Japanese pitch accent

Japanese pitch accent is a feature of the Japanese language that distinguishes words by accenting particular morae in most Japanese dialects. The nature and location of the accent for a given word may vary between dialects. For instance, the word for "river" is in the Tokyo dialect, with the accent on the second mora, but in the Kansai dialect it is . A final or is often devoiced to or after a downstep and an unvoiced consonant.

The Japanese term is , and it refers to pitch accent in languages such as Japanese and Swedish. It contrasts with , which refers to stress. An alternative term is which contrasts with .

Standard Japanese

Normative pitch accent, essentially the pitch accent of the Tokyo Yamanote dialect, is considered essential in jobs such as broadcasting. The current standards for pitch accent are presented in special accent dictionaries for native speakers such as the ''Shin Meikai Nihongo Akusento Jiten'' () and the ''NHK Nihongo Hatsuon Akusento Jiten'' (). Newsreaders and other speech professionals are required to follow these standards.

Foreign learners of Japanese are often not taught to pronounce the pitch accent, though it is included in some noted texts, such as '' Japanese: The Spoken Language''. Incorrect pitch accent is a characteristic of a "foreign accent" in Japanese.

Scalar pitch

In standard Japanese, pitch accent has the following effect on words spoken in isolation:
#The following accent types are collectively known as ''kifukushiki'' (literally, "rise-and-fall"):
## If the accent is on the first mora, then the pitch starts high, drops suddenly on the second mora, then levels out. The pitch may fall across both morae, or mostly on one or the other (depending on the sequence of sounds)—that is, the first mora may end with a high falling pitch, or the second may begin with a (low) falling pitch, but the first mora will be considered accented regardless. The Japanese describe this as ''atamadakagata'' (literally, "head-high").
## If the accent is on a mora other than the first or the last, then the pitch has an initial rise from a low starting point, reaches a near-maximum at the accented mora, then drops suddenly on any following morae. This accent is referred to as ''nakadakagata'' ("middle-high").
## If the word has an accent on the last mora, the pitch rises from a low start up to a high pitch on the last mora. Words with this accent are indistinguishable from accentless words unless followed by a particle such as ''ga'' or ''ni'', on which the pitch drops. In Japanese this accent is called ''odakagata'' ("tail-high").
# If the word does not have an accent, the pitch rises from a low starting point on the first mora or two, and then levels out in the middle of the speaker's range, without ever reaching the high tone of an accented mora. In Japanese this accent is named "flat" ( ''heibanshiki'').

Note that accent rules apply to phonological words, which include any following particles. So the sequence "''hashi''" spoken in isolation can be accented in two ways, either ''háshi'' (accent on the first syllable, meaning 'chopsticks') or ''hashí'' (flat or accent on the second syllable, meaning either 'edge' or 'bridge'), while "''hashi''" plus the subject-marker "''ga''" can be accented on the first syllable or the second, or be flat/accentless: ''háshiga'' 'chopsticks', ''hashíga'' 'bridge', or ''hashiga'' 'edge'.

In poetry, a word such as ''omoshirói'', which has the accent on the fourth mora ''ro'', is pronounced in five beats (morae). When initial in the phrase (and therefore starting out with a low pitch), the pitch typically rises on the ''o'', levels out at mid range on the ''moshi'', peaks on the ''ro'', and then drops suddenly on the ''i'', producing a falling tone on the ''roi''.

In all cases but final accent, there is a general declination (gradual decline) of pitch across the phrase. This, and the initial rise, are part of the prosody of the phrase, not lexical accent, and are larger in scope than the phonological word. That is, within the overall pitch-contour of the phrase there may be more than one phonological word, and thus potentially more than one accent.

Accent nuclei, defective morae and compound-induced accent shifts

An is another name for an accented mora, a mora that carries a high tone and is followed by a mora with a low tone. In other words, the precipitous drop in pitch occurs right at the boundary between the accent nucleus and the mora immediately after it. Unaccented words (of the ''heiban'' type) do not have an accent nucleus.

Unlike regular morae or 自立拍 (''jiritsu haku'' "autonomous beats"), defective morae or 特殊拍 (''tokushu haku'' "special beats") cannot generally be accent nuclei. They historically arose through various processes that limited their occurrences and prominence in terms of accent-carrying capability. There are four types of them:
*The : derived from Middle Chinese coda consonants (/n/ and /m/) (e.g.: /kaN/; /wemu/ > /eN/), but also arose naturally through '' onbin'' (e.g.: /yomite/ > /yoNde/)
*The : mainly arose through ''onbin'' (e.g.: /katite/ > /kaQte/) or through consonant assimilation (e.g.: /setpuku/ > /seQpuku/)
*The : arose through consonant losses (e.g.: /kakasaN/ > /kaRsaN/), vowel shifts or vowel assimilation during Late Middle Japanese (e.g.: /eu/ > /joR/; /joũ/ > /joR/)
*The morphologically bound /i/ (/J/, written in kana as い/イ): derived from a Middle Chinese offglide (e.g.: /taJ/; /tuJ/) or arose through ''onbin'' (e.g.: /kakisiro/ > /kaJsiro/)

While the accent patterns of single words are often unpredictable, those of compounds are often rule-based. Take the suffix 市 (''-shi''), for example. When compounding with a place name to form a city name, the accent nucleus of the resulting compound is usually immediately before 市 itself:
*千葉 ('' Chiba''): HꜜL > 千葉市 (''Chiba-shi'' "Chiba City"): L-HꜜL /tibaꜜsi/
But if the mora before 市 is defective, the accent must shift one mora backward:
*白山 ('' Hakusan''): HꜜL-L-L > 白山市 (''Hakusan-shi'' "Hakusan City"): L-H-HꜜL-L /hakusaꜜNsi/
*西条 ('' Saijō''): HꜜL-L-L > 西条市 (''Saijō-shi'' "Saijō City"): L-H-HꜜL-L /saJzjoꜜRsi/
*仙台 (''Sendai''): HꜜL-L-L > 仙台市 (''Sendai-shi'' "Sendai City"): L-H-HꜜL-L /seNdaꜜJsi/

A defective mora can be an accent nucleus only if the mora following it is also defective:
*ロンドンっ子 (''Rondon-kko'' "Londoner"): L-H-H-HꜜL-L /roNdoNꜜQko/
*東京っ子 (''Tōkyō-kko'' "Tokyoite"): L-H-H-HꜜL-L /toRkjoRꜜQko/
*現代っ子 (''gendai-kko'' "modern person"): L-H-H-HꜜL-L /ɡeNdaJꜜQko/

Compoundified compound nouns vs noncompoundified compound nouns

In general, Japanese utterances can be syntactically split into discrete phrases (known in the Hashimoto school of grammar as ''Daijirin''). For example, the utterance 母が料理をして父が皿を洗います (''Haha-ga ryōri-o shite chichi-ga sara-o arai-masu'' "My mother cooks and my father washes the dishes") can be subdivided into the following phrases:
*母が (''haha-ga'')
*料理を (''ryōri-o'')
*して (''shite'')
*父が (''chichi-ga'')
*皿を (''sara-o'')
*洗います (''arai-masu'')
The general structure of these phrases is that a syntactically free morpheme is followed by one or more syntactically bound morphemes. Free morphemes are nouns, adjectives and verbs, while bound morphemes are particles and auxiliaries. In the above utterance, the free morphemes are 母, 料理, して, 父, 皿, and 洗い while the bound ones are が, を and ます. The accent pattern of the entire utterance could be something like this:

Ideally, each phrase can carry at most one accent nucleus (in the above example, ''ha-ha-ga'', ''ryo-o-ri-o'', ''chi-chi-ga'' and ''a-ra-i-ma-su''), and such accent nucleus is based solely on the lexical accent nucleus of the free morpheme of that phrase (bound morphemes do not have lexical accent patterns, and whatever accent patterns they do have is dependent on those of the free morphemes they follow). However, the situation becomes complicated when it comes to compound nouns.

When multiple independent nouns are placed successively, they syntactically form a compound noun. For example:
*第 (''dai'') + 一次 (''ichiji'') + 世界 (sekai) + 大戦 (''taisen'') > 第一次世界大戦 (''Dai-ichiji-Sekai-Taisen'' "World War I")
At the phrasal level, compound nouns are well contained within a phrase, no matter how long they are. Thus, the utterance ヨーロッパは第一次世界大戦では主戦場となった (''Yōroppa-wa Dai-ichiji-Sekai-Taisen-de-wa shusenjō-to natta'' "Europe was the main theater of war in World War I") is subdivided into phrases as follows:
*ヨーロッパは (''Yōroppa-wa'')
*第一次世界大戦では (''Dai-ichiji-Sekai-Taisen-de-wa'')
*主戦場と (''shusenjō-to'')
*なった (''natta'')
As ''Dai-ichiji-Sekai-Taisen-de-wa'' is an entire phrase in itself, it should ideally carry at most one accent nucleus, the lexical accent nucleus of the free compound noun ''Dai-ichiji-Sekai-Taisen''. In actuality, ''Dai-ichiji-Sekai-Taisen'', as a compound noun, is capable of carrying more than one accent nucleus. While still being a syntactic compound, its components might not be solidly "fused" together and still retain their own lexical accent nuclei. Whether ''Dai-ichiji-Sekai-Taisen'' should have one nucleus of its own, or several nuclei of its constituents, is a matter of whether it is a "compoundified compound noun" (複合語化複合名詞 ''fukugōgoka fukugō meishi'') or "noncompoundified compound noun" (非複合語化複合名詞 ''hifukugōgoka fukugō meishi''). The "compoundification" status of a compound noun is lexical, meaning that whether such compound noun is long or short, or simple or complex, is not relevant to whether it is "compoundified" or not. A yojijukugo such as 世代交代 (''sedai-kōtai'' "change of generation") may be treated as "compoundified," with a single accent nucleus:

Meanwhile, a different four-kanji compound noun, 新旧交代 (''shinkyū-kōtai'' "transition between the old and the new"), is treated as "noncompoundified", and retains the lexical accent nuclei of its constituents (in this case 新旧 and 交代):

Some compound nouns, such as 核廃棄物 (''kaku-haikibutsu'' "nuclear waste"), can be, on a preferential basis, either "compoundified" or "noncompoundified":

For "noncompoundified" compound nouns, which constituents should be allowed for may also vary. For example, the above 第一次世界大戦:

Binary pitch

The foregoing describes the actual pitch. In most guides, however, accent is presented with a two-pitch-level model. In this representation, each mora is either high (H) or low (L) in pitch, with the shift from high to low of an accented mora transcribed HꜜL.
# If the accent is on the first mora, then the first syllable is high-pitched and the others are low: HꜜL, HꜜL-L, HꜜL-L-L, HꜜL-L-L-L, ''etc.''
# If the accent is on a mora other than the first, then the first mora is low, the following morae up to and including the accented one are high, and the rest are low: L-Hꜜ, L-HꜜL, L-H-HꜜL, L-H-H-HꜜL, ''etc.''
# If the word is ''heiban'' (accentless), the first mora is low and the others are high: L-H, L-H-H, L-H-H-H, L-H-H-H-H, ''etc.'' This high pitch spreads to unaccented grammatical particles that attach to the end of the word, whereas these would have a low pitch when attached to an accented word (including one accented on the final mora).

Phonetically, although only the terms "high" and "low" are used, the "high" of an unaccented mora is not as high as an accented mora. Different analyses may treat final-accented (''odaka'') words and unaccented (''heiban'') words as identical and only distinguishable by a following particle, or phonetically contrastive and potentially phonemic based on how high a "high" tone actually is (see the Tertiary pitch subsection below). And the phonetic tones are never truly stable, but degrade toward the end of an utterance. This is especially noticeable in longer words, where the so-called "high" pitch tapers off toward the end. This tapering is especially exemplified by what is variously known as ''downstep'', ''downdrift'' or ''catathesis'', where the "high" pitch of words becomes successively lower after each accented mora:

In slow and deliberate enunciation (for example, with a pause between elements), the "high" tone of the second element in these phrases could still be sufficiently "high," but in natural, often pauseless, speech, it could become as low as the "low" tone of the first element, since there is an accented mora in that first element.

Tertiary pitch

Earlier phonologists made use of a three-tone system, with an additional "mid" tone (M). For example, 端 (''hashi'' "edge", ''heiban''/unaccented) is considered to have a L-M pattern, while 橋 (''hashi'' "bridge", ''odaka''/final-accented) is to have a L-H pattern. This contrast is supported by phonetic analyses, which show that the contrast in frequency between the "low" and "high" tones in, for example, 花 (''hana'' "flower", ''odaka''/final-accented), is much starker than the contrast between the "low" and "mid" tones in 鼻 (''hana'' "nose", ''heiban''/unaccented). Moreover, the "high" tone in final-accented words is phonetically higher than the "mid" tone in unaccented words. With respect to potential minimal pairs such as "edge" ''hashi'' vs "bridge" ''hashi'' and "nose" ''hana'' vs "flower" ''hana'', the "mid" tone, in theory, should be considered phonemic, but it is now largely merged with the "high" tone as phonologists claim there are no perceptible differences in pitch pattern between a final-accented word (''odaka'') without a following particle and an unaccented word (''heiban''):

The "mid" tone also corresponds to what is now considered the "low" tone in initial-accented (''atamadaka'') and medial-accented (''nakadaka'') words:

Initial lowering

The tone of the first mora in non-initial-accented (non-''atamadaka'') is subject to what is known as "initial dissimilation" or "initial lowering" which is sometimes overridden depending the type of the second mora:
*(1) If the second mora is /N/ or the lengthening half of a long vowel, the tone of the first mora is "high", and there may or may not be initial lowering.
*(2) If the second mora is /Q/, the tone of the first mora is "low", and there is initial lowering, but the tone of the second mora is also "low."
*(3) If the second mora is any other type of mora, the tone of the first mora is "low", and there is initial lowering.
In the (1) circumstances, initial lowering does not naturally happen in connected speech, but it can still be artificially induced with the slow, deliberate enunciation of whatever word is of concern. Despite this, most educational material only considers the option with initial lowering and ignores the option without.

The following are illustrative examples of the indefinite pitch of the first mora. For monomoraic non-initial-accented words, the second mora is whatever particle that follows it.

Accent patterns

Most of the following patterns are listed in the and the .

連用形

According to the appendix アクセント to the ''Daijirin'', here are the patterns for the 連用形 of unigrade verbs without a trailing particle or auxiliary:
*くらべる → くらべꜜ or くらべ（比べ）
*しらべꜜる → しらꜜべ（調べ）
The derived noun from くらべる is くらべ (accentless). Also compare the 連用形 しらꜜべ (''nakadaka'') to its derived noun, しらべꜜ (''odaka'').

According to Timothy J. Vance (2008) and Shiro Kori (2020), here are the patterns for the 連用形 of quinquegrade verbs without a trailing particle or auxiliary:
*のる → のり（乗り）
*はなꜜす → はなꜜし（話し）
*のꜜむ → のꜜみ（飲み）

Compare the 連用形 はなꜜし and のꜜみ (''nakadaka'') to their respective derived nouns, はなしꜜ and のみꜜ (''odaka'').

Nouns derived from other parts of speech

=Nouns derived from single verbs

=
The accent of nouns derived from verbs is generally based on the accent of the dictionary forms of those verbs. If the dictionary form is accentless, the derived noun is also accentless:
*うく（浮く） → うき（浮き）
*かす（貸す） → かし（貸し）
*あれる（荒れる） → あれ（荒れ）
*そめる（染める） → そめ（染め）
*おわる（終わる） → おわり（終わり）
*たたむ（畳む） → たたみ（畳み）
*きこえる（聞こえる） → きこえ（聞こえ）
*みとめる（認める） → みとめ（認め）
*たたかう（戦う） → たたかい（戦い）
*うごく（働く） → うごき（働き）

If the dictionary form is accented, the derived noun has ''odaka'' accent, though certain derived nouns may alternatively have different accent types:
*くꜜむ（組む） → くみꜜ（組み）
*ふꜜる（降る） → ふりꜜ（降り）
*おちꜜる（落ちる） → おちꜜ（落ち）
*はじꜜる（恥じる） → はじꜜ（恥じ）
*はなꜜす（話す） → はなしꜜ（話し）
*ひかꜜる（光る） → ひかりꜜ（光り）
*かꜜえる（帰る） → かえりꜜ（帰り）
*とꜜおる（通る） → とおりꜜ（通り）
*たすけꜜる（助ける） → たすけꜜ（助け）
*つとめꜜる（勤める） → つとめꜜ（勤め）
*あつまꜜる（集まる） → あつまりꜜ or あつまꜜり（集まり）
*おどろꜜく（驚く） → おどろきꜜ or おどろꜜき（驚き）
*ことわꜜる（断る） → ことわりꜜ or ことわꜜり or ことわり（断り）

=Nouns derived from compound verbs

=
Nouns derived from compound verbs tend to be accentless:
*にあꜜう（似合う） → にあい（似合い）
*しくꜜむ（仕組む） → しくみ（仕組み）
*いいあꜜう（言い合う） → いいあい（言い合い）
*うけとる or うけとꜜる（受け取る） → うけとり（受け取り）
*のりかえꜜる or のりかꜜえる（乗り換える） → のりかえ（乗り換え）
*ありあわせꜜる or ありあわせる（有り合わせる） → ありあわせ（有り合わせ）
*しのびなꜜく（忍び泣く） → しのびなき（忍び泣き）
*やけだされꜜる（焼け出される） → やけだされ（焼け出され）
*ゆずりわたꜜす（譲り渡す） → ゆずりわたし（譲り渡し）

=''-sa'' nouns derived from adjectives

=
''-sa'' forms derived from accentless dictionary forms of adjectives tend to also be accentless:
*あまい（甘い） → あまさ（甘さ）
*おもい（重い） → おもさ（重さ）
*かたい（堅い） → かたさ（堅さ）
*つめたい（冷たい） → つめたさ（冷たさ）
*せいかく（正確） → せいかくさ（正確さ）

For accented dictionary forms with more than 2 morae, the accented location of the ''-sa'' forms is shifted back by 1 mora; OR, for non-''-shii'' dictionary forms with more than 3 morae, the accented location may, alternative, not be shifted:
*よꜜい（良い） → よꜜさ（良さ）
*こꜜい（濃い） → こꜜさ（濃さ）

*わかꜜい（若い） → わꜜかさ（若さ）
*たかꜜい（高い） → たꜜかさ（高さ）
*うれしꜜい（嬉しい） → うれꜜしさ（嬉しさ）
*あたらしꜜい（新しい） → あたらꜜしさ（新しさ）

*するどꜜい（鋭い） → するꜜどさ or するどꜜさ（鋭さ）
*ありがたꜜい（有り難い） → ありがꜜたさ or ありがたꜜさ（有り難さ）

For ''-na'' adjectives, their roots' last mora is accented:
*おꜜろか（愚か） → おろかꜜさ（愚かさ）
*げꜜんき（元気） → げんきꜜさ（元気さ）

=''-mi'' nouns derived from adjectives

=
''-mi'' forms derived from accentless dictionary forms of adjectives tend to also be accentless:
*あまい（甘い） → あまみ（甘み）
*おもい（重い） → おもみ（重み）
*あかるい（明るい） → あかるみ（明るみ）
*しんけん（真剣） → しんけんみ or しんけꜜんみ（真剣み）

For accented dictionary forms, unlike ''-sa'', ''-mi'' often results in ''odaka'' accent, although for derived nouns with 4 or more morae, other accent types may also be found:
*にがꜜい（苦い） → にがみꜜ（苦み）
*しぶꜜい（渋い） → しぶみꜜ（渋み）

*おもしろꜜい（面白い） → おもしろみꜜ or おもしろꜜみ or おもしろみ（面白み）
*しꜜんせつ（親切） → しんせつみꜜ or しんせつꜜみ or しんせつみ（親切み）

=''-ke/ge'' nouns

=
''-ke/ge'' forms derived from accentless dictionary forms of adjectives, nouns and verbs tend to also be accentless:
*ねむい（眠い） → ねむけ（眠気）
*あぶない（危ない） → あぶなげ or あぶなꜜげ（危な気）

*あぶら（油） → あぶらけ（油気）
*おとな（大人） → おとなげ（大人気）
For ''-ke/ge'' forms derived from accented dictionary forms, the results are often ''odaka'', but if they contain more than 3 morae, they may be ''nakadaka'' instead:
*さむꜜい（寒い） → さむけꜜ（寒気）

*はꜜく（吐く） → はきけꜜ（吐き気）
*くꜜう（食う） → くいけꜜ（食い気）

*くるしꜜい（苦しい） → くるしꜜげ（苦し気）

Nominal affixes

Certain highly productive affixes, often of Sino-Japanese origin, often result in compound nouns with predictable accent patterns.

=Prefixes

=
Productive Sino-Japanese prefixes such as 以（い）、各（かく）、貴（き）、現（げん）、故（こ）、今（こん）、諸（しょ）、先（せん）、前（ぜん）、尊（そん）、当（とう）、同（どう）、某（ぼう）、本（ほん）、両（りょう） often result in ''atamadaka'' compounds: しょꜜけい（諸兄）、かꜜくじん（各人）、とꜜうしゃ（当社）、どꜜうこう（同校）、ぼꜜうじょ（某女）、ぼꜜうじつ（某日）.

=Short suffixes

=
For many native and Sino-Japanese suffixes, the accent falls on the last 自立拍 of the nouns before them. This means that if the last mora is a 特殊拍, the accent must shift backward until it reaches a 自立拍 (see #Accent nuclei, defective morae and compound-induced accent shifts above).
*子（こ・ご） → ちのみꜜご（乳飲み子）
*歌（うた） → たうえꜜうた（田植え歌）
*川（かわ・がわ） → すみだꜜがわ（隅田川）
*鮨（すし・ずし） → おおさかꜜずし（大阪鮨）
*岳（たけ・だけ） → たにがわꜜだけ（谷川岳）
*鶏（とり・どり） → おながꜜどり（尾長鶏）
*豆（まめ） → うずらꜜまめ（鶉豆）
*虫（むし） → てんとりꜜむし（点取り虫）

*器（き） → しょうかꜜき（消火器）
*区（く） → ちよだꜜく（千代田区）
*市（し） → ちばꜜし（千葉市）
*士（し） → べんごꜜし（弁護士）
*社（しゃ） → ざっしꜜしゃ（雑誌社）
*手（しゅ） → ないやꜜしゅ（内野手）
*費（ひ） → としょꜜひ（図書費）
*婦（ふ） → かんごꜜふ（看護婦）
*部（ぶ） → けいりꜜぶ（経理部）
*員（いん） → かいしゃꜜいん（会社員）
*園（えん） → ようちꜜえん（幼稚園）
*会（かい） → ししゃꜜかい（試写会）
*学（がく） → しんりꜜがく（心理学）
*館（かん） → えいがꜜかん（映画館）
*局（きょく） → テレビꜜきょく（テレビ局）
*郡（ぐん） → にしたまꜜぐん（西多摩郡）
*県（けん） → かながわꜜけん（神奈川県）
*式（しき） → にゅうがくꜜしき（入学式）
*宗（しゅう） → じょうどꜜしゅう（浄土宗）
*省（しょう） → もんぶꜜしょう（文部省）
*城（じょう） → おおさかꜜじょう（大阪城）
*門（もん） → さくらだꜜもん（桜田門）
*料（りょう） → でんわꜜりょう（電話料）
*力（りょく） → あんきꜜりょく（暗記力）

Some suffixes often result in accentless compounds:
*色（いろ） → さくらいろ（桜色）
*型（かた・がた） → ひまんがた（肥満型）
*髪（かみ・がみ） → にほんがみ（日本髪）
*側（かわ・がわ） → ひだりがわ（左側）
*際（きわ・ぎわ） → どひょうぎわ（土俵際）
*組（くみ・ぐみ） → ごにんぐみ（五人組）
*縞（しま・じま） → こうしじま（格子縞）
*面（つら・づら） → しじゅうづら（四十面）
*玉（たま・だま） → シャボンだま（シャボン玉）
*寺（てら・でら） → きよみずでら（清水寺）
*沼（ぬま） → いんばぬま（印旛沼）
*村（むら） → しらかわむら（白川村）
*山（やま） → あたごやま（愛宕山）
*小屋（こや・ごや） → すみやきごや（炭焼き小屋）

*科（か） → しょうにか（小児科）
*家（か） → せいじか（政治家）
*課（か） → じんじか（人事課）
*画（が） → にほんが（日本画）
*語（ご） → がいこくご（外国語）
*座（ざ） → かぶきざ（歌舞伎座）
*派（は） → いんしょうは（印象派）
*鏡（きょう） → さんめんきょう（三面鏡）
*教（きょう） → てんりきょう（天理教）
*場（じょう） → しけんじょう（試験場）
*性（せい） → ふりょうせい（不良性）
*制（せい） → ぐんしゅせい（君主制）
*製（せい） → にほんせい（日本製）
*線（せん） → とうかいどうせん（東海道線）
*隊（たい） → よびたい（予備隊）
*中（ちゅう・じゅう） → ごぜんちゅう（午前中）
*刀（とう） → にほんとう（日本刀）
*党（とう） → しゃかいとう（社会党）
*灯（とう） → アークとう（アーク灯）
*堂（どう） → にがつどう（二月堂）
*版（はん・ばん） → しゅくさつばん（縮刷版）
*盤（ばん） → エルピーばん（LP盤）
*表（ひょう） → じかんひょう（時間表）
*病（びょう） → しんぞうびょう（心臓病）
*米（まい） → インディカまい（インディカ米）
*用（よう） → ふじんよう（婦人用）
*流（りゅう） → にとうりゅう（二刀流）

Some suffixes belong to both the above groups:
*顔（かお・がお） → うりざねがお or うりざねꜜがお（瓜実顔）
*紙（かみ・がみ） → ちりめんがみ or ちりめꜜんがみ（縮緬紙）
*口（くち・ぐち） → でいりぐち or でいりꜜぐち（出入り口）
*風（かぜ） → みなみかぜ or みなみꜜかぜ（南風）

*油（ゆ） → じゅんかつゆ or じゅんかつꜜゆ（潤滑油）
*炎（えん） → じんぞうえん or じんぞꜜうえん（腎臓炎）
*艦（かん） → じえいかん or じえꜜいかん（自衛艦）
*計（けい） → せいうけい or せいうꜜけい（晴雨計）
*罪（ざい） → しょうがいざい or しょうがꜜいざい（傷害罪）
*船（せん） → きゅうすいせん or きゅうすꜜいせん（給水船）
*戦（せん） → けっしょうせん or けっしょꜜうせん（決勝戦）
*文（ぶん） → こうようぶん or こうよꜜうぶん（公用文）
*法（ほう） → しゅっぱんほう or しゅっぱꜜんほう（出版法）
*剤（ざい） → しょうかざい or しょうかꜜざい（消化剤）
*店（てん） → きっさてん or きっさꜜてん（喫茶店）
*人（にん） → かんごにん or かんごꜜにん（看護人）

For a few native suffixes, their first mora is often accented:
*汗（あせ） → ひやあꜜせ（冷や汗）
*雨（あめ） → やらずのあꜜめ（遣らずの雨）
*傘（かさ・がさ） → あいあいがꜜさ（相合い傘）
*空（そら・ぞら） → うわのそꜜら（上の空）
*杖（つえ・づえ） → まつばづꜜえ（松葉杖）
*船（ふね・ぶね） → わたしぶꜜね（渡し船）
*窓（まど） → ガラスまꜜど（ガラス窓）
*麦（むぎ） → はだかむꜜぎ（裸麦）

=Long suffixes

=
For native suffixes derived from free words with more than 2 morae, or native and Sino-Japanese suffixes derived from free words with 2 morphemes (often spelt with 2 kanji), if the original free words are accentless, ''odaka'' or ''atamadaka'', the first mora of the derived suffixes is often accented:
*蛙（かえる・がえる） → とのさまがꜜえる（殿様蛙）
*薬（くすり・ぐすり） → こなぐꜜすり（粉薬）
*車（くるま・ぐるま） → にぐꜜるま（荷車）
*桜（さくら・ざくら） → やまざꜜくら（山桜）
*印（しるし・じるし） → ほしじꜜるし（星印）

*見舞い（みまい） → びょうきみꜜまい（病気見舞い）

*会社（かいしゃ・がいしゃ） → かぶしきがꜜいしゃ（株式会社）
*学校（がっこう） → こうとうがꜜっこう（高等学校）
*銀行（ぎんこう） → にほんぎꜜんこう（日本銀行）
*公園（こうえん） → こくりつこꜜうえん（国立公園）
*時代（じだい） → とくがわじꜜだい（徳川時代）
*放送（ほうそう） → きょういくほꜜうそう（教育放送）

*頭（あたまꜜ） → いしあꜜたま（石頭）
*表（おもてꜜ） → たたみおꜜもて（畳表）
*敵（かたきꜜ・がたき） → ごがꜜたき（碁敵）
*祭り（まつりꜜ） → むらまꜜつり（村祭り）

*相手（あいてꜜ） → はなしあꜜいて（話し相手）

*道具（どうぐꜜ） → はなよめどꜜうぐ（花嫁道具）
*地獄（じごくꜜ） → しけんじꜜごく（試験地獄）

*魂（たꜜましい・だましい） → やまとだꜜましい（大和魂）
*蝙蝠（こꜜうもり） → いえこꜜうもり（家蝙蝠）
*稲荷（いꜜなり） → とよかわいꜜなり（豊川稲荷）

*菓子（かꜜし・がし） → なまがꜜし（生菓子）
*大将（たꜜいしょう・だいしょう） → がきだꜜいしょう（餓鬼大将）
*事業（じꜜぎょう） → しゃかいじꜜぎょう（社会事業）
*主義（しゅꜜぎ） → みんしゅしゅꜜぎ（民主主義）
*神社（じꜜんじゃ） → かすがじꜜんじゃ（春日神社）
*料理（りょꜜうり） → せいようりょꜜうり（西洋料理）

For suffixes derived from free words with ''nakadaka'' accent, the tendency is to only keep the original accent of those free words, though some shifting may occur if the resulting compounds are very long:
*団扇（うちꜜわ） → ひだりうちꜜわ or ひだりうꜜちわ（左団扇）
*月夜（つきꜜよ・づきよ） → ほしづきꜜよ or ほしづꜜきよ（星月夜）
*物語（ものがꜜたり） → げんじものがꜜたり（源氏物語）

*試験（しけꜜん） → にゅうしゃしけꜜん（入社試験）
*委員会（いいꜜんかい） → きょういくいいꜜんかい（教育委員会）

=Proper name suffixes

=
Some common proper name suffixes, such as 様（さま）、さん、ちゃん、殿（どの）、君（くん）, do not affect the names they suffix:
*なかむら + さま → なかむらさま
*やまꜜした + さま → やまꜜしたさま
*かꜜとう + さま → かꜜとうさま

*なかむら + さん → なかむらさん
*やまꜜした + さん → やまꜜしたさん
*かꜜとう + さん → かꜜとうさん

*まさお + ちゃん → まさおちゃん
*かずꜜひこ + ちゃん → かずꜜひこちゃん
*はꜜなこ + ちゃん → はꜜなこちゃん

*なかむら + どの → なかむらどの
*まさお + どの → まさおどの
*やまꜜした + どの → やまꜜしたどの
*かずꜜひこ + どの → かずꜜひこどの
*かꜜとう + どの → かꜜとうどの
*はꜜなこ + どの → はꜜなこどの

*なかむら + くん → なかむらくん
*かずꜜひこ + くん → かずꜜひこくん
*かꜜとう + くん → かꜜとうくん

氏（し） places the accent on the last mora of originally accentless names, but does not affect accented names:
*なかむら + し → なかむらꜜし
*まさお + し → まさおꜜし

*やまꜜした + し → やまꜜしたし
*かꜜとう + し → かꜜとうし

=Particle-like suffixes

=
Some suffixes notably affect accentless and accented nouns differently, like a trailing particle:
*おれ + ら → おれꜜら → おꜜいら（俺等）
*かꜜれ + ら → かꜜれら（彼等）
*とり + たち → とりꜜたち（鳥達）
*ねꜜこ + たち → ねꜜこたち（猫達）
*とり + だらけ → とりだꜜらけ or とりだらけ（鳥だらけ）
*ねꜜこ + だらけ → ねこだꜜらけ（猫だらけ）

Trailing particles and auxiliaries

The lexical accents of words as shown in dictionaries may be modified if there is a trailing particle or auxiliary.

=Noun+particle

=
The particles are categorized in four groups based on how they modify the accent of the nouns the follow.
*Group A: か、が、さ、だけ、で、と、に、は、へ、も、や、よ、を、から、きり、しか、ほど、として: These do not modify the nouns' accent at all. しか in particular may make an accentless noun's last mora accented.
**は + しか → はしか or はꜜしか
**さくら + しか → さくらしか or さくらꜜしか
*Group B: の (sometimes reduced to ん): This particle only deaccents nouns with ''odaka'' accent and do not affect other nouns.
*Group C: ね、かな (doubtful)、かね: This group only affects accentless nouns (accentless).
*Group D: かい、かな (exclamatory)、こそ、さえ、しも、すら、だの、では、でも、とて、とも、など、なり、ねえ、のみ、まで、やら、ゆえ、より、かしら、くらい・ぐらい、だって、どころ、ばかり、なんか、なんて、よりか、よりも: This group also only affects accentless nouns. When trailing a accented noun, くらい・ぐらい and ばかり in particular may, alternatively, make the particle's first mora accented:
**おかꜜし + ぐらい → おかꜜしぐらい or おかしぐꜜらい
**おかꜜし + ばかり → おかꜜしばかり or おかしばꜜかり
*Group E: だけ: This particle either deaccents in and of itself, or behaves like Group A.

Notes are given where there's a change in accent.

=Noun ending in 特殊拍+の

=
The table above shows that the particle の does not affect certain ''nakadaka'' nouns. However, if a ''nakadaka'' noun ends in a special mora (特殊拍, see #Accent nuclei, defective morae and compound-induced accent shifts above), の deaccents it just like it does an ''odaka'' noun.
*にほꜜん + の → にほんの（日本の）
*にっぽꜜん + の → にっぽんの（日本の）
*ちょうせꜜん + の → ちょうせんの（朝鮮の）
*きのꜜう + の → きのうの（昨日の）
*りゅうきゅꜜう + の → りゅうきゅうの（琉球の）

It has been argued that this behavior of these ''nakadaka'' nouns, coupled with that of ''odaka'' nouns, is proof that Japanese is a syllabic language rather than a moraic one, and syllables do indeed exist in Japanese, despite some objection such as These two groups of nouns can be classed as accented on the last syllable and deaccented if followed by の because (1) the ''odaka'' nouns end in a 自立拍, therefore their last "syllable" is accented and (2) the ''nakadaka'' nouns ends in a 自立拍 followed by a 特殊拍, therefore the last "syllable" is also accented. Here, the above examples are restated with added periods to denote "syllabic" boundaries, and with boldened last "syllables":
*や.まꜜ + の → や.ま.の（山の）(''odaka'')
*や.す.みꜜ + の → や.す.み.の（休みの）(''odaka'')
*い.もう.とꜜ + の → い.もう.と.の（妹の）(''odaka'')

*ちょう.せꜜん + の → ちょう.せん.の（朝鮮の） (''nakadaka'')
*き.のꜜう + の → き.のう.の（昨日の） (''nakadaka'')
*りゅう.きゅꜜう + の → りゅう.きゅう.の（琉球の） (''nakadaka'')

=Nominal ''odaka'' exception+の

=
Certain ''odaka'' nouns and ''nakadaka'' nouns ending in a 特殊拍, including ancient place names, are not deaccented by の.
*とさꜜ + の + くに → とさꜜのくに（土佐の国）
*みのꜜ + の + くに → みのꜜのくに（美濃の国）
*みかわꜜ + の + くに → みかわꜜのくに（三河の国）
*さがみꜜ + の + くに → さがみꜜのくに（相模の国）

*つぎꜜ + の → つぎꜜの（次の）
*よそꜜ + の → よそꜜの（余所の）
*ひゃくꜜ + の → ひゃくꜜの（百の）
*いっさつꜜ + の → いっさつꜜの（一冊の）

*えほꜜん + の → えほꜜんの（絵本の）
*せんせꜜい + の → せんせꜜいの（先生の）
*しけꜜん + の → しけꜜんの（試験の）
*せきたꜜん + の → せきたꜜんの（石炭の）
*にほんじꜜん + の → にほんじꜜんの（日本人の）
*ごにꜜん + の → ごにꜜんの（五人の）
*おおぜꜜい + の → おおぜꜜいの（大勢の）
*たくさꜜん + の → たくさꜜんの（沢山の）

=Two noun phrases connected by の

=
According to Vance (2008), when two noun phrases are connected by の, if the first phrase is unaccented, the whole combination relies on the accent pattern of the second:
*ひろしま + の + + と → ひろしまのと（広島の卵と）
*ひろしま + の + + と → ひろしまのと（広島の魚と）

If the first phrase is accented, the two phrases likely remain separate, although downstep/downdrift/catathesis still applies and lowers the general pitch of the second phrase:
* + の + + と → の　と（岡山の卵と）
* + の + + と → の　と（岡山の魚と）

=Noun+の+noun fixed phrases

=
As noted above, the particle の can remove accent from ''odaka'' nouns, and ''nakadaka'' nouns ending in a 特殊拍, resulting in a accentless phrase. Once the resulting noun+の phrase becomes accentless, when it is followed by another noun to form a fixed phrase, the second noun's accent often takes precedence:
*つゆ + の → つゆの + → つゆの（梅雨の入り）
*みず + の → みずの + → みずの（水の泡）
*はちく + の → はちくの + → はちくの（破竹の勢い）
*はなꜜ + の → はなの + → はなの（花の都）
*つらꜜ + の → つらの + → つらの（面の皮）

On the other hand, as の cannot remove accent from other ''nakadaka'' nouns, and ''atamadaka'' nouns, the resulting noun+の remains accented, and its accent often takes precedence:
* + の → + むし → むし（芸の虫）
* + の → + さꜜち → さち（海の幸）
* + の → + いえꜜ → いえ（海の家）
* + の → + ひꜜ → ひ（母の日）

Although these "rules" are still overidden in many other fixed phrases:
* + の + ひꜜ → のひ（父の日）
* + の + こ → のこ（男の子）
* + の + こ → のこ（女の子）
* + の + ゆꜜ → のゆ（茶の湯）
*あꜜさ + の + → あさの（朝の内）
*めꜜ + の + → めの（目の敵）
*うめ + の + きꜜ → うめのꜜき（梅の木）
*ふくꜜ + の + かꜜみ → ふくのꜜかみ（福の神）

=Noun with devoiced accentless mora followed by accented mora+の

=
If the accented mora of a ''odaka'' noun, or a noun ending in a special mora (特殊拍) as mentioned above, is preceded by a devoiced mora (voiceless consonant + ''i'' or ''u'' + voiceless consonant), then that noun may not be deaccented by の.
*ききꜜ + の + ときꜜ → ききꜜのとき（危機の時）
*ひしょꜜ + の + ひと → ひしょꜜのひと（秘書の人）
*ふきꜜ + の + きゃく → ふきꜜのきゃく（不帰の客）
*しきꜜん + の + ふそく → しきꜜんのふそく（資金の不足）
*ふきꜜん + の + ひと → ふきꜜんのひと（付近の人）
*きかꜜい + の + はなしꜜ → きかꜜいのはなし（機械の話）
*ちちꜜ + の + きゃく → ちちのきゃく or ちちꜜのきゃく（父の客）
*きしゃꜜ + の + なꜜか → きしゃのなꜜか or きしゃꜜのなか（汽車の中）

=Noun+auxiliary

=
Auxiliaries can be categorized into four groups:
*Group a: だ: This auxiliary inherits the accent of the nouns.
*Group b: です、みたい: This group only affects the accent of accentless nouns (accentless).
**A phrase with a accented noun followed by みたい in particular may alternatively have two accent nuclei:
***はꜜる + みたい → はꜜるみたい or はꜜる　みꜜたい（春みたい）
***みずうꜜみ + みたい → みずうꜜみみたい or みずうꜜみ　みꜜたい（湖みたい）
*Group c: だろう、でしょう、らしい: This group also only affects the accent of accentless nouns.
*Group d: らしい: This auxiliary may affect all nouns, or only accentless nouns (Group c).

Notes are given where there's a change in accent.

=Attributive phrase+noun+particle/auxiliary

=
When certain accentless nouns (accentless), such as 日（ひ）, 上（うえ）, 下（した）, 家（うち）, 人（ひと）, 所（ところ）, etc. are attributively modified by another accentless or ''odaka'' word and simultaneously followed by a particle or an auxiliary, the accent of the entire phrase may fall on the last mora of such nouns. Some examples include:
*こんな + ひ + に → こんなひꜜに（こんな日に）
*あくる + ひ + は → あくるひꜜは（あくる日は）
*あくる + ひ + だ → あくるひꜜだ（あくる日だ）
*やま + の + うえ + に → やまのうえꜜに（山の上に）
*やま + の + うえ + です → やまのうえꜜです（山の上です）
*やなぎ + の + した + に → やなぎのしたꜜに（柳の下に）
*となり + の + うち + から → となりのうちꜜから（隣の家から）
*となり + の + うち + だ → となりのうちꜜだ（隣の家だ）
*おとこꜜ + の + ひと + が → おとこのひとꜜが（男の人が）
*おとこꜜ + の + ひと + です → おとこのひとꜜです（男の人です）
*おなじ + ところ + へ → おなじところꜜへ（同じ所へ）

=Adverbial+particle/auxiliary

=
When an accentless adverbial (accentless) is followed by a particle or an auxiliary, the accent falls on the last mora of that adverbial (even if that adverbial already contains a particle to begin with).
*これから + は → これからꜜは
*これから + だ → これからꜜだ
*あれだけ + は → あれだけꜜは
*これきり + に → これきりꜜに
*これきり + です → これきりꜜです
*きっと + か → きっとꜜか
*きっと + だ → きっとꜜだ
*まったく + です → まったくꜜです

=Noun vs greeting

=
Greetings have different accent patterns from the nouns they derive from. Here, the original noun phrases are on the left of the arrows.
*ただꜜいま → ただいまꜜ（只今）
*こꜜんにちは → こんにちはꜜ（今日は）
*こꜜんばんは → こんばんはꜜ（今晩は）

=Verbal 連用形+particle

=
Four groups of particles that can follow the 連用形 of verbs:
*Group F: て・で
*Group G: さえ、たり・だり、つつ、ては・では、ても・でも、てよ・でよ
*Group H: は、さえ、つつ、に
*Group I: ながら

Notes are given where there's a change in accent.

=Verbal dictionary forms

=
Accent dictionaries only list accent patterns for the of verbs, also known as the "dictionary forms", adjectives and adjectival verbs, and the accent patterns of other forms are deduced from such dictionary forms. If verbs are accented, most of them are accented on the second-to-last (in other words, the second-to-last syllable in some analyses), although what exactly that second-to-last independent mora is is not always obvious. In cases where there are two adjacent identical vowel, the Shinmeikai and NHK dictionaries mark the second vowel as if it is an unaccentable (which means the two vowels form a long, continuous vowel), and a vowel kana if it is not (which means the two vowels are subject to interference, such as a glottal stop in between them).
*なꜜる（成る） vs なる（鳴る）
*がんばꜜる（頑張る）
*はれꜜる（晴れる） vs はれる（腫れる）
*しらべꜜる（調べる）
*よそおꜜう（装う）
*うるおꜜう（潤う）
*おもꜜう（思う）
*はらꜜう（払う）
*なおꜜす（直す）
*ぬꜜう（縫う）
*しいꜜる（強いる）
*くいꜜる（悔いる）
*おいꜜる（老いる）
*ほえꜜる（吠える）
*ひえꜜる（冷える）
*うえꜜる（飢える）
*はえꜜる（生える）

*とꜜーる（通る）
*はꜜいる（入る）
*まꜜいる（参る）

There are two exceptions where it is the third-to-last independent mora that is accented:
*かꜜえる（帰る）
*かꜜえす（返す）

And a few where there is variation between the second- and third-to-last mora:
*こたえꜜる or こたꜜえる（答える）
*かんがえꜜる or かんがꜜえる（考える）
*おとろえꜜる or おとろꜜえる（衰える）
*ととのえꜜる or ととのꜜえる（整ꜜえる）

Some verbs have accented and unaccented variants:
*くわえꜜる or くわえる（加える）
*もちいꜜる or もちーる（用いる）
*おおꜜう or おーう（覆う）

=Verbal dictionary form+particle

=
Five groups of particles that can follow the dictionary forms of verbs:
*Group J: が (case)、と、な (exclamatory)、に、は、も、よ、を、きり、しか、だけ、ほど、ものの
*Group K: ぜ、ぞ、ね
*Group L: さえ、すら、とか、とて、とも、なあ、ねえ、のみ、まで、ゆえ、より、かな (exclamatory)、くらい・ぐらい、どころ、ばかり、よりか、よりも. くらい・ぐらい and ばかり behave similarly to when they follow nouns.
*Group M: か、が (case, conjunctive)、さ、し、ぜ、ぞ、と (quotative, parallel)、な (prohibitive)、に、の、は、も、や、を、かい、かな (doubtful)、かね、から、しか、すら、だの、とか、とて、とも、など、なり、ので・んで、のに、やら、より、わよ、かしら、けれど、なんて、よりか、よりも、けれども
*Group N: だけ. Also behaves like Group J.

