Judaism (Hebrew: חֲרֵדִי Ḥaredi,
IPA: [χaʁeˈdi]; also spelled Charedi, plural Haredim or
Charedim) is a broad spectrum of groups within Orthodox Judaism, all
characterized by a rejection of modern secular culture. Its members
are often referred to as strictly Orthodox or ultra-Orthodox in
English, although the term "ultra-Orthodox" is considered pejorative
by many of its adherents. Haredim regard themselves as the most
religiously authentic group of Jews, although this claim is
contested by other streams.
Judaism is a reaction to societal changes, including
emancipation, enlightenment, the
Haskalah movement derived from
enlightenment, acculturation, secularization, religious reform in all
its forms from mild to extreme, the rise of the Jewish national
movements, etc. In contrast to
Modern Orthodox Judaism, which
hastened to embrace modernity, the approach of the Haredim was to
maintain a steadfast adherence both to Jewish Law and custom by
segregating themselves from modern society. However, there are many
Haredi communities in which getting a professional degree or
establishing a business is encouraged, and contact exists between
Haredi and non-
Haredi communities are primarily found in Israel, North America, and
Western Europe. Their estimated global population currently numbers
1.5–1.8 million, and, due to a virtual absence of interfaith
marriage and a high birth rate, their numbers are growing
rapidly. Their numbers have also been boosted by a
substantial number of secular
Jews adopting a
Haredi lifestyle as part
of the Baal teshuva movement.
3 Practices and beliefs
3.1 Lifestyle and family
3.4 Gender separation
3.5 Newspapers and publications
3.7 News hotlines
4 In Israel
4.1 Attitudes towards Zionism
4.5 Other issues
5.2 United States
5.2.1 New York City
5.2.2 Hudson Valley
5.2.3 Long Island (New York)
5.2.4 New Jersey
5.3 United Kingdom
6 Past rabbinical leaders
7 Present leadership and organizations
7.3 Israeli political parties
8 See also
11 External links
Haredi men reading from the Torah
The term most commonly used by outsiders, including most American news
organizations, is "ultra-Orthodox" Judaism.
Hillel Halkin suggests
the origins of the term may date to the 1950s, a period in which
Haredi survivors of the Holocaust first began arriving in America.
Haredi is a
Modern Hebrew adjective derived from the Biblical verb
hared which appears in the
Book of Isaiah
Book of Isaiah (66:2; its plural haredim
appears in Isaiah 66:5) and is translated as "[one who] trembles"
at the word of God. The word connotes an awe-inspired fear and anxiety
to perform the will of God, and is used to describe staunchly
Jews (similar to the definition used by the Christian
Quakers) and to distinguish them from other Orthodox Jews.
Haredi is often used in the
Jewish diaspora in place of the
term "ultra-Orthodox", which many view as inaccurate or
offensive, it being seen as a derogatory term suggesting
extremism; English-language alternatives that have been proposed
include "fervently Orthodox", "strictly Orthodox", or
"traditional Orthodoxy". Others, however, dispute the
characterization of the term as pejorative. Ari L. Goldman, a
professor at Columbia University, notes that the term simply serves a
practical purpose to distinguish a specific part of the Orthodox
community, and is not meant as pejorative. Others, such as Samuel
Heilman, criticized terms such as "ultra-Orthodox" and "traditional
Orthodox", arguing that they misidentify Haredim as more authentically
Orthodox than others, as opposed to adopting customs and practises
that reflect their desire to separate from the outside world.
The community has sometimes been characterized as "Traditional
Orthodox", in contradistinction to the Modern Orthodox, the other
major branch of Orthodox
Judaism (not to be confused with the movement
represented by Union for Traditional Judaism, which is even more
"modern" than the Modern Orthodox).
Jews also use other terms to refer to themselves. Common
Yiddish words include Yidn (Jews) or erlekhe Yidn (virtuous Jews),
Torah (literally "son of the Torah"), frum (pious), and
heimish (home-like, i. e., "our crowd").
Jews are sometimes also called by the derogatory
slang words dos (plural dosim), that mimics the traditional Ashkenazi
Hebrew pronunciation of the Hebrew word datim, meaning religious,
and more rarely, "blacks" (sh'chorim), a reference to the black
clothes they typically wear; a related informal term used in
English is "Black Hat".
Hasidic boys in Łódź, 1910
According to its adherents, the forebears of the contemporary Haredim
were the traditionalists of
Eastern Europe who fought against
modernization. Indeed, adherents see its beliefs as part of an
unbroken tradition dating from the revelation at Sinai. However,
most historians of Orthodoxy consider
Haredi Judaism, in its modern
incarnation, to date back no later than the start of the 20th
For centuries, before Jewish emancipation, European
Jews were forced
to live in ghettos where
Jewish culture and religious observance were
preserved. Change began in the wake of the
Age of Enlightenment
Age of Enlightenment when
some European liberals sought to include the Jewish population in the
emerging empires and nation states. The influence of the Haskalah
movement (Jewish Enlightenment) was also evidence. Supporters of the
Haskalah held that
Judaism must change in keeping with the social
changes around them. Other
Jews insisted on strict adherence to
halakha (Jewish law and custom).
In Germany, the opponents of Reform rallied to Samson Raphael Hirsch,
who led a secession from German Jewish communal organizations to form
a strictly Orthodox movement with its own network of synagogues and
schools. His approach was to accept the tools of modern scholarship
and apply them in defence of Orthodoxy. In the Polish–Lithuanian
Commonwealth (including areas traditionally considered Lithuanian),
Jews true to traditional values gathered under the banner of Agudas
Shlumei Emunei Yisroel.
Moses Sofer was opposed to any philosophical, social or practical
change to customary Orthodox practice. Thus, he did not allow any
secular studies to be added to the curriculum of his Pressburg
Yeshiva. Sofer's student
Moshe Schick together with Sofer's sons
Shimon and Samuel Benjamin took an active role in arguing against the
Reform movement. Others, such as
Hillel Lichtenstein advocated an even
more stringent position for orthodoxy.
A major historic event was the meltdown after the Universal Israelite
Congress of 1868–1869 in Pest. In an attempt to unify all streams of
Judaism under one constitution, the Orthodox offered the Shulchan
Aruch as the ruling Code of law and observance. This was dismissed by
the reformists, leading many Orthodox rabbis to resign from the
Congress and form their own social and political groups. Hungarian
Jewry split into two major institutionally sectarian groups, Orthodox
and Neolog. However, some communities refused to join either of the
groups calling themselves Status Quo.
Schick demonstrated support in 1877 for the separatist policies of
Samson Raphael Hirsch
Samson Raphael Hirsch in Germany. Schick's own son was enrolled in the
Hildesheimer Rabbinical Seminary
Hildesheimer Rabbinical Seminary that taught secular studies and was
headed by Azriel Hildesheimer. Hirsch, however, did not reciprocate,
and expressed astonishment at Schick's halakhic contortions in
condemning even those Status Quo communities that clearly adhered to
halakhah. Lichtenstein opposed Hildesheimer and his son Hirsh
Hildesheimer as they made use of the
German language in sermons from
the pulpit and seemed to sway to the direction of Modern Zionism.
Shimon Sofer was somewhat more lenient than Lichtenstein on the use of
German in sermons, allowing so only if it was a medium for keeping
cordial relations with the various governments. Likewise, he allowed
extra-curricular studies of the gymnasium for students whose
rabbinical positions would be recognized by the governments,
stipulating the necessity to prove the strict adherence to the
God-fearing standards per individual case.
Jews from Galicia at the Karmelitermarkt (de) in
Vienