 December 20 76%

Total 87 65.23%

Source:[488][489][490][491][492]

The European Parliament, on the behalf of European Union, welcomed the smooth conduct of the State Legislative Elections
Elections
in the Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir.[493] The EU in its message said: "The high voter turnout figure proves that democracy is firmly rooted in India. The EU would like to congratulate India
India
and its democratic system for conduct of fair elections, unmarred by violence, in the state of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir".[493][494][495] The European Parliament
European Parliament
also takes cognizance of the fact that a large number of Kashmiri voters turned out despite calls for the boycott of elections by certain separatist forces.[494] October 2014 In October 2014, Indian and Pakistani troops traded gunfire over their border in the divided Himalayan region of Kashmir, killing at least four civilians and worsening tensions between the longtime rivals, officials on both sides have said. The small-arms and mortar exchanges – which Indian officials called the worst violation of a 2003 ceasefire – left 18 civilians wounded in India
India
and another three in Pakistan. Tens of thousands of people fled their homes on both sides after the violence erupted on 5 October. Official reports state that nine civilians in Pakistan
Pakistan
and seven in India
India
were killed in three nights of fighting.[496] July 2016 Main article: 2016 Kashmir
Kashmir
unrest On 8 July 2016, a popular militant leader Burhan Muzaffar Wani was cornered by the security forces and killed. Following his death, protests and demonstrations have taken root leading to an "amplified instability" in the Kashmir
Kashmir
valley. Curfews have been imposed in all 10 districts of Kashmir
Kashmir
and over 40 civilians died and over 2000 injured in clashes with the police.[497][498][499] More than 600 have pellet injuries who may lose their eyesight. To prevent volatile rumours, cellphone and internet services have been blocked, and newspapers have also been restricted in many parts of the state.[500] September 2016 Main article: 2016 Uri attack An attack by four militants on an Indian Army
Indian Army
base on 18 September 2016, also known as the 2016 Uri attack, resulted in the death of 19 soldiers as well as the militants themselves. Although no-one claimed responsibility for the attack, the militant group Jaish-e-Mohammed
Jaish-e-Mohammed
was suspected of involvement by the Indian authorities.[501] The Indians were particularly shaken by the event which they blamed on Islamabad. Response took various forms, including the postponement of the 19th SAARC summit, asking the Russian government to call off a joint military exercise with Pakistan,[502] and the Indian Motion Picture Producers Association decision to suspend work with Pakistan. On the Pakistani side, military alertness was raised and some Pakistan International Airlines flights suspended. The Pakistani government "denied any role in cross-border terrorism, and called on the United Nations and the international community to investigate atrocities it alleged have been committed by the security forces in Indian-ruled Kashmir".[503] United States positions on the Kashmir
Kashmir
conflict

In an interview with Joe Klein of Time magazine
Time magazine
in October 2008, Barack Obama
Barack Obama
expressed his intention to try to work with India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
to resolve the crisis.[504] He said he had talked to Bill Clinton about it, as Clinton has experience as a mediator. In an editorial in The Washington Times, Selig S Harrison,[505] director of the Asia Programme at the Center for International Policy and a senior scholar of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars called it Obama's first foreign policy mistake.[506] In an editorial, The Australian called Obama's idea to appoint a presidential negotiator "a very stupid and dangerous move indeed".[507] In an editorial in Forbes, Reihan Salam, associate editor for The Atlantic, noted "The smartest thing President Obama could do on Kashmir
Kashmir
is probably nothing. We have to hope that India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
can work out their differences on Kashmir
Kashmir
on their own".[508] The Boston Globe
The Boston Globe
called the idea of appointing Bill Clinton
Bill Clinton
as an envoy to Kashmir
Kashmir
"a mistake".[509] President Obama subsequently appointed Richard Holbrooke as special envoy to Pakistan
Pakistan
and Afghanistan.[510] President Asif Ali Zardari
Asif Ali Zardari
hoped that Holbrooke would help mediate to resolve the Kashmir
Kashmir
issue.[511] Kashmir
Kashmir
was later removed from Holbrooke's mandate.[512] "Eliminating ... Kashmir
Kashmir
from his job description ... is seen as a significant diplomatic concession to India
India
that reflects increasingly warm ties between the country and the United States," The Washington Post
Washington Post
noted in a report.[513] Brajesh Mishra, India's former national security adviser, was quoted in the same report as saying that "No matter what government is in place, India
India
is not going to relinquish control of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir". "That is written in stone and cannot be changed."[514] According to The Financial Times, India has warned Obama that he risks "barking up the wrong tree" if he seeks to broker a settlement between Pakistan
Pakistan
and India
India
over Kashmir.[515]

In July 2009, US Assistant Secretary of State Robert O. Blake, Jr. stated that the United States had no plans to appoint any special envoy to settle the dispute, calling it an issue which needed to be sorted out bilaterally by India
India
and Pakistan.[516] According to Dawn this will be interpreted in Pakistan
Pakistan
as an endorsement of India's position on Kashmir
Kashmir
that no outside power has any role in this dispute.[517]

In 2002, former US President, Bill Clinton
Bill Clinton
described Kashmir
Kashmir
as "the most dangerous place in the world."[518] He averted a nuclear war between India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
over the issue of Kashmir
Kashmir
according to former US Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott. Talbott reveals in his book Engaging India: Diplomacy, Democracy and the Bomb that India and Pakistan
Pakistan
came very close to a nuclear war in 1999.[519] According to Talbott, before Clinton met with Prime Minister of Pakistan, Nawaz Sharif in 1999 to discuss the issue, US national security adviser Sandy Berger
Sandy Berger
told Clinton that he could be heading into "the single most important meeting with a foreign leader of his entire presidency".[520]

India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
conducted nuclear tests in 1998 and the two countries each hold significant numbers of nuclear warheads.[521] India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
fought two wars over the issue of Kashmir
Kashmir
in 1947 and 1965. These two neighbours came dangerously close to a third war during the Kargil conflict in 1999.[522] Issues surrounding plebiscite UN Resolution

The United Nations
United Nations
Security Council Resolution 47 was passed by United Nations Security Council under chapter VI of UN Charter.[523] Resolutions passed under Chapter VI of UN charter are considered non binding and have no mandatory enforceability as opposed to the resolutions passed under Chapter VII.[524][525][526][527] On 24 January 1957 the UN Security Council
UN Security Council
reaffirmed the 1948 resolution.The Security Council, reaffirming its previous resolution to the effect, "that the final disposition of the state of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
will be made in accordance with the will of the people expressed through the democratic method of a free and impartial plebiscite conducted under the auspices of United Nations," further declared that any action taken by the Constituent Assembly formed in Kashmir
Kashmir
" would not constitute disposition of the state in accordance with the above principles."[528] In March 2001, the then Secretary-General of the United Nations, Kofi Annan during his visit to India
India
and Pakistan, remarked that Kashmir resolutions are only advisory recommendations and comparing with those on East Timor
East Timor
and Iraq
Iraq
was like comparing apples and oranges, since those resolutions were passed under chapter VII, which make it enforceable by UNSC.[529][530][531][532][533][534] In 2003, then Pakistan
Pakistan
President Pervez Musharraf
Pervez Musharraf
said Pakistan
Pakistan
was willing to consider alternative bilateral options to resolve the dispute other than solely UN resolutions.[535][536][537] In 2010, United States Ambassador to India, Timothy J. Roemer
Timothy J. Roemer
said that Kashmir
Kashmir
is an 'internal' issue of India
India
and not to be discussed on international level rather it should be solved by bilateral talks between India
India
and Pakistan.[538][539][540][541] He said, "The (US) President ( Barack Obama), I think was very articulate on this issue of Kashmir. This is an internal issue for India."[538][539] India alleges that Pakistan
Pakistan
failed to fulfill the pre-conditions by withdrawing its troops from the Kashmir
Kashmir
region as was required under the same U.N. resolution of 13 August 1948 which discussed the plebiscite.[542][543][544] Separatist
Separatist
Hurriyat leader Syed Ali Shah Geelani said: "First of all when they say Kashmir
Kashmir
is an internal issue, it is against the reality. The issue of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
is an international issue and it should be solved. As long as promises made to us are not fulfilled, this issue will remain unsolved."[545][546]

Instrument of Accession

The Instrument of Accession of the State of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
to the Union of India
India
was signed by Maharaja
Maharaja
Hari Singh, erstwhile ruler, on 25 October 1947 and executed on 27 October 1947 between the ruler of Kashmir
Kashmir
and the Governor-General of India. This was a legal act and completely valid in terms of the Government of India
India
Act 1935, Indian Independence Act 1947 and under international law. Hence the accession of the Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
state was total and irrevocable.[547] The Constituent Assembly of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
had unanimously ratified the Instrument of Accession to India
India
duly adopting a constitution for the state endorsing perpetual merger of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
with the Union of India. The Constituent assembly lawfully represented wish of Kashmiri people at that time.[547] Indian authorities claim that the 65% voter turnout in Kashmir
Kashmir
elections is an endorsement of the "Instrument of Accession" and Indian democracy.[548] Alastair Lamb writes that there is no dispute on the fact that the Instrument of Accession was presented to the world as provisional and conditional on the wishes of the people of the state. Therefore, if the people of Kashmir
Kashmir
were to vote for not staying with India
India
then any document relating to accession signed by the Maharajah would become null and void.[324] Indian commentators have endeavored to argue that the plebiscite proposal was personal to Mountbatten (the plebiscite proposal was not personal to Mountbatten since he was explicitly acting on behalf of his Government), that it was ex gratia and not binding on the subsequent Indian administrations. The actual fact was that the plebiscite policy had long been established before the crisis in Kashmir
Kashmir
and was an inherent part of the process by which British India had been partitioned into the Dominions of India
India
and Pakistan.[324] A.G. Noorani also writes that the accession of Kashmir
Kashmir
to India
India
was strictly conditional. He says that Kashmiri rights for self-determination are not derived from the UN Resolutions but their right is actually engrafted as a condition on the Instrument of Accession. He writes that state elections do not fulfill this condition since Mountbatten mentioned a reference to the people of the state and not 'elections to the Assembly'.[549] According to a 1994 report by the International Commission of Jurists the people of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
still have not been able to exercise their right to self-determination which became available to them at partition.[327]

Article 370

Article 370 of the Indian constitution
Indian constitution
is a provision that grants special autonomous status to Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir. The article is drafted in Part XXI of the Constitution, which relates to Temporary, Transitional and Special
Special
Provisions.[550] Article 370 is the only link that connects Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
to India.[551] To implement a plebiscite in Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
one has to amend or abolish the article 370, which is very complex procedure. The leaders of Kashmir
Kashmir
oppose any such measure.[552][553] Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir
Kashmir
Mufti Muhammad Sayeed
Mufti Muhammad Sayeed
said, "Even Indian Parliament does not have power to scrap Article 370, which grants special status to Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
under Indian constitution."[554] The High Court of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
has ruled that the Article 370 cannot be "abrogated, repealed or even amended." It explained that the clause (3) of the Article conferred power to the State's Constituent Assembly to recommend to the President on the matter of the repeal of the Article. Since the Constituent Assembly did not make such a recommendation before its dissolution in 1957, the Article 370 has taken on the features of a "permanent provision" despite being titled a temporary provision in the Constitution.[555][556] Article 370 has emerged as the biggest obstacle in front of plebiscite because of its complex procedure of amendment and opposition from the leaders of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir.[551][557] Article 370 allows its own death by permitting plebiscite. Article 370 was drafted while negotiations with Pakistan
Pakistan
were still on. When Pakistan
Pakistan
objected to Article 370 at the UN Commission Girija Shankar Bajpai, who was secretary general of Ministry of External Affairs, wrote to UNCIP in 1949 that Article 370 did not preclude plebiscite. Krishna Menon said to the UN Security Council
UN Security Council
in 1957 that if people of Kashmir
Kashmir
voted to not stay with India
India
then India’s duty at that time would be to adopt those constitutional procedures which would enable separation of Kashmir
Kashmir
from India. That procedure is contained in clause 3 of Article 370, a presidential order to declare that the Article 370 will cease to be operative.[558] A G Noorani argues that it is perfectly acceptable for a Kashmiri to contest the elections and recognise the Constitution while remaining committed to plebiscite and Independence and the reason for this is that the Constitution itself leaves the disposition of Kashmir open.[558]

"Nehru's Promise"

After accession of Kashmir
Kashmir
to India
India
in October 1947 then Prime Minister of India
India
Jawaharlal Nehru
Jawaharlal Nehru
made some statements in media and in various telegrams regarding plebiscite in Kashmir.

In telegram No.413 dated 28 October 1947 addressed to Prime Minister of Pakistan, Nehru wrote,[559] "That Government of India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
should make a joint request to U.N.O. to undertake a plebiscite in Kashmir
Kashmir
at the earliest possible date." Nehru's statement in the Indian Parliament, 26 June 1952,[559] "I want to stress that it is only the people of Kashmir
Kashmir
who can decide the future of Kashmir. It is not that we have merely said that to the United Nations
United Nations
and to the people of Kashmir; it is our conviction and one that is borne out by the policy that we have pursued, not only in Kashmir
Kashmir
but every where. "I started with the presumption that it is for the people of Kashmir to decide their own future. We will not compel them. In that sense, the people of Kashmir
Kashmir
are sovereign." In his statement in the Lok Sabha on 31 March 1955 as published in Hindustan Times New Delhi
Delhi
on Ist April, 1955, Pandit Nehru said, " Kashmir
Kashmir
is perhaps the most difficult of all these problems between India
India
and Pakistan. We should also remember that Kashmir
Kashmir
is not a thing to be bandied between India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
but it has a soul of its own and an individuality of its own. Nothing can be done without the goodwill and consent of the people of Kashmir."[560] There was also a White Paper on Kashmir
Kashmir
published by Indian government
Indian government
regarding plebiscite in Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
in 1948.

There are many such instances where Nehru made such remarks regarding plebiscite in Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir.[560] Pakistan
Pakistan
and separatist Hurriyat leaders repeatedly demand that Indian Government should fulfill "Nehru's Promise".[559][561][562] Position of the Indian authorities on "Nehru's Promise": the Indian government takes the position that Nehru himself backed off from his promise in the late 1950s. Although he was Prime Minister for 17 years, he made no serious attempt for a plebiscite. His promises have been taken as a 'good political move'.[563] The reason for not holding plebiscite was given by India's Defense Minister, Krishnan Menon, who said: " Kashmir
Kashmir
would vote to join Pakistan
Pakistan
and no Indian Government responsible for agreeing to plebiscite would survive.''[304] Indian authorities say that Nehru's telegrams and speeches have no legal importance, nor it is compulsory to apply them as they were never passed by the Parliament of India. The white paper on Kashmir also does not have any legal importance as it was published in 1948 while the Constitution of India
India
came into force into 1950 and defined Kashmir
Kashmir
as an integral part of India
India
as well as protecting the 'unity and integrity' of India. Constitution of India
India
doesn't has any provision for plebiscite and 1948 white paper was against Constitution of India
India
so it automatically got abolished.[564] Indian authorities also say that, Nehru is not current Prime Minister of India, and policies are made on the basis of views of current Prime Minister and his cabinet which must get nod by both houses of Parliament of India.[565] Any Prime Minister of India
India
can't make decision of plebiscite unilaterally, bill of plebiscite must be passed in both houses of Parliament of India
India
with a massive 2/3rd majority, then it requires assent by President of India, and if that decision is against Basic structure of Indian Constitution then Supreme Court of India
India
can outlaw or abolish that decision.[565][566] Preamble and article 3 of part 2 of Constitution of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
says ' Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
is and shall be an integral part of the Union of India'. This constitution has been adopted by elected Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
Constituent Assembly in 1956 when Nehru was Prime Minister of India.[567] Daughter of Nehru, Indira Gandhi
Indira Gandhi
and his grandson Rajiv Gandhi
Rajiv Gandhi
were Prime Ministers of India
India
but they themselves never did any attempt to implement their forefather's 'Promise'. Instead Indira Gandhi
Indira Gandhi
made 1975 Indira–Sheikh accord with Sheikh Abdullah
Sheikh Abdullah
which vanished all possibilities of plebiscite.[568]

Constitution of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir

Preamble of Constitution of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
is as written in box.

"WE, THE PEOPLE OF THE STATE OF JAMMU AND KASHMIR, having solemnly resolved, in pursuance of the accession of this State to India
India
which took place on the twenty sixth day of October, 1947, to further define the existing relationship of the State with the Union of India
India
as an integral part thereof, and to secure to ourselves- JUSTICE, social, economic and political; LIBERTY of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship; EQUALITY of status and of opportunity; and to promote among us all; FRATERNITY assuring the dignity of the individual and the unity of the nation; IN OUR CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY this seventeenth day of November, 1956, do HEREBY ADOPT, ENACT AND GIVE TO OURSELVES THIS CONSTITUTION."

-Preamble of Constitution of Jammu
Jammu
& Kashmir.[569]

Article 3 of part 2 of Constitution of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
also says that ' Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
is and shall be an integral part of the Union of India'.[569] Ram Jethmalani, prominent lawyer, former union minister and chairman of Kashmir
Kashmir
Committee said in Nov 2014: "The constitution of this state( Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir) was not formulated by the Constituent Assembly of India, but by its Constituent Assembly of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir. That was a plebiscite. It is the Constituent Assembly of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
which incorporated some provisions of the Indian Constitution. You(Kashmiris) are not living under the constitution of India
India
but under the constitution which was framed by the Constituent Assembly(of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir) which has willingly accepted a part of the Indian constitution, and in a way, enjoyed a plebiscite."[570][571][572] However, the resolutions 91 and 122 passed by United Nations, state that the formation of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir Constituent Assembly, or its activities, would not be considered to be a substitute for a free and impartial plebiscite, which is required for a final disposition of the state.[573][574]

Outlook Survey

In 1995 the first ever opinion poll was conducted in the Kashmir Valley by MODE which had been commissioned by Outlook. Altogether 504 adults (337 men, 176 women) were interviewed in Srinagar, Sopore, Baramulla, Bandipora, and Anantnag
Anantnag
areas.[575] 72% of respondents favoured independence, 19% favoured Pakistan
Pakistan
and only 7% favoured a solution within Indian sovereignty.[575] 80% of respondents said that a free and fair election would definitely not help solve the Kashmir
Kashmir
problem while only 4% said that a free and fair election could help resolve the Kashmir
Kashmir
conflict.[575]

Private Survey

London
London
based leading think tank Royal Institute of International Affairs also known as Chatham House, conducted a survey both in Pakistan
Pakistan
administered Kashmir
Kashmir
and Indian administered Kashimir and released it in its report Kashmir:Paths to Peace in May 2010.[576][577][578][579] It found that 50% of people in Pakistan's side of Kashmir
Kashmir
favoured the accession of the entire state to Pakistan, 44% of people favoured independence, 1% wanted the accession of the entire state to accede to India
India
while 1% favoured the status quo.[580] In the Indian side of Kashmir, 28% of people expressed a desire for the entire state to accede to India, 19% favoured the status quo, 43% wanted independence while 2% said they wanted the entire state to join Pakistan.[581] The survey showed that only 2% of the respondents on the Indian side favoured joining Pakistan
Pakistan
and most such views were confined to Srinagar
Srinagar
and Budgam
Budgam
districts. In six of the districts surveyed late last year by researchers, not a single person favoured annexation with Pakistan, a notion that remains the bedrock for the hardline separatist campaign in Kashmir.[576][579][582] The survey also showed that only 1% of the respondents on the Pakistani side favoured joining India. In four of the seven surveyed districts of Pakistani Kashmir, the option of merging with India
India
found no support while this option had a support rate of only 1–3% in the remaining three districts.[580] However, views are highly poralised in each region. The main area of unrest has always been the predominantly Muslim
Muslim
majority Kashmir Valley, where the support level for Independence varies between 74% to 95% as found by the survey while support for accession with India varies between 2% to 22%.[583] However, Hindu
Hindu
majority Jammu
Jammu
and Buddhist
Buddhist
majority Ladakh
Ladakh
express high levels of satisfaction with Indian rule. This 2010 survey too demonstrated that trend, with more than half the respondents on Indian side saying the elections had improved chances for peace(later in 2014, Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
elections recorded highest percentage of voters turnout).[576][579] Survey said – "These results support the already widespread view that the plebiscite options are likely to offer no solution to the dispute."[576][582] "The results aren't surprising at all. I feel they re-emphasize the need to look beyond traditional positions and evaluate the contours of a solution grounded in today's realities," said Sajjad Lone on this survey, a former ally of the Hurriyat who unsuccessfully contested the 2009 Indian general elections but won in 2014 Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir assembly elections.[576][579]

See also

India
India
portal Pakistan
Pakistan
portal

History of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir United Nations
United Nations
Military Observer Group in India
India
and Pakistan Indian White Paper on Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir All Parties Hurriyat Conference Insurgency in Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir India– Pakistan
Pakistan
relations Indo-Pakistani wars and conflicts

Notes

^ Kashmiri leader Sheikh Abdullah
Sheikh Abdullah
noted in the UN Security Council
UN Security Council
in 1948: "the (plebiscite) offer (was) made by the Prime Minister of India
India
when, I think, he had not the slightest need for making it, for Kashmir
Kashmir
was in distress... The Government of India
India
could have easily accepted the accession and said, "All right, we accept your accession and we shall render this help." There was no necessity for the Prime Minister of India
India
to add the proviso while accepting the accession that " India
India
does not want to take advantage of the difficult situation in Kashmir."(Varshney, Three Compromised Nationalisms 1992, p. 195) ^ Panigrahi, Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir, the Cold War
Cold War
and the West (2009, p. 54) "According to Mir Qasim, Nehru was unwilling to send Indian army. He was insistent that the Government could not send its forces at the request of the Maharaja
Maharaja
"although he wanted to accede to India," unless the accession was endorsed by the people of Kashmir... Sheikh Abduallah who was listening to the debate from an anteroom scribbled a note for Nehru requesting him to send the army to save Kashmir
Kashmir
from the invaders. ^ Snedden, Kashmir
Kashmir
The Unwritten History (2013, pp. 46–47): "[O]n 28 October [1947], The Times, while referring to the anti-Indian 'raiding forces', was still able to identify four elements among the 3,000 or so ' Muslim
Muslim
rebels and tribesmen' in J&K: 1) 'Muslim League agents and agitators from Pakistan'; 2) 'villagers who have raised the Pakistan
Pakistan
flag and attacked Kashmir
Kashmir
officials'; 3) 'Pathan [Pakhtoon] tribesmen'; 4) ' Muslim
Muslim
deserters from Kashmir
Kashmir
State forces who have taken their arms with them'." ^ Snedden, Kashmir
Kashmir
The Unwritten History (2013, p. 68): Nehru informed [the Chief Ministers] that 'the actual tribesmen among the raiders are probably limited in numbers, the rest are ex-servicemen [of Poonch]'. ^ a b c Sayyid Mīr Qāsim. My Life and Times. Allied Publishers Limited. Retrieved 1 July 2010. On the battlefield, the National Conference volunteers were working shoulder-to-shoulder with the Indian army to drive out the invaders. On 31 December 1947, India filed a complaint with the United Nations
United Nations
against the Pakistani aggression and its help to the invading tribesmen. Sheikh Abdullah
Sheikh Abdullah
was not in favor of India
India
seeking the UN intervention because he was sure the Indian army could free the entire State of the invaders. The UNO did not resolve the Kashmir
Kashmir
issue. It called for withdrawal of troops on 21 April 1948. The Indian army had driven the Pakistanis up to Uri in Kashmir
Kashmir
and Poonch in Jammu
Jammu
when ceasefire was ordered in December 1948. Mr. Jinnah, the promoter of this invasion, had died in September of that year. Both India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
accepted the ceasefire.  ^ George Cunningham, the Governor of NWFP, observed: "The tragedy is that Jinnah could, I believe, have got India's agreement to a plebiscite under impartial control, 10 days ago, but as the tribes were then in the ascendant for the time being he thought he would hold out a bit longer for better terms. It looks as if he may now have lost his chance." (Raghavan, War and Peace in Modern India
India
2010, p. 111) ^ Brecher, The Struggle for Kashmir
Kashmir
(1953, p. 92): ' India
India
was "to begin to withdraw the bulk of their forces" only after "the Commission shall have notified (it) that the tribesmen and Pakistan nationals...have withdrawn...and further, that the Pakistan
Pakistan
forces are being withdrawn." Moreover, the withdrawal of Indian forces was to be conducted "in stages to be agreed upon with the Commission," not with Pakistan.' ^ Korbel (1953, p. 502): "Though India
India
accepted the resolution, Pakistan
Pakistan
attached to its acceptance so many reservations, qualifications and assumptions as to make its answer 'tantamount to rejection'." ^ Korbel (1953, pp. 506–507): "When a further Security Council resolution urged the governments of India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
to agree within thirty days on the demilitarization of Kashmir, on the basis of Dr. Graham's recommendation, Pakistan
Pakistan
once more accepted and India
India
once more refused....Dr. Graham met the Indian request for retaining in Kashmir
Kashmir
21,000 men, but continued to propose 6,000 soldiers on the Azad side. Pakistan
Pakistan
could not accept the first provision and India continued to insist on its stand concerning the Azad forces. The meeting, which ended in failure, was accompanied by bitter comments in the newspapers of both India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
about United Nations intervention in the Kashmir
Kashmir
dispute." ^

Korbel (1953, p. 507): "With the hindsight of six years, the Council's approach, though impartial and fair, appears to have been inadequate in that it did not reflect the gravity of the Kashmir situation.... The Security Council did not deal with either of these arguments [India's assumption of the legal validity of the accession and Pakistan's refusal to recognize its validity]. Nor did it consider the possibility of asking the International Court of Justice for an advisory opinion on the juridical aspect of the conflict under Article 96 of the Charter. Nor did it invoke any provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter, which deals with 'acts of aggression'." Subbiah (2004, p. 180): "From the beginning, the Security Council framed the problem as primarily a political dispute rather than looking to a major legal underpinning of the dispute: the Instrument of Accession's validity or lack thereof."

^

Ankit (2013, p. 276): To Cadogan [Britain's permanent representative at the UN], irrespective of "whether forces in question are organised or disorganised or whether they are controlled by, or enjoy the convenience of, Government of Pakistan," India
India
was entitled to take measures for self-defence: repelling invaders, pursuing invaders into Pakistan
Pakistan
under Article 51 of the UN Charter and charging Pakistan
Pakistan
as aggressor under Article 35. Ankit (2013, p. 279): Mountbatten, too, pleaded directly with Attlee along political as well as personal lines: "I am convinced that this attitude of the United States and the United Kingdom is completely wrong and will have far reaching results. Any prestige I may previously have had with my Government has of course been largely lost by my having insisted that they should make a reference to the United Nations
United Nations
with the assurance that they would get a square deal there."

^

Choudhury, Golam (1968). Pakistan's Relations with India: 1947-1966. Praeger. p. 178. Indian leaders...continued to express the hope that partition would ultimately be undone; in particular they envisaged the possibility of annexing East Pakistan. Pakistan's resentment...was confined to a disputed area...when as a result of Indian intransigence the prospects of a peaceful solution of the Kashmir
Kashmir
issue seemed bleak, there were outbursts of anti-Indian feelings in Pakistan...Alleged talk of 'holy war' or Jehad referred to the disputed territory of Kashmir. But in India, leaders, press and even scholars had no hesitation in expressing the hope of undoing the partition and thus annihilating Pakistan.  Choudhury, Golam (1968). Pakistan's Relations with India: 1947-1966. Praeger. p. 175. Most of those quotations related to the period after the signing of the Liaquat-Nehru Agreement of April 8, 1950 under which India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
undertook not to permit propaganda in either country...seeking to incite war between the two countries. The government of Pakistan
Pakistan
initiated twenty-seven complaints of flagrant violation of the Agreement by a number of influential Indian newspapers, but no effective action was taken by the Indian government, the plea being that its scope for action was limited by the India
India
constitution. The Pakistan
Pakistan
government pointed out that, if this were the position, the government of India
India
should not have undertaken an international obligations which it was not in a position to carry out. The government of India
India
made only eight complaints about alleged violation of the Agreement.  Choudhury, Golam (1968). Pakistan's Relations with India: 1947-1966. Praeger. p. 166. Liaquat drew attention to the continuous and blatant propaganda for war against Pakistan, and indeed for the very liquidation of Pakistan, carried on by the Indian press, prominent leaders and political parties which openly adopted as an article of creed the undoing of partition.- which meant nothing but liquidation of Pakistan. No doubt there had been talk of Jehad or liberation of the Muslim
Muslim
population of Kashmir
Kashmir
in Pakistan
Pakistan
but...Pakistan's grievances have always been confined to Kashmir
Kashmir
which...is a disputed territory. It was wrong to construe expressions giving vent to feelings of frustration over the failure of peaceful methods of solution in Kashmir
Kashmir
as a desire for war against India. But, in India, the creation of Pakistan
Pakistan
itself is still regarded as a tragic mistake which ought to be corrected. 

^

Jawaharlal Nehru. Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru, Second series, Vol.23 (1 July 1953-30 September 1953). p. 347. [Quoting Nehru to Karan Singh, 21 August 1953]: Recent events in Kashmir
Kashmir
have had a very powerful reaction in other countries. This is against us completely. I am not referring to Pakistan
Pakistan
which has grown madly hysterical. If this hysteria continued, it would inevitably produce reactions in Kashmir among the pro-Pakistani elements and their sympathisers. The result would be no period of quiet at all and constant trouble. But for some kind of an agreement between us and Pakistan, the matter would inevitably have been raised in the U.N. [United Nations] immediately and they might well have sent down their representative to Kashmir. All this again would have kept the agitation alive and made it grow. In the circumstances, this is a good statement and helps us in trying to get a quieter atmosphere  Altaf Gauhar (24 October 1996). Ayub Khan: Pakistan's first military ruler. Oxford University Press. p. 265. ISBN 978-0-19-577647-8. [Quoting Sheikh Abdullah] The State was then in the grip of a popular agitation and a little pressure from Pakistan
Pakistan
would have helped the resistance movement, but Pakistani Prime Minister, Bogra, decided to fly to New Delhi
Delhi
and embrace Nehru as his `Big Brother', little realising that the Indians were in a particularly vulnerable position at that time and needed to come to a show of understanding with Pakistan
Pakistan
to demoralise the Kashmiris. Pakistan
Pakistan
fell into that trap .

^ Varshney, Three Compromised Nationalisms 1992, p. 216: Independent observers could get no evidence of it. The New York Times found that "most of the prisoners captured thus far do not speak the Kashmiri dialect. They speak... Punjabi and other dialects."... The Washington Post
Washington Post
remarked: "The Moslem Pakistanis, led by President Ayub, had expected the infiltrators to be able to produce a general uprising and this is Ayub's first disappointment."... Once again, it seemed clear that whatever the state of their relationship with India, Kashmiris
Kashmiris
did not wish to embrace Pakistan.

References

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India
to conduct a plebiscite where the accession is disputed and promised on behalf of the Government of India
India
to decide the question of the State accession ‘by a reference to the people’.... This accession was therefore conditional to a plebiscite and limited to defence, communications and external affairs." ^ Kazi, Seema. Kashmir, Gender and Militarization in. Oxford University Press. Kashmir’s accession to India
India
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India
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Kashmir
Roots of Conflict 2003, pp. 27–28. ^ Mridu Rai, Hindu
Hindu
Rulers, Muslim
Muslim
Subjects 2004. ^ John L. Esposito, ed. (2004). "Kashmir". The Islamic World: Past and Present. Oxford University Press. Muslims, however, suffered under Hindu
Hindu
rule.  ^ "Indian Independence Act 1947". UK Legislation. The National Archives. Retrieved 14 September 2015.  ^ Ankit, Rakesh (April 2010), "Pandit Ramchandra Kak: The Forgotten Premier of Kashmir", Epilogue, Epilogue - Jammu
Jammu
Kashmir, 4 (4): 36–39  ^ a b Rakesh Ankit (May 2010). "Henry Scott: The forgotten soldier of Kashmir". Epilogue. 4 (5): 44–49.  ^ a b Raghavan, War and Peace in Modern India
India
2010, p. 106. ^ Raghavan, War and Peace in Modern India
India
2010, pp. 31, 34, 105. ^ Copland, Ian (Feb 1991), "The Princely States, the Muslim
Muslim
League, and the Partition of India
India
in 1947", The International History Review, 13 (1): 38–69, doi:10.1080/07075332.1991.9640572, JSTOR 40106322  ^ Copland, State, Community and Neighbourhood in Princely India
India
2005, p. 143. ^ Raghavan, War and Peace in Modern India
India
2010, pp. 105–106. ^ Nawaz, The First Kashmir
Kashmir
War Revisited 2008, pp. 120–121. ^ Chattha, Partition and its Aftermath 2009, pp. 179–180. ^ Snedden, Kashmir
Kashmir
The Unwritten History 2013, pp. 48–57. ^ Snedden, Kashmir
Kashmir
The Unwritten History 2013, p. 45. ^ Raghavan, War and Peace in Modern India
India
2010, p. 105. ^ Jha, The Origins of a Dispute 2003, p. 47. ^ Raghavan, War and Peace in Modern India
India
2010, p. 108. ^ Jha, The Origins of a Dispute 2003, p. 69. ^ "Rediff on the NeT: An interview with Field Marshal Sam Manekshaw". Rediff.com. Retrieved 24 May 2012.  ^ Varshney, Three Compromised Nationalisms 1992, p. 194. ^ Nyla Ali Khan (15 September 2010). Islam, Women, and Violence in Kashmir: Between India
India
and Pakistan. Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 30–. ISBN 978-0-230-11352-7.  ^ Panigrahi, Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir, the Cold War
Cold War
and the West 2009, p. 54. ^ Guha, India
India
after Gandhi 2008, p. xx. ^ Yaqoob Khan Bangash (2010) Three Forgotten Accessions: Gilgit, Hunza and Nagar, The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 38:1, 132, DOI: 10.1080/03086530903538269 ^ Schofield, Kashmir
Kashmir
in Conflict 2003, pp. 63–64. ^ Bangash, Yaqoob Khan (2010), "Three Forgotten Accessions: Gilgit, Hunza and Nagar", The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 38 (1): 117–143, doi:10.1080/03086530903538269, (Subscription required (help)), Alam replied [to the locals], as recorded by Brown: 'you are a crowd of fools led astray by a madman. I shall not tolerate this nonsense for one instance... And when the Indian Army
Indian Army
starts invading you there will be no use screaming to Pakistan
Pakistan
for help, because you won't get it.'... The provisional government faded away after this encounter with Alam Khan, clearly reflecting the flimsy and opportunistic nature of its basis and support.  ^ Yaqoob Khan Bangash (2010) Three Forgotten Accessions: Gilgit, Hunza and Nagar, The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 38:1, 137, DOI: 10.1080/03086530903538269 ^ Bangash, Yaqoob Khan (9 January 2016). "Gilgit-Baltistan—part of Pakistan
Pakistan
by choice". The Express Tribune. Retrieved 5 January 2017. Nearly 70 years ago, the people of the Gilgit Wazarat revolted and joined Pakistan
Pakistan
of their own free will, as did those belonging to the territories of Chilas, Koh Ghizr, Ishkoman, Yasin and Punial; the princely states of Hunza and Nagar also acceded to Pakistan. Hence, the time has come to acknowledge and respect their choice of being full-fledged citizens of Pakistan.  ^ Chitralekha Zutshi (2004). Languages of Belonging: Islam, Regional Identity, and the Making of Kashmir. C. Hurst & Co. Publishers. pp. 309–. ISBN 978-1-85065-700-2.  ^ Sokefeld, Martin (November 2005), "From Colonialism to Postcolonial Colonialism: Changing Modes of Domination in the Northern Areas of Pakistan", The Journal of Asian Studies, 64 (4): 939–973, doi:10.1017/S0021911805002287  ^ Schofield, Kashmir
Kashmir
in Conflict 2003, pp. 65–67. ^ Fair, Militant Challenge in Pakistan
Pakistan
2011, pp. 107–108. ^ Noorani, The Kashmir
Kashmir
Dispute 2014, pp. 13–14. ^ Schofield, Kashmir
Kashmir
in Conflict 2003, p. 61. ^ Raghavan, War and Peace in Modern India
India
2010, p. 111. ^ Schofield, Kashmir
Kashmir
in Conflict 2003, pp. 67–68. ^ Noorani, A.G. "PLEBISCITE IN KASHMIR: Stillborn or Killed?- Part 1". Greater Kashmir.  ^ Siddiqi, Muhammad Ali. "COVER STORY: The Kashmir
Kashmir
Dispute: 1947–2012 by A.G. Noorani". Dawn.  ^ Schofield, Kashmir
Kashmir
in Conflict 2003, pp. 68–69. ^ " Plebiscite
Plebiscite
Conundrum". Kashmirlibrary.org. 5 January 1949. Retrieved 11 November 2012.  ^ Schofield, Kashmir
Kashmir
in Conflict 2003, p. 70. ^ Varshney, Three Compromised Nationalisms 1992, p. 211. ^ Schofield, Kashmir
Kashmir
in Conflict 2003, pp. 70–71. ^ Schofield, Kashmir
Kashmir
in Conflict 2003, pp. 71–72. ^ Schofield, Kashmir
Kashmir
in Conflict 2003, pp. 82–85. ^ Varshney, Three Compromised Nationalisms 1992, p. 212. ^ Robert J. McMahon (1 June 2010). The Cold War
Cold War
on the Periphery: The United States, India, and Pakistan. Columbia University Press. pp. 34–. ISBN 978-0-231-51467-5.  ^ Jyoti Bhusan Das Gupta (6 December 2012). Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir. Springer. pp. 156–. ISBN 978-94-011-9231-6. At the next meeting the Security Council appointed Sir Owen Dixon
Owen Dixon
as the U.N. representative for India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
on 12 April 1950. He was to implement the McNaughton proposals for the demilitarization of the State.  ^ Josef Korbel (8 December 2015). Danger in Kashmir. Princeton University Press. pp. 168–. ISBN 978-1-4008-7523-8. It called upon India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
'to prepare and execute within a period of five months from the date of this resolution a programme of demilitarization on the basis of principles 2 of General McNaughton's proposal.; It further decided to replace the United Nations
United Nations
Commission by a representative entrusted with arbitrary powers 'to interpret the agreements reached by the parties for demilitarization,' in case they should agree in this most important matter. It also requested this representative to make any suggestions which would in his opinion expedite and offer an enduring solution to the Kashmir
Kashmir
dispute.  ^ Victoria Schofield (30 May 2010). Kashmir
Kashmir
in Conflict: India, Pakistan
Pakistan
and the Unending War. I.B.Tauris. pp. 101–. ISBN 978-0-85773-078-7. On 27 May 1950 the Australian jurist, Sir Owen Dixon, arrived in the sub-continent, as the one man successor to UNCIP...Patel wrote to Nehru that Dixon was working to bring about an agreement on the question of demilitarisation.  ^ Jyoti Bhusan Das Gupta (6 December 2012). Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir. Springer. pp. 160–. ISBN 978-94-011-9231-6. He summed up his impressions in very strong language, sharply taking India
India
to task for its negative attitude towards the various alternative demilitarization proposals.  ^ Snedden, Christopher (2005), "Would a plebiscite have resolved the Kashmir
Kashmir
dispute?", South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, 28 (1): 64–86, doi:10.1080/0085640050005614  ^ Jyoti Bhusan Das Gupta (6 December 2012). Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir. Springer. pp. 161–. ISBN 978-94-011-9231-6. In any case, Pakistan
Pakistan
turned down the proposal on the ground that India's commitment for a plebiscite in the whole of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
should not be departed from.  ^ Josef Korbel (8 December 2015). Danger in Kashmir. Princeton University Press. pp. 173–. ISBN 978-1-4008-7523-8. India, Pakistan
Pakistan
insisted, was committed to a plebiscite in the State of Jammu and Kashmir
Kashmir
as a whole.  ^ Hilal, A.Z. (1997). " Kashmir
Kashmir
dispute and UN mediation efforts: An historical perspective". Small Wars & Insurgencies. 8 (2): 75. This time it was Pakistan
Pakistan
who refused to accept his proposal, arguing that Pakistan
Pakistan
considered it a breach of India's agreement that: 'The destination of the state....as a whole should be decided by a single plebiscite taken over the entire state'.  ^ Christopher Snedden (2005) Would a plebiscite have resolved the Kashmir
Kashmir
dispute?, South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, 28:1, 75, DOI: 10.1080/00856400500056145 ^ Jyoti Bhusan Das Gupta (6 December 2012). Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir. Springer. pp. 161–162. ISBN 978-94-011-9231-6. Troops of both countries were to be excluded from the limited plebiscite area...On 16 August 1950 the Indian Prime Minister rejected the plan for limited plebiscite on the following grounds:...4)The security of the State necessitated the presence of Indian troops and the exclusion of the Pakistani troops from the plebiscite area. India
India
would not depart from that principle. Sir Owen Dixon
Owen Dixon
disagreed with the Indian position. He aired his views that a neutral administration was necessary for a fair plebiscite, that the exclusion of Indian troops...were essential prerequisites of the same.  ^ Bradnock, Robert W. (998), "Regional geopolitics in a globalising world: Kashmir
Kashmir
in geopolitical perspective", Geopolitics, 3 (2): 11, doi:10.1080/14650049808407617, More importantly, Dixon concluded that it was impossible to get India's agreement to any reasonable terms. 'In the end I became convinced that India's agreement would never be obtained to demilitarisation in any such form, or to provisions governing the period of the plebiscite of any such character, as would in my opinion permit of the plebiscite being conducted in conditions sufficiently guarding against intimidation and other forms of influence and abuse by which the freedom and fairness of the plebiscite might be imperilled.  ^ Victoria Schofield (2000). Kashmir
Kashmir
in Conflict: India, Pakistan
Pakistan
and the Unending War. I.B.Tauris. pp. 83–. ISBN 978-1-86064-898-4. Yet again the question of demilitarisation was the sticking point, causing Dixon to conclude: 'In the end I became convinced that India's agreement would never be obtained to demilitarisation in any such form, or to provisions governing the period of the plebiscite of any such character, as would in my opinion permit of the plebiscite being conducted in conditions sufficiently guarding against intimidation and other forms of influence and abuse by which the freedom and fairness of the plebiscite might be imperilled'. Without such demilitarisation, the local 'Azad' and regular Pakistani forces were not prepared to withdraw from the territory they had retained.  ^ Howard B. Schaffer (1 September 2009). The Limits of Influence: America's Role in Kashmir. Brookings Institution
Brookings Institution
Press. pp. 30–. ISBN 978-0-8157-0370-9. The failure of the Dixon mission seems to have sharpened even further Ambassador Henderson's already deep suspicions of Indian motives and good faith. He concluded that growing resentment in India
India
about the allegedly pro-Pakistan attitude of the United States on Kashmir—which he reported had been quietly stimulated by Nehru himself-made it desirable to have Britain and other commonwealth countries take the lead in working out a solution...Washington appears to have heeded the ambassador's advice.  ^ Michael Brecher (1953). The Struggle for Kashmir. Oxford University Press. p. 119.  ^ Michael Brecher (1953). The Struggle for Kashmir. Oxford University Press. p. 120.  ^ Michael Brecher (1953). The Struggle for Kashmir. Oxford University Press. p. 121.  ^ Michael Brecher (1953). The Struggle for Kashmir. Oxford University Press. p. 122.  ^ Michael Brecher (1953). The Struggle for Kashmir. Oxford University Press. p. 123.  ^ Victoria Schofield (30 May 2010). Kashmir
Kashmir
in Conflict: India, Pakistan
Pakistan
and the Unending War. I.B.Tauris. pp. 102–. ISBN 978-0-85773-078-7. The issue was briefly taken up by the Commonwealth, when, in January 1951, at a meeting of Commonwealth prime ministers, Robert Menzies, the Australian prime minister, suggested that Commonwealth troops should be stationed in Kashmir; that a joint Indo–Pakistani force should be stationed there, and to entitle the plebiscite administrator to raise local troops. Pakistan agreed to the suggestions, but India
India
rejected them.  ^ Schofield, Kashmir
Kashmir
in Conflict 2003, p. 83-86. ^ Josef Korbel (8 December 2015). Danger in Kashmir. Princeton University Press. pp. 178–180. ISBN 978-1-4008-7523-8. Pakistan
Pakistan
accepted the resolution. India
India
rejected it, principally because of the new proposal for arbitration. Pandit Nehru and his followers in Kashmir
Kashmir
declared that they would not permit the fate of four million people to be decided by a third person. But this was overclouding the issue. It had never been recommended, nor can one seriously believe that Nehru actually thought it had been, that the final fate of Kashmir
Kashmir
should be decided by a tribunal...It was only the extent and procedure of the state's demilitarization which was to be submitted to arbitration, should the parties again fail to agree. At this point India
India
cannot escape criticism...On one occasion Nehru had thoroughly endorsed a policy proposed by the Indian National Congress...to have all disputes concerning Hindu- Muslim
Muslim
relationship, ″referred to arbitration to the League of Nations...or any other impartial body mutually agreed upon.″ When, however, Liaquat Ali Khan made the more concrete proposal that the Kashmir
Kashmir
dispute be arbitrated...Nehru replied that the Kashmir
Kashmir
dispute was ″a non-justiciable and political issue and cannot be disposed of by reference to a judicial tribunal.″  ^ Zutshi, Languages of Belonging 2004, p. 321. ^ Raghavan, War and Peace in Modern India
India
2010, p. 225. ^ Shankar, Nehru's Legacy in Kashmir
Kashmir
2016, pp. 6–7. ^ Sumit Ganguly (5 January 2002). Conflict Unending: India-Pakistan Tensions Since 1947. Columbia University Press. pp. 24–. ISBN 978-0-231-50740-0.  ^ A.G Noorani, Kashmir: Bridge, not a Battle Ground, Frontline 23, no.6 (30 December 2006) ^ Srinath Raghavan (27 August 2010). War and Peace in Modern India. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 125. ISBN 978-0-230-24215-9.  ^ Sumit Ganguly (5 January 2002). Conflict Unending: India-Pakistan Tensions Since 1947. Columbia University Press. pp. 25–. ISBN 978-0-231-50740-0.  ^ Howard B. Schaffer (1 September 2009). The Limits of Influence: America's Role in Kashmir. Brookings Institution
Brookings Institution
Press. pp. 43–46. ISBN 978-0-8157-0370-9. Bogra...also reneged on his agreement on replacing Admiral Nimitz as plebiscite administrator...Soon after he returned to Karachi, Bogra emphatically denied in a 'fire-side chat' radio broadcast that he had agreed to Nimitz's being replaced...It was only in February 1954, more than five months after he had given notice, that the Pakistanis finally acquiesced in the admiral's departure...Nor would India
India
move toward selecting a new plebiscite administrator before the agreed April 30 deadline even after Pakistan
Pakistan
had consented to Nimitz's replacement by a representative of a small, neutral country.  ^ Howard B. Schaffer (1 September 2009). The Limits of Influence: America's Role in Kashmir. Brookings Institution
Brookings Institution
Press. pp. 46–. ISBN 978-0-8157-0370-9. He was not moved by Eisenhower's assurances of U.S. action against Pakistan
Pakistan
should it misuse American-supplied arms or by the president's offer to entertain an Indian request for U.S. military aid.  ^ Sumit Ganguly (5 January 2002). Conflict Unending: India-Pakistan Tensions Since 1947. Columbia University Press. pp. 25–. ISBN 978-0-231-50740-0.  ^ Shankar, Nehru's Legacy in Kashmir
Kashmir
2016, pp. 12–13. ^ Shankar, Nehru's Legacy in Kashmir
Kashmir
2016, p. 12. ^ Shankar, Nehru's Legacy in Kashmir
Kashmir
2016, p. 6. ^ Noorani, A. G. (1996), "Partition of Kashmir
Kashmir
(Book review of Pauline Dawson, The Peacekeepers of Kashmir: The UN MIlitary Observer Group in India)", Economic and Political Weekly, 32 (5): 271–273, JSTOR 4403745  ^ Crocker, Walter (20 November 2011), Nehru: A Contemporary's Estimate, Random House India, pp. 48–, ISBN 978-81-8400-213-3  ^ Zachariah, Benjamin (2004), Nehru, Routledge, p. 180, ISBN 978-1-134-57740-8  ^ A. G. Noorani wondered whether India
India
"seriously contemplated" plebiscite even in 1948.[125] Australian diplomat Walter Crocker believed that Nehru was never seriously intent on holding a plebiscite and was determined to get out of it.[126] Historian Benjamin Zachariah states that Nehru abandoned the idea of plebiscite by late 1948, but supported it in public till 1954.[127] ^ Schofield, Kashmir
Kashmir
in Conflict 2003, pp. 85, 257. ^ Wilcox, Wayne (1968). "China's strategic alternatives in South Asia". In Bingdi He; Tang Tsou. China in Crisis, Volume 2: China's Policies in Asia and America's Alternatives. University of Chicago Press. pp. 397–398. ISBN 978-0-226-81519-0.  ^ Nick Easen CNN (24 May 2002). "CNN.com – Aksai Chin: China's disputed slice of Kashmir – 24 May 2002". CNN. Retrieved 2 February 2010.  ^ Fair, Militant Challenge in Pakistan
Pakistan
2011, pp. 109–111. ^ Faruqui, Ahmad. "Remembering 6th of September 1965". Pakistan
Pakistan
Link. Archived from the original on 2007-09-30. Retrieved 2007-07-08.  ^ Paul, Asymmetric Conflicts 1994, p. 107. ^ Paul, Asymmetric Conflicts 1994, pp. 115–116. ^ Mankekar, D. R. (1967). Twentytwo fateful days: Pakistan
Pakistan
cut to size. Manaktalas. pp. 62–63, 67. Retrieved 8 November 2011.  ^ Ganguly, Crisis in Kashmir
Kashmir
1999, p. 60. ^ a b Dixit, India- Pakistan
Pakistan
in War and Peace 2003, pp. 228–229. ^ Ganguly, Crisis in Kashmir
Kashmir
1999, pp. 60–63. ^ Dixit, India- Pakistan
Pakistan
in War and Peace (2003, pp. 228–229); Haqqani, Pakistan
Pakistan
Between Mosque and Military (2010, pp. 98–99); Subramaniam, India's Wars (2016, Chapter 27); Ganguly, Crisis in Kashmir
Kashmir
(1999, pp. 60–63) ^ Cohen, Stephen Philip (2002), "India, Pakistan
Pakistan
and Kashmir", Journal of Strategic Studies, 25 (4): 32–60, doi:10.1080/01402390412331302865, (Subscription required (help))  ^ See:

Roberts, Adam; Welsh, Jennifer (2010), The United Nations
United Nations
Security Council and War: The Evolution of Thought and Practice Since 1945, Oxford University Press, p. 340, ISBN 978-0-19-958330-0  Cheema, Zafar Iqbal (2009), "The strategic context of the Kargil conflict: A Pakistani perspective", in Peter René Lavoy, Asymmetric Warfare in South Asia: The Causes and Consequences of the Kargil Conflict, Cambridge University Press, p. 47, ISBN 978-0-521-76721-7  Schaffer, The Limits of Influence (2009, pp. 122–123) Cohen, Stephen Philip (2002), "India, Pakistan
Pakistan
and Kashmir", Journal of Strategic Studies, 25 (4): 32–60, doi:10.1080/01402390412331302865, (Subscription required (help))  Kux, Dennis (1992), India
India
and the United States: Estranged Democracies, 1941–1991, DIANE Publishing, p. 434, ISBN 978-0-7881-0279-0  Lyon, Peter (2008), Conflict Between India
India
and Pakistan: An Encyclopedia, ABC-CLIO, p. 166, ISBN 978-1-57607-712-2 

^ Guha, India
India
after Gandhi 2008, Sec. 20.VII. ^ Behera, Demystifying Kashmir
Kashmir
2007, p. 16. ^ Guha, Opening a Window in Kashmir
Kashmir
2004, p. 80. ^ Puri, Across the Line of Control
Line of Control
2013, p. 16. ^ Schofield, Kashmir
Kashmir
in Conflict 2003, p. 21. ^ a b Snedden, Kashmir
Kashmir
The Unwritten History 2013, p. 23. ^ D. A. Low (18 June 1991). Political Inheritance of Pakistan. Palgrave Macmillan UK. pp. 226–. ISBN 978-1-349-11556-3.  ^ Behera, Demystifying Kashmir
Kashmir
2007, p. 19. ^ Christopher Snedden (15 September 2015). Understanding Kashmir
Kashmir
and Kashmiris. Hurst. pp. 133–. ISBN 978-1-84904-621-3.  ^ Puri, Across the Line of Control
Line of Control
2013, pp. 16–17. ^ Behera, Navnita. Demystifying Kashmir. p. 107.  ^ Schofield, Kashmir
Kashmir
in Conflict 2003, pp. 22–23. ^ a b Snedden, Kashmir
Kashmir
The Unwritten History 2013, p. 24. ^ Zutshi, Languages of Belonging 2004, p. 299. ^ Schofield, Kashmir
Kashmir
in Conflict 2003, p. 24. ^ Snedden, Kashmir
Kashmir
The Unwritten History 2013, p. 25. ^ Puri, The Question of Accession 2010, p. 4. ^ a b Jaffrelot, Religion, Caste and Politics 2011, pp. 288, 301. ^ Jaffrelot, Hindu
Hindu
Nationalist Movement 1996, pp. 149–150. ^ Puri, The Question of Accession 2010, p. 4-5. ^ Gupta, Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
2012, pp. 194–195. ^ Gupta, Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
2012, p. 195. ^ Kashmir: Roots of Conflict, Paths to Peace; by Sumatra Bose. Harvard University Press. 2009. pp. 55–57.  ^ a b Ved Bhasin. "Riots changed J&K politics". Kashmir Life.  ^ Raghavan, War and Peace in Modern India
India
2010, pp. 190–191. ^ Ved Bhasin. "Riots changed J&K politics". Kashmir
Kashmir
Life. Senior Jammu
Jammu
journalist Ved Bhasin has said: "That(Abdullah's) government was not a democratic government. They did not behave in a democratic manner. Corruption had started. [...]he denied democratic rights to people. He did not tolerate any opposition. He crushed the freedom of press. He and other NC leaders did not tolerate any voice of dissent. He acted as an authoritarian ruler. The constituent assembly elections of 1951 were totally rigged. [...]Within the state, freedom was curbed, civil liberties were denied, there was no freedom for public meetings, demonstrations."  ^ Zutshi, Chitralekha. Languages of Belonging: Islam, Regional Identity, and the Making of Kashmir. p. 314.  ^ Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir; by Jyoti Bhusan Das Gupta. Springer. pp. 195, 196. ISBN 978-94-011-9231-6.  ^ a b Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir; by Jyoti Bhusan Das Gupta. Springer. pp. 197–203. ISBN 978-94-011-9231-6.  ^ "What Delhi
Delhi
Agreement of 1952 is all about". Kashmir
Kashmir
Reader.  ^ " Kashmir
Kashmir
References". www.kashmirlibrary.org.  ^ South Asian Politics and Religion; By Donald Eugene Smith. Princeton University Press. pp. 86, 87. ISBN 978-1-4008-7908-3.  ^ Ved Bhasin. "Riots changed J&K politics". Kashmir
Kashmir
Life. Ved Bhasin has remarked: "Obviously, Abdullah was more concerned in absolute power. His struggle was for greater autonomy, maximum powers, which he tried to concentrate in his own hands. He was interested in absolute power, and if India
India
gave him absolute power, he was willing for it. It is not that for people he was interested. Initially he supported accession with India."  ^ "International Conspiracies Behind the J&K Imbroglio". Archived from the original on 23 February 2017. In 1953, Mr Adlai Stevenson the then Governor of Illinois (USA) met Sheikh Abdullah
Sheikh Abdullah
in Sri Nagar. Commenting on this meeting, Manchester Guardian disclosed in August 1953, that he (Mr Stevenson) “seems to have listened to suggestions that the best status for Kashmir
Kashmir
could be independence from both India and Pakistan” and that Sheikh Abdullah
Sheikh Abdullah
had been encouraged by Adlai Stevenson. “Sheikh was suspected of planning a session of the constituent Assembly which instead of ratifying the accession to India, would declare the vale of Kashmir, independent.” According to New York Times July, 1953 “ Kashmir
Kashmir
valley would gain independence, possibly guaranteed by both countries and the rest of the state would be partitioned between them roughly along the present cease-fire line. It was said that John Foster Dulles, U.S Secretary of State supported a solution of this nature”  ^ Abdullah, Sheikh; Taing, M. Y. (1985), Atish-e-Chinar (in Urdu). Often referred to as Sheikh Abdullah's autobiography. Srinagar: Shaukat Publications. It has not been copyrighted in deference to Sheikh Abdullah's wishes. pp. 593–607.  ^ Bimal Prasad (Ed.), Selected Works of Jayaprakash Narayan; Vol. 7; Manohar; page 115, quoted in A. G. Noorani, The Dixon Plan, Frontline, 12 October 2002. ^ Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir; by Jyoti Bhusan Das Gupta. Springer. pp. 209–212. ISBN 978-94-011-9231-6.  ^ "JK ready to defend Article 35-A in Supreme Court". Greater Kashmir.  ^ "Origin of Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir: Analysis of Article 370 in Present Scenario". LexHindustan. Retrieved 2017-03-22.  ^ The Longest August: The Unflinching Rivalry Between India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
By Dilip Hiro. Nation Books. p. 151. Led by him (Bakshi Ghulam Muhammad), 64 of 74-strong Constituent Assembly members ratified the state's accession to India
India
on February 15, 1954. "We are today taking the decision of final and irrevocable accession to India and no power on earth could change it", declared Bakshi Muhammad.  ^ "Kashmir's accession". The Hindu. The report of the Drafting Committee "ratifying the accession" of the Jammu
Jammu
and Kashmir
Kashmir
State to India
India
was adopted by the Constituent Assembly in Jammu
Jammu
on February 15 before it was adjourned sine die. Earlier, Premier Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed, speaking on the report, declared amidst cheers: "We are today taking the decision of final and irrevocable accession to India and no power on earth could change it."  ^ a b A. G. Noorani, Article 370: Law and Politics, Frontline, 16 September 2000. ^ "Kashmir, UN Security Council
UN Security Council
Resolution 122". Retrieved 5 December 2014.  ^ "Negotiations on Kashmir: A concealed story". Foreign Policy Journal.  ^ Kashmir: Towards Insurgency; by Balraj Puri. Orient Longman. 1993. pp. 18, 19.  ^ Abdullah, Sheikh; Taing, M. Y. (1985), Atish-e-Chinar (in Urdu). Often referred to as Sheikh Abdullah's autobiography. Srinagar: Shaukat Publications. It has not been copyrighted in deference to Sheikh Abdullah's wishes. pp. 752–786.  ^ Abdullah, Sheikh; Taing, M. Y. (1985), Atish-e-Chinar (in Urdu). Often referred to as Sheikh Abdullah's autobiography. Srinagar: Shaukat Publications. It has not been copyrighted in deference to Sheikh Abdullah's wishes. pp. 817–825.  ^ Kashmir: Roots of Conflict, Paths to Peace; by Sumantra Bose. Harvard University Press. 2009. pp. 81, 82.  ^ a b c d Bose, Kashmir
Kashmir
Roots of Conflict 2003, pp. 84–85 ^ Abdullah, Sheikh; Taing, M. Y. (1985), Atish-e-Chinar (in Urdu). Often referred to as Sheikh Abdullah's autobiography. Srinagar: Shaukat Publications. It has not been copyrighted in deference to Sheikh Abdullah's wishes. pp. 827–838.  ^ Abdullah, Sheikh; Taing, M. Y. (1985), Atish-e-Chinar (in Urdu). Often referred to as Sheikh Abdullah's autobiography. Srinagar: Shaukat Publications. It has not been copyrighted in deference to Sheikh Abdullah's wishes. pp. 860–882.  ^ Noorani, A. G. (16 September 2000), "Article370: Law and Politics", Frontline, 17 (19)  ^ "Recalling 1975 Accord". Greater Kashmir.  ^ "Poke Me: BJP mustn't play the ' Jammu
Jammu
card' in next month's J&K elections". The Economic Times.  ^ a b c Weaver (10 June 1983). "Strategic Kashmiris
Kashmiris
divided by conflicting loyalties".  ^ a b Mridu Rai, Hindu
Hindu
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