Notes are given where there's a change in accent.

=Verbal 仮定形+particle

=
Group O consists of ど、ば、ども. When these particles follow the 仮定形 of a accentless verb, the last mora of such form is accented:
*いれꜜば（居れば）
*はれれꜜば（腫れれば）
*くらべれꜜば（比べれば）
*もちいれꜜば（用いれば）
*かんじれꜜば（感じれば）
*かんずれꜜば（感ずれば）
*すれꜜば
*なれꜜば（鳴れば）
*あらえꜜば（洗えば）
*おこなえꜜば（行えば）

For accented verbs, no accent shift occurs:
*いꜜれば（射れば）
*はれꜜれば（晴れれば）
*しらべꜜれば（調べれば）
*しんじꜜれば（信じれば）
*しんずꜜれば（信ずれば）
*かすꜜれば or かꜜせば（課すれば or 課せば）
*あいすꜜれば or あꜜいせば（愛すれば or 愛せば）
*くꜜれば（来れば）
*なꜜれば（成れば）
*かꜜえれば（帰れば）
*ならꜜえば（習えば）
*てつだꜜえば（手伝えば）

=Verbal 命令形+particle

=
For the spoken 命令形 of verbs with accentless accent, the last mora is accented:
*いろꜜ（居ろ）
*はれろꜜ（腫れろ）
*くらべろꜜ（比べろ）
*もちいろꜜ（用いろ）
*かんじろꜜ（感じろ）
*しろꜜ
*なれꜜ（鳴れ）
*おこなえꜜ（行え）

For the written 命令形 of unigrade verbs with accentless accent, whose root contains only 1 mora, the last mora is also accented; or alternatively, the penultimate mora is:
*いよꜜ or いꜜよ（居よ）

For the written 命令形 of unigrade and ''-suru'' verbs with accentless accent, whose root contains more than 1 mora, the penultimate mora is accented:
*はれꜜよ（腫れよ）
*くらべꜜよ（比べよ）
*もちいꜜよ or もちꜜいよ（用いよ）
*かんじꜜよ（感じよ）
*かんぜꜜよ（感ぜよ）
*せꜜよ

For spoken and written 命令形 of verbs with accented accent, the location of the accented mora is the same as that in the dictionary forms:
*いꜜろ（射ろ）
*いꜜよ（射よ）
*しらべꜜろ（調べろ）
*しらべꜜよ（調べよ）
*しんじꜜろ（信じろ）
*しんじꜜよ（信じよ）
*しんぜꜜよ（信ぜよ）
*かしꜜよ（課しろ）
*かせꜜよ or かꜜせ（よ）（課せよ）
*あいしꜜよ（愛しろ）
*あいせꜜよ or あꜜいせ（よ）（愛せよ）
*こꜜい（来い）
*なꜜれ（成れ）
*かꜜえれ（帰れ）
*ならꜜえ（習え）
*てつだꜜえ（手伝え）

For the written 命令形 of unigrade and ''-suru'' verbs with accented accent, whose root contains more than 1 mora, the location of the accented mora could, alternatively, be shifted back by up to 2 morae, until it reaches an independent mora (自立拍, see #Accent nuclei, defective morae and compound-induced accent shifts above):
*しらべꜜよ → しらꜜべよ（調べよ）
*しんじꜜよ → *しんꜜじよ → しꜜんじよ（信じよ）
*しんぜꜜよ → *しんꜜぜよ → しꜜんぜよ（信ぜよ）

Group P consists of と、や、よ. These particles do not alter the accent of the 命令形:
*いろꜜ + よ → いろꜜよ（居ろよ）
*はれろꜜ + よ → はれろꜜよ（腫れろよ）
*くらべろꜜ + よ → くらべろꜜよ（比べろよ）
*もちいろꜜ + よ → もちいろꜜよ（用いろよ）
*かんじろꜜ + よ → かんじろꜜよ（感じろよ）
*しろꜜ + よ → しろꜜよ
*なれꜜ + よ → なれꜜよ（鳴れよ）
*おこなえꜜ + よ → おこなえꜜよ（行えよ）

*いꜜろ + よ → いꜜろよ（射ろよ）
*しらべꜜろ + よ → しらべꜜろよ（調べろよ）
*しんじꜜろ + よ → しんじꜜろよ（信じろよ）
*かしꜜろ + よ → かしꜜろよ（課しろよ）
*あいしꜜろ + よ → あいしꜜろよ（愛しろよ）
*こꜜい + よ → こꜜいよ（来いよ）
*なꜜれ + よ → なꜜれよ（成れよ）
*かꜜえれ + よ → かꜜえれよ（帰れよ）
*ならꜜえ + よ → ならꜜえよ（習えよ）
*てつだꜜえ + よ → てつだꜜえよ（手伝えよ）

=Verbal dictionary form+auxiliary

=
Three groups of auxiliaries that can trail dictionary forms of verbs:
*Group e: そうだ、ようだ、みたい. This group may, alternatively, interact differently with accented verbs, resulting in two accent nuclei:
**くꜜる + ようだ → くꜜるようだ or くꜜる　よꜜうだ（来るようだ）
**ならꜜう + そうだ → ならꜜうそうだ or ならꜜう　そꜜうだ（習うそうだ）
**かꜜえる + みたい → かꜜえるみたい or かꜜえる　みꜜたい（帰るみたい）
*Group f: だろう、でしょう、らしい. When interacting with accented verbs, the penultimate mora of the auxiliary may, alternatively, be accented:
**くるらしꜜい（来るらしい）
**かえるらしꜜい（帰るらしい）
*Group g: まい

Notes are given where there's a change in accent.

=Verbal 未然形+auxiliary

=
Three groups of auxiliaries that can trail 未然形 of verbs:
*Group h: せる・させる、れる・られる
*Group i: ない
*Group j: う・よう、まい

Notes are given where there's a change in accent.

=Verbal 連用形+auxiliary

=
Three groups of auxiliaries that can trail 連用形 of verbs:
*Group k: た・だ
*Group l: たい、そうだ
*Group m: ます

Notes are given where there's a change in accent.

=Adjectival dictionary forms

=
Unlike verbal dictionary forms which are accented on the second-to-last independent mora, adjectival dictionary forms are accented (if they are accented at all) on the last independent mora, which is usually the mora right before い, as い itself is analyzed as a special mora.
*おꜜーい or おおꜜい（多い）
*よꜜい（良い）
*ひどꜜい（酷い）
*おもしろꜜい（面白い）
*みじかꜜい（短い）
*あたらしꜜい（新しい）

=Adjectival dictionary form+particle

=
Five groups of particles that can trail dictionary forms of adjectives:
*Group Q: と、な (exclamatory)、よ (proclamatory)、だけ、ほど、ものの
*Group R: ぜ、ぞ、ね
*Group S: ごと、さえ、とか、とて、とも、なあ、ねえ、のみ、まで、ゆえ、より、かな (exclamatory)、くらい・ぐらい、どころ、ばかり、よりか、よりも. When trailing an accented noun, くらい・ぐらい, どころ and ばかり in particular may, alternatively, make the particle's first mora accented:
**みじかꜜい + くらい → みじかꜜいくらい or みじかいくꜜらい（短いくらい）
**うれしꜜい + どころ + の → うれしꜜいどころの or うれしいどꜜころの（嬉しいどころの）
**たかꜜい + ばかり + で → たかꜜいばかりで or たかいばꜜかりで（高いばかりで）
*Group T: か、が、さ、し、ぜ、ぞ、の、は、も、や、を、かい、かな (doubtful)、かね、から、だ、とか、とて、とも、など、なり、ので・んで、のに、やら、より、わよ、かしら、けれど、なんて、よりか、よりも、けれども
*Group U: だけ. Alternatively, behaves like Group Q.

Notes are given where there's a change in accent.

=Adjectival 連用形+particle

=
The ''-ku'' 連用形 of accentless adjectives are also accentless:
*あつい → あつく（厚く）
*つめたい → つめたく（冷たく）
*やさしい → やさしく（優しく）

The accent nucleus of the ''-ku'' 連用形 of accented adjectives is shifted one mora backward if possible; OR, if the ''-ku'' form contains more than 3 morae, is the same as that of the dictionary form:
*なꜜい → なꜜく（無く）
*あつꜜい → あꜜつく（熱く）
*みじかꜜい → みじꜜかく or みじかꜜく（短く）
*うれしꜜい → うれꜜしく or うれしꜜく（嬉しく）

Group V consists of the following particles: て、は、も、ても. When a accentless ''-ku'' form combines with a Group-V particle, either the ''-ku'' form's penultimate mora is accented; OR, the ''-shiku'' form's antepenultimate mora is accented:
*あつい → あつく + て → あつꜜくて（厚くて）
*つめたい → つめたく + て → つめたꜜくて（冷たくて）

*やさしい → やさしく + て → やさしꜜくて or やさꜜしくて（優しくて）

With は in particular, the accentless ''-ku'' form's last mora may, alternatively, accented:
*あつい → あつく + は → あつꜜくは or あつくꜜは（厚くは）
*あかるい → あかるく + は → あかるꜜくは or あかるくꜜは（明るくは）

Group V does not affect the accent nucleus of accented ''-ku'' forms:
*なꜜい → なꜜく + て → なꜜくて（無くて）
*あつꜜい → あꜜつく + て → あꜜつくて（熱くて）
*みじかꜜい → みじꜜかく + て → みじꜜかくて（短くて）
*みじかꜜい → みじかꜜく + て → みじかꜜくて（短くて）
*うれしꜜい → うれꜜしく + て → うれꜜしくて（嬉しくて）
*うれしꜜい → うれしꜜく + て → うれしꜜくて（嬉しくて）

=Adjectival 仮定形+particle

=
Group W consists of the following particles: ば、ど、ども.

For accentless dictionary forms, the root's last mora is accented:
*あつい → あつꜜければ（厚ければ）
*つめたい → つめたꜜければ（冷たければ）
*やさしい → やさꜜしければ（優しければ）

For accented dictionary forms, the accent nucleus shifts 1 mora backward if possible; OR if the ''-i'', not ''-shii'', forms contain more than 4 morae, the accent nucleus is the same as that of the dictionary form:
*なꜜい → なꜜければ（無ければ）
*あつꜜい → あꜜつければ（熱ければ）
*うれしꜜい → うれꜜしければ（嬉しければ）

*みじかꜜい → みじꜜかければ or みじかꜜければ（短ければ）

=Adjectival dictionary form+auxiliary

=
Four groups of auxiliaries that can trail dictionary forms of adjectives:
*Group n: そうだ、ようだ、みたい. These can alternatively result in two accent nuclei when combining with accented adjectives:
**たかꜜい + そうだ → たかꜜいそうだ or たかꜜい　そꜜうだ（高いそうだ）
**たかꜜい + ようだ → たかꜜいようだ or たかꜜい　よꜜうだ（高いようだ）
**みじかꜜい + みたい → みじかꜜいみたい or みじかꜜい　みꜜたい（短いみたい）
*Group o: だろう、でしょう、らしい
*Group p: です
*Group q: らしい. Alternatively, behaves like Group o.

Notes are given where there's a change in accent.

=Adjectival 未然形+auxiliary

=
The only member of Group r is う, and it uniquely combines with the ''-karo'' forms of adjectives. The mora ''ro'' in ''-karo'' is accented:
*なかろꜜう（無かろう）
*あつかろꜜう（厚かろう、熱かろう）
*つめたろꜜう（冷たかろう）
*みじかかろꜜう（短かろう）
*やさしかろꜜう（優しかろう）
*うれしかろꜜう（嬉しかろう）

=Particle/auxiliary+particle

=
When a particle or auxiliary follows a phrase that ends in another particle, if that phrase has accentless accent, its last mora is accented:
*みず + で → みずで + は → みずでꜜは（水では）
*やって + さえ → やってꜜさえ（遣ってさえ）

*みず + で → みずで + です → みずでꜜです（水でです）
*なく + と → なくと + だ → なくとꜜだ（泣くとだ）

Certain particles such as と、きり、しか、だけ may, alternatively, not alter the accentless phrase:
*みず + で → みずで + だけ → みずでꜜだけ or みずでだけ（水でだけ）
*やって + だけ → やってꜜだけ or やってだけ（遣ってだけ）

Otherwise, if that phrase has ''atamadaka'' or ''nakadaka'' accent, its accent is not altered:
*やまꜜ + に → やまꜜに + は → やまꜜには（山には）
*ならꜜって + さえ → ならꜜってさえ（習ってさえ）
*はꜜる + で → はꜜるで + は → はꜜるでは（春では）
*たꜜべて + さえ → たꜜべてさえ（食べてさえ）

*おとこꜜ + に → おとこꜜに + です → おとこꜜにです（男にです）
*たべꜜる + と → たべꜜると + です → たべꜜるとです（食べるとです）
*はꜜる + に → はꜜるに + です → はꜜるにです（春にです）
*よꜜむ + と → よꜜむと + です → よꜜむとです（読むとです）

=Accented voiceless morae

=
Pitch accent involves a steep drop from a high pitch and a low pitch, which are facilitated by a fundamental frequency, in other words, voicing. However, the high vowels and are susceptible to devoicing, mostly between two voiceless consonants, which may interfere with accenting. In such cases where a devoiced vowel is accented, alternative pronunciations with accent shifts are possible. In following examples, devoiced morae are in bold. The suffix 県（けん） starts with a voiceless vowel and can create an environment for devoicing. As mentioned above, 県 is also a short suffix that puts the accent on the last 自立拍 before it.
*ながさきꜜけん → ながさꜜきけん（長崎県）
*やまなしꜜけん → やまなꜜしけん（山梨県）

=List of particles and auxiliaries

=
The following list for Tokyo accent is not shown in the NHK日本語発音アクセント辞典, but slightly reworked from papers by Shiro Kori. A few patterns for missing particles and auxiliaries are inferred from the appendix アクセント to the ''Daijirin''.

=Trailing 補助動詞

=
Like 助動詞 ("auxiliaries"), 補助動詞 ("supplementary verbs") also modify the accent of the verbs they trail. According to the ''Daijirin'' and Kori (2020):
*のる + たꜜて → のりたて（乗り立て）
*のꜜむ + たꜜて → のみたて（飲み立て）
*くらべる + つらい → くらべづらꜜい（比べ辛い）
*のる + つらい → のりづらꜜい or のりづらい（乗り辛い）
*しらべꜜる + つらい → しらべづらꜜい（調べ辛い）
*のꜜむ + つらい → のみづらꜜい or のみづらい（飲み辛い）
*くらべる + にくꜜい → くらべにくꜜい（比べ憎い）
*のる + にくꜜい → のりにくꜜい（乗り憎い）
*しらべꜜる + にくꜜい → しらべにくꜜい（調べ憎い）
*のꜜむ + にくꜜい → のみにくꜜい（飲み憎い）

=補助動詞 vs 本動詞

=
As 補助動詞 ("supplementary verbs") are grammaticalized 本動詞 ("main verbs"), they do not have the same accent patterns as their main verb ancestors. Compare:
*よꜜむ → よꜜんで みꜜる（読んで見る "read and see"）: the main verb 見る, spelt with a kanji, retains its accent
*よꜜむ → よꜜんでみる（読んでみる "try seeing"）: the supplementary verb みる, spelt with only kana, does not have its own accent

In the above example, 読んで is accented and apparently "suppresses" the accent of みる. However, in case of an unaccented て form, the accent of みる emerges:
*わらう → わらってみꜜる（笑ってみる "try laughing"）

Also compare how auxiliaries verbs in English are usually weak, while their main verb ancestors are always strong: ''Do you do it?'' , ''I had had it'' .

=Compound ''-suru'' verbs

=
In two-or-more-kanji Sino-Japanese compounds, or native or foreign compounds, the accent of the word before ''-suru'' takes precedence:
*じゃま + する → じゃまする（邪魔する）
*せわꜜ + する → せわꜜする（世話する）
*あんなꜜい + する → あんなꜜいする（案内する）
*きょꜜか + する → きょꜜかする（許可する）

* つぎ + する → つぎする（継ぎする）
* たびꜜ + する → たびꜜする（旅する）
* あꜜせ + する → あꜜせする（汗する）
* ここꜜろ + する → ここꜜろする（心する）
* なꜜみだ + する → なꜜみだする（涙する）
* だꜜっこ + する → だꜜっこする（抱っこする）

* マꜜーク + する → マꜜークする
* オミꜜット + する → オミꜜットする
* ハꜜッスル + する → ハꜜッスルする

This is also the case for some single-kanji compounds where the kanji is generally capable of representing a free word with its own accent:
*とく + する → とくする（得する）
*らくꜜ + する → らくꜜする（楽する）
*そꜜん + する → そꜜんする（損する）

Numerals

The following table lists some compounds of numerals and their accent.

A few patterns can be spotted:
*For numerals from 1-9 (いち～きゅう・く), the accent is tentatively placed on the last mora, and if that mora is a 特殊拍, the accent is shifted backward. Exceptions include さん and なꜜな.
*For compounds from 10-90 (じゅう～きゅうじゅう・くじゅう), じゅ is accented, except in にꜜじゅう、さꜜんじゅう、よꜜんじゅう、ななꜜじゅう、きゅꜜうじゅう.
*For compounds from 100-900 (ひゃく～きゅうひゃく), the accent is ''odaka'', except in さꜜんびゃく、よꜜんひゃく、ななꜜひゃく、きゅꜜうひゃく.
*For compounds from 1,000-100,000 (せん～じゅうまん), the accented morae are せ・ぜ and ま.
*For compounds from 200,000-900,000 (にじゅうまん～きゅうじゅうまん), either じゅ or ま can be accented. Alternative exceptions include にꜜじゅうまん、さꜜんじゅうまん、よꜜんじゅうまん、きゅꜜうじゅうまん.
*For compounds from 1,000,000-90,000,000 (ひゃくまん～きゅうせんまん), the accented mora is ま. Alternative exceptions include さꜜんびゃくまん、よꜜんひゃくまん、きゅꜜうひゃくまん.
*For compounds from 100,000,000-1,000,000,000 (いちおく～じゅうおく), the accent is tentatively placed on the last mora of the first numeral, and if that mora is a 特殊拍, the accent is shifted backward.
Compounds from 11-19:
*じゅꜜう + → じゅう
*じゅꜜう + → じゅう
*じゅꜜう + → じゅう
*じゅꜜう + → じゅう
*じゅꜜう + → じゅう
*じゅꜜう + → じゅう
*じゅꜜう + → じゅう
*じゅꜜう + → じゅう
*じゅꜜう + → じゅう

* + さん → さん
* + ごꜜ → ご
* + くꜜ → く

Additional rules for compounding:
#For regular compounds from 20-90 whose accented mora is じゅ, and from 100-900 with ''odaka'' accent, if they additionally compound with a numeral or another compound, the 2nd component's accent takes precedence:
#*ごじゅꜜう + → ごじゅう
#*ごじゅꜜう + → ごじゅう
#*ごじゅꜜう + → ごじゅう
#*ごじゅꜜう + → ごじゅう
#*ごひゃくꜜ + → ごひゃく
#*ごひゃくꜜ + → ごひゃく
#*ごひゃくꜜ + → ごひゃく
#*ごひゃくꜜ + → ごひゃく
#*ごひゃくꜜ + → ごひゃく
#*ごひゃくꜜ + → ごひゃく
#*ごひゃくꜜ + → ごひゃく
#For irregular compounds from 20-900 (in yellow cells in the table), the 1st component's accent takes precedence; if the 2nd component is accented, its accent is, alternatively, kept:
#* + さん → さん
#* + さん → さん
#* + ろくꜜ → ろく or 　ろくꜜ
#* + なꜜな → なな or 　なꜜな
#* + ろくꜜ → ろく or 　ろくꜜ
#* + なꜜな → なな or 　なꜜな
#* + にꜜじゅう → にじゅう or 　にꜜじゅう
#* + ごじゅꜜう → ごじゅう or 　ごじゅꜜう
#* + ごじゅういちꜜ → ごじゅういち or 　ごじゅういちꜜ
#Compounds resulting from rule 1 follow rule 2:
#* + さん → さん
#* + ろくꜜ → ろく or 　ろくꜜ
#* + なꜜな → なな or 　なꜜな

Numeral+counter

Compounds formed from one or more numerals and a counter often obey certain rules. Counters can be categorized into five groups, and multiple subgroups, depending on the resulting accent:
*Group D: The resulting accent is mostly accentless:
**Group D1: Always:
***週（しゅう） → いっしゅう、にしゅう、さんしゅう、よんしゅう、ごしゅう、ろくしゅう、ななしゅう、はっしゅう、きゅうしゅう、じゅっしゅう・じっしゅう
***倍（ばい） → いちばい、にばい、さんばい、よんばい、ごばい、ろくばい、ななばい、はちばい、きゅうばい、じゅうばい
***校（こう）(" proof", ordinal) → いっこう・しょこう、にこう・さいこう、さんこう、よんこう、ごこう、ろっこう、ななこう、はちこう、きゅうこう、じゅっこう・じっこう
***人前（にんまえ） → いちにんまえ、ににんまえ、さんにんまえ、よにんまえ、ごにんまえ、ろくにんまえ、しちにんまえ・ななにんまえ、はちにんまえ、くにんまえ・きゅうにんまえ、じゅうにんまえ
***年生（ねんせい） (" annual/biennial plant", cardinal) → いちねんせい、にねんせい
**Group D2: With exceptions:
***円（えん） → いちえん、にえん、さんえん、、、ろくえん、、はちえん、、じゅうえん
**Group D3: With exceptions:
***日（か） (ordinal) → 、ふつか、みっか、よっか、いつか・、むいか、なのか・なぬか、ようか、、とおか
*Group E: The resulting accent is mostly ''odaka'':
**Group E1: Always:
***丁目（ちょうめ） (ordinal) → いっちょうめꜜ、にちょうめꜜ、さんちょうめꜜ、よんちょうめꜜ、ごちょうめꜜ、ろくちょうめꜜ、ななちょうめꜜ、はっちょうめꜜ、きゅうちょうめꜜ、じゅっちょうめꜜ・じっちょうめꜜ
***番目（ばんめ） (ordinal) → いちばんめꜜ、にばんめꜜ、さんばんめꜜ、よんばんめꜜ・よばんめꜜ、ごばんめꜜ、ろくばんめꜜ、ななばんめꜜ、はちばんめꜜ、きゅうばんめꜜ・くばんめꜜ、じゅうばんめꜜ
***度目（どめ） (ordinal) → いちどめꜜ、にどめꜜ、さんどめꜜ、よんどめꜜ・よどめꜜ、ごどめꜜ、ろくどめꜜ、ななどめꜜ・しちどめꜜ、はちどめꜜ、きゅうどめꜜ・くどめꜜ、じゅうどめꜜ
**Group E2: With exceptions:
***月（がつ） (ordinal) → いちがつꜜ、にがつꜜ、、しがつꜜ、、ろくがつꜜ、しちがつꜜ、はちがつꜜ、、じゅうがつꜜ、じゅういちがつꜜ、じゅうにがつꜜ
**Group E3: With exceptions:
***尺（しゃく） → いっしゃくꜜ、にしゃくꜜ、、、ごしゃくꜜ、ろくしゃくꜜ、、はっしゃくꜜ、、じゅっしゃくꜜ・じっしゃくꜜ
**Group E4: With exceptions:
***度（ど） ("time", cardinal) → いちどꜜ、にどꜜ、、・よどꜜ、ごどꜜ、、・、、、
**Group E5: With exceptions:
***曲（きょく） → いっきょくꜜ、、、、、ろっきょくꜜ、、はちきょくꜜ、、じゅっきょくꜜ・じっきょくꜜ
*Group F: In the resulting compound, the counter's first mora is mostly accented:
**Group F1: Always:
***時間（じかん） (cardinal) → いちじꜜかん、にじꜜかん、さんじꜜかん、よじꜜかん、ごじꜜかん、ろくじꜜかん、しちじꜜかん・ななじꜜかん、はちじꜜかん、くじꜜかん・きゅうじꜜかん、じゅうじꜜかん
***時限（じげん） → いちじꜜげん、にじꜜげん、さんじꜜげん、よじꜜげん、ごじꜜげん、ろくじꜜげん、しちじꜜげん、はちじꜜげん、くじꜜげん・きゅうじꜜげん、じゅうじꜜげん
***段階（だんかい） → いちだꜜんかい、にだꜜんかい、さんだꜜんかい、よんだꜜんかい、ごだꜜんかい、ろくだꜜんかい、ななだꜜんかい、はちだꜜんかい、きゅうだꜜんかい、じゅうだꜜんかい
***番地（ばんち） (ordinal) → いちばꜜんち、にばꜜんち、さんばꜜんち、よんばꜜんち、ごばꜜんち、ろくばꜜんち、ななばꜜんち、はちばꜜんち、きゅうばꜜんち、じゅうばꜜんち
***番手（ばんて） (ordinal) → いてばꜜんて、にばꜜんて、さんばꜜんて、よんばꜜんて・よばꜜんて、ごばꜜんて、ろくばꜜんて、ななばꜜんて、はてばꜜんて、きゅうばꜜんて、じゅうばꜜんて
***年生（ねんせい） ("-year student", ordinal) → いちねꜜんせい、にねꜜんせい、さんねꜜんせい、よねꜜんせい、ごねꜜんせい、ろくねꜜんせい、しちねꜜんせい、はちねꜜんせい、きゅうねꜜんせい、じゅうねꜜんせい
***箇年（かねん） (cardinal) → いっかꜜねん、にかꜜねん、さんかꜜねん、よんかꜜねん、ごかꜜねん、ろっかꜜねん、ななかꜜねん、はちかꜜねん・はっかꜜねん、きゅうかꜜねん、じゅっかꜜねん・じっかꜜねん
***箇月（かげつ） (cardinal) → いっかꜜげつ、にかꜜげつ、さんかꜜげつ、よんかꜜげつ、ごかꜜげつ、ろっかꜜげつ、ななかꜜげつ、はちかꜜげつ・はっかꜜげつ、きゅうかꜜげつ、じゅっかꜜげつ・じっかꜜげつ
**Group F2: With exceptions:
***回（かい） → いっかꜜい、にかꜜい、さんかꜜい、、ごかꜜい、ろっかꜜい、、はちかꜜい、、じゅっかꜜい・じっかꜜい
**Group F3: With exceptions:
***銭（せん） → いっせꜜん、にせꜜん、さんせꜜん、、・ごせꜜん、ろくせꜜん、、はっせꜜん、、じゅっせꜜん・じっせꜜん
**Group F4: With exceptions:
***寸（すん） → いっすꜜん、にすꜜん、、、ごすꜜん、ろくすꜜん、、はっすꜜん、、じゅっすꜜん・じっすꜜん
**Group F5: With exceptions:
***合（ごう） → いちごꜜう、にごꜜう、、、ごごꜜう、ろくごꜜう、・しちごꜜう、、、
**Group F6: With exceptions:
***畳（じょう） → いちじょꜜう・、にじょꜜう・、さんじょꜜう・、よじょꜜう・、ごじょꜜう、ろくじょꜜう、ななじょꜜう、はちじょꜜう、きゅうじょꜜう・くじょꜜう、じゅうじょꜜう
*Group G: The counter's own accent as a free word takes precedence:
**オクタꜜーブ　→　いちオクタꜜーブ、にオクタꜜーブ、さんオクタꜜーブ、よんオクタꜜーブ、ごオクタꜜーブ、ろくオクタꜜーブ、ななオクタꜜーブ、はちオクタꜜーブ、きゅうオクタꜜーブ、じゅうオクタꜜーブ
**キログꜜラム　→　いちキログꜜラム、にキログꜜラム、さんキログꜜラム、よんキログꜜラム、ごキログꜜラム、ろっキログꜜラム、ななキログꜜラム、はちキログꜜラム、きゅうキログꜜラム、じゅっキログꜜラム・じっキログꜜラム
**cc（シーシꜜー）　→　いちシーシꜜー、にシーシꜜー、さんシーシꜜー、よんシーシꜜー、ごシーシꜜー、ろくシーシꜜー、ななシーシꜜー、はちシーシꜜー、きゅうシーシꜜー、じゅっシーシꜜー・じっシーシꜜー
*Group H: The accent is tentatively placed on the last mora of the numeral, and if that mora is a 特殊拍, the accent is shifted backward.
**Group H1: Always:
***個（こ） → いꜜっこ、にꜜこ、さꜜんこ、よꜜんこ、ごꜜこ、ろꜜっこ、ななꜜこ、はちꜜこ、きゅꜜうこ、じゅꜜっこ・じꜜっこ
***校（こう）("school", cardinal) → いꜜっこう、にꜜこう、さꜜんこう、よꜜんこう、ごꜜこう、ろꜜっこう、ななꜜこう、はちꜜこう、きゅꜜうこう、じゅꜜっこう・じꜜっこう
***キロ → いちꜜキロ、にꜜキロ、さꜜんキロ、よꜜんキロ、ごꜜキロ、ろꜜっキロ、ななꜜキロ、はちꜜキロ、きゅꜜうキロ、じゅꜜっキロ・じꜜっキロ
***トン → いꜜっトン、にꜜトン、さꜜんトン、よꜜんトン、ごꜜトン、ろくꜜトン、ななꜜトン、はちꜜトン・はꜜっトン、きゅꜜうトン、じゅꜜっトン・じꜜっトン
***時（じ） (ordinal) → いちꜜじ、にꜜじ、さꜜんじ、よꜜじ、ごꜜじ、ろくꜜじ、しちꜜじ、はちꜜじ、くꜜじ、じゅꜜうじ
***女（じょ） ("daughter", ordinal) → ちょꜜうじょ、じꜜじょ、さꜜんじょ、よꜜんじょ、ごꜜじょ、ろくꜜじょ、しちꜜじょ、はちꜜじょ、きゅꜜうじょ、じゅꜜうじょ
***女（じょ） ("female person", cardinal) → いちꜜじょ、にꜜじょ、さꜜんじょ、よꜜんじょ、ごꜜじょ、ろくꜜじょ、しちꜜじょ・ななꜜじょ、はちꜜじょ、きゅꜜうじょ、じゅꜜうじょ
***分（ぶ） → いちꜜぶ、にꜜぶ、さꜜんぶ、よꜜんぶ・しꜜぶ、ごꜜぶ、ろくꜜぶ、ななꜜぶ・しちꜜぶ、はちꜜぶ、きゅꜜうぶ・くꜜぶ、じゅꜜうぶ
***分（ふん） → いꜜっぷん、にꜜふん、さꜜんぷん、よꜜんぷん、ごꜜふん、ろꜜっぷん、ななꜜふん、はちꜜふん・はꜜっぷん、きゅꜜうふん、じゅꜜっぷん・じꜜっぷん
***羽（わ） → いちꜜわ、にꜜわ、さꜜんば・さꜜんわ、よꜜんわ・よꜜんば、ごꜜわ、ろꜜっぱ・ろくꜜわ、ななꜜわ・しちꜜわ、はちꜜわ・はꜜっぱ、きゅꜜうわ、じゅꜜっぱ・じꜜっぱ・じゅꜜうわ
***度（ど） ("degree", cardinal) → いちꜜど、にꜜど、さꜜんど、よꜜんど、ごꜜど、ろくꜜど、ななꜜど・しちꜜど、はちꜜど、きゅꜜうど・くꜜど、じゅꜜうど
**Group H2: With exceptions:
***歳（さい） → いꜜっさい、にꜜさい、さꜜんさい、よꜜんさい、ごꜜさい、ろくꜜさい・、ななꜜさい、はꜜっさい、きゅꜜうさい、じゅꜜっさい・じꜜっさい
**Group H3: With exceptions:
***軒（けん） → いꜜっけん、にꜜけん、さꜜんげん、よꜜんけん、、ろꜜっけん、ななꜜけん、はちꜜけん、きゅꜜうけん、じゅꜜっけん・じꜜっけん
**Group H4: With exceptions:
***町・丁（ちょう） (cardinal) → いꜜっちょう、にꜜちょう、さꜜんちょう、よꜜんちょう、・ごꜜちょう、ろくꜜちょう・、ななꜜちょう、はꜜっちょう、きゅꜜうちょう、じゅꜜっちょう・じꜜっちょう
**Group H5: With exceptions:
***問（もん） → いちꜜもん、にꜜもん、さꜜんもん、よꜜんもん、、ろくꜜもん、ななꜜもん・しちꜜもん、はちꜜもん、きゅꜜうもん、じゅꜜうもん
**Group H6: With exceptions:
***台（だい） → いちꜜだい、にꜜだい、さꜜんだい、よꜜんだい・、、ろくꜜだい、ななꜜだい、はちꜜだい、きゅꜜうだい・、じゅꜜうだい
**Group H7: With exceptions:
***升（しょう） → いꜜっしょう、にꜜしょう、、よꜜんしょう、、ろくꜜしょう・、ななꜜしょう、はꜜっしょう、きゅꜜうしょう、じゅꜜっしょう・じꜜっしょう
**Group H8: With exceptions:
***段（だん） → いちꜜだん、にꜜだん、、よꜜんだん・、、ろくꜜだん、ななꜜだん・しちꜜだん、はちꜜだん、きゅꜜうだん・、じゅꜜうだん
***番（ばん） → いちꜜばん、にꜜばん、、よꜜんばん・、、ろくꜜばん、ななꜜばん・しちꜜばん、はちꜜばん、きゅꜜうばん・、じゅꜜうばん
**Group H9: With exceptions:
***人（にん） → いちꜜにん、にꜜにん、、、、ろくꜜにん、しちꜜにん、はちꜜにん、、じゅꜜうにん
**Group H10: With exceptions:
***年（ねん） → いちꜜねん、にꜜねん、、、、ろくꜜねん、しちꜜねん、はちꜜねん、・きゅꜜうねん、じゅꜜうねん
**Group H11: With exceptions:
***幕（まく） → ひとꜜまく、、さꜜんまく・みꜜまく、よꜜんまく・よꜜまく、ごꜜまく、ろくꜜまく、ななꜜまく・しちꜜまく、はちꜜまく、きゅꜜうまく、じゅꜜうまく
**Group H12: With exceptions:
***月（つき） → ひとꜜつき、ふたꜜつき・、みꜜつき、よꜜつき、いつꜜつき、むꜜつき、ななꜜつき、やꜜつき、ここのꜜつき、とꜜつき
**Group H13: With exceptions:
***揃い（そろい） → ひとꜜそろい、、、、いつꜜそろい、、ななꜜそろい、、、
**Group H14: With exceptions:
***人（り・たり） → ひとꜜり、、みꜜたり、・よꜜたり

A more comprehensive index of counters and their groups entitled 助数詞索引 can be found in the NHK日本語発音アクセント辞典.

Dvandva compounds

A dvandva compound (AB = "A and B") preserves the accent pattern of either only the first constituent (A), or both constituents (A and B):
*あꜜめ + かぜ → あꜜめかぜ（雨風 "rain and wind")
*はꜜる + あꜜき → はꜜるあき（春秋 "spring and autumn"）
*なつꜜ + ふゆꜜ → なꜜつふゆ（夏冬 "summer and winter")
*やまꜜ + かわꜜ → やまꜜかわ（山川 "mountains and rivers"; compare やまがわ "river in mountains" which is not dvandva）
*くꜜろ + しꜜろ → くꜜろしろ（黒白 "black and white")
*しꜜろ + くꜜろ → しꜜろくろ（白黒 "white and black")
*てꜜ + あしꜜ → てꜜあし（手足 "hands and feet")
*もも + くりꜜ → ももくり（桃栗 "peaches and chestnuts")
*ちちꜜ + はꜜは → ちちꜜはは（父母 "father and mother")
*としꜜ + つきꜜ → としꜜつき（年月 "years and months")
*あꜜさ + ばん → あꜜさばん（朝晩 "morning and evening")
*すきꜜ + きらいꜜ → すきꜜきらい（好き嫌い "likes and dislikes")
*いき + かえりꜜ → いきかえり（行き帰り "going and coming back")

*どよꜜう + にちよꜜう → どよꜜう　にちよꜜう（土曜日曜 "Saturday and Sunday")
*チェꜜコ + スロバꜜキア → チェꜜコ　スロバꜜキア（" Czechia and Slovakia; Czechoslovakia"）

Examples of words that differ only in pitch

In standard Japanese, about 47% of words are unaccented and around 26% are accented on the ante-penultimate mora. However, this distribution is highly variable between word categories. For example, 70% of native nouns are unaccented, while only 50% of kango and only 7% of loanwords are unaccented. In general, most 1–2 mora words are accented on the first mora, 3–4 mora words are unaccented, and words of greater length are almost always accented on one of the last five morae.

The following chart gives some examples of minimal pairs of Japanese words whose only differentiating feature is pitch accent. Phonemic pitch accent is indicated with the phonetic symbol for downstep, .

:

In isolation, the words ''hashi'' はし hàshí "bridge" and ''hashi'' hàshí "edge" are pronounced identically, starting low and rising to a high pitch. However, the difference becomes clear in context. With the simple addition of the particle ''ni'' "at", for example, hàshí-nì "at the bridge" acquires a marked drop in pitch, while hàshi-ni "at the edge" does not. However, because the downstep occurs after the first mora of the accented syllable, a word with a final long accented syllable would contrast all three patterns even in isolation: an accentless word ''nihon'', for example, would be pronounced , differently from either of the words above. In 2014, a study recording the electrical activity of the brain showed that native Japanese speakers mainly use context, rather than pitch accent information, to contrast between words that differ only in pitch.

This property of the Japanese language allows for a certain type of pun, called , combining two words with the same or very similar sounds but different pitch accents and thus meanings. For example, ''kaeru-ga kaeru'' . These are considered quite corny, and are associated with .

Since any syllable, or none, may be accented, Tokyo-type dialects have ''N''+1 possibilities, where ''N'' is the number of syllables (not morae) in a word, though this pattern only holds for a relatively small ''N''.

Other dialects

Accent and tone are the most variable aspect of Japanese dialects. Some have no accent at all; of those that do, it may occur in addition to a high or low word tone.

The dialects that have a Tokyo-type accent, like the standard Tokyo dialect described above, are distributed over Hokkaido, northern Tohoku, most of Kanto, most of Chūbu, Chūgoku and northeastern Kyushu. Most of these dialects have a more-or-less high tone in unaccented words (though first mora has low tone, and following morae have high tone); an accent takes the form of a downstep, after which the tone stays low. But some dialects, for example, dialects of northern Tohoku and eastern Tottori, typically have a more-or-less low tone in unaccented words; accented syllables have a high tone, with low tone on either side, rather like English stress accent. In any case, the downstep has phonological meaning and the syllable followed by downstep is said to be "accented".

Keihan (Kyoto–Osaka)-type dialects of Kansai and Shikoku have nouns with both patterns: That is, they have tone differences in unaccented as well as accented words, and both downstep in some high-tone words and a high-tone accent in some low-tone words. In the neighboring areas of Tokyo-type and Keihan-type such as parts of Kyushu, northeastern Kanto, southern Tohoku, around Fukui, around Ōzu in Ehime and elsewhere, nouns are not accented at all.

Kyushu (two-pattern type)

In western and southern Kyushu dialects (pink area on the map on the right), a high tone falls on a predictable syllable, depending only on whether the noun has an accent. This is termed a two-pattern (''nikei'') system, as there are two possibilities, accented and not accented. For instance, in the Kagoshima dialect unaccented nouns have a low tone until the final syllable, at which point the pitch rises. In accented nouns, however, the penultimate syllable of a phonological word has a high tone, which drops on the final syllable. (Kagoshima phonology is based on syllables, not on morae.) For example, ''irogami'' 'colored paper' is unaccented in Kagoshima, while ''kagaribi'' 'bonfire' is accented. The ultimate or penultimate high tone will shift when any unaccented grammatical particle is added, such as nominative ''-ga'' or ablative ''-kara'':
:
:

In the Shuri dialect of the Okinawan language, unaccented words are high tone; accent takes the form of a downstep after the second syllable, or after the first syllable of a disyllabic noun. However, the accents patterns of the Ryukyuan languages are varied, and do not all fit the Japanese patterns.

''Nikei'' accents are also found in parts of Fukui and Kaga in Hokuriku region (green area on map).

No accent versus one-pattern type

In Miyakonojō, Miyazaki (small black area on map), there is a single accent: all phonological words have a low tone until the final syllable, at which point the pitch rises. That is, every word has the pitch pattern of Kagoshima . This is called an (one-pattern) accent. Phonologically, it is the same as the absence of an accent (white areas on map), and is sometimes counted as such, as there can be no contrast between words based on accent. However, speakers of -type dialects feel that they are accenting a particular syllable, whereas speakers of unaccented dialects have no such intuition.

Keihan (Kyoto–Osaka type)

Near the old capital of Kyoto, in Kansai, Shikoku, and parts of Hokuriku (the easternmost Western Japanese dialects), there is a more innovative system, structurally similar to a combination of these patterns. There are both high and low initial tone as well as the possibility of an accented mora. That is, unaccented nouns may have either a high or a low tone, and accented words have pitch accent in addition to this word tone. This system will be illustrated with the Kansai dialect of Osaka.

Accented high-tone words in Osaka, like ''atama'' 'head', are structurally similar to accented words in Tokyo, except that the pitch is uniformly high prior to the downstep, rather than rising as in Tokyo. As in Tokyo, the subsequent morae have low pitch. Unaccented high-tone words, such as ''sakura'' 'cherry tree', are pronounced with a high tone on every syllable, and in following unaccented particles:

:High tone , accent on ''ta'':
:High tone , no accent:

Low-tone accented words are pronounced with a low pitch on every mora but the accented one. They are like accented words in Kagoshima, except that again there are many exceptions to the default placement of the accent. For example, ''tokage'' is accented on the ''ka'' in both Osaka and Kagoshima, but ''omonaga'' 'oval face' is accented on ''mo'' in Osaka and ''na'' in Kagoshima (the default position for both dialects); also, in Osaka the accented is fixed on the ''mo,'' whereas in Kagoshima it shifts when particles are added. Unaccented low-tone words such as ''usagi'' 'rabbit' have high pitch only in the final mora, just as in Kagoshima:

:Low tone , accent on ''mo'':
:Low tone , no accent:

Hokuriku dialect in Suzu is similar, but unaccented low-tone words are purely low, without the rise at the end:
:: ;
''sakura'' has the same pattern as in Osaka.

In Kōchi, low-tone words have low pitch only on the first mora, and subsequent morae are high:
:: .

The Keihan system is sometimes described as having 2''n''+1 possibilities, where ''n'' is the number of morae (up to a relatively small number), though not all of these actually occur. From the above table, there are three accent patterns for one-mora words, four (out of a theoretical 2''n''+1 = 5) for two-mora words, and six (out of a theoretical 2''n''+1 = 7) for three-mora words.

Correspondences between dialects

There are regular correspondences between Tokyo-type and Keihan-type accents. The downstep on high-tone words in conservative Keihan accents generally occurs one syllable earlier than in the older Tokyo-type accent. For example, ''kokoro'' 'heart' is in Tokyo but in Osaka; ''kotoba'' 'word' is in Tokyo but in Osaka; ''kawa'' 'river' is in Tokyo but in Osaka. If a word is unaccented and high-tone in Keihan dialects, it is also unaccented in Tokyo-type dialects. If a two-mora word has a low tone in Keihan dialects, it has a downstep on the first mora in Tokyo-type dialects.

In Tokyo, all nakadaka verbs have the downstep on the second to last mora, except in cases of defective mora. This is the last mora of the verb stem, as in 'be white' and 'get up'. In Kansai, verbs have high- and low-tone paradigms as nouns do. High-tone verbs are either unaccented or are accented on the penultimate mora. Low-tone verbs are either unaccented or accented on the final syllable, triggering a low tone on unaccented suffixes. In Kyoto, verbal tone varies irregularly with inflection, a situation not found in more conservative dialects, even more conservative Kansai-type dialects such as that of Kōchi in Shikoku.

Syllabic and moraic

Japanese pitch accent also varies in how it interacts with syllables and morae. Kagoshima is a purely syllabic dialect, while Osaka is moraic. For example, the low-tone unaccented noun ''shinbun'' 'newspaper' is in Kagoshima, with the high tone spread across the entire final syllable ''bun,'' but in Osaka it is , with the high tone restricted to the final mora ''n''. In Tokyo, accent placement is constrained by the syllable, though the downstep occurs between the morae of that syllable. That is, a stressed syllable in Tokyo dialect, as in ''kai'' 'shell' or ''san'' 'divining rod', will always have the pattern , never .Although in other words with the moraic pattern of ''kai'' and ''san'' the second mora may have a high tone and the first a low tone, this is just the rise in pitch, in an unaccented word or before a downstep, spread across the syllable, and does not depend on whether that syllable consists of one mora or two. Unaccented ''ha'' 'leaf', for example, has a rising tone in Tokyo dialect, whereas accented ''ne'' 'root' has a falling tone; likewise unaccented ''kai'' 'buying' and ''san'' 'three' have a rising tone, whereas accented ''kai'' 'shell' and ''san'' 'divining rod' can only have a falling tone. In Osaka, however, either pattern may occur: ''tonbi'' ' black kite' is in Tokyo but in Osaka.

Notes

References

Bibliography

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External links

Japanese word accent speech analysis



Online Japanese Accent Dictionary, from the University of Tokyo

{{Japanese language

Pitch accent
Tone (linguistics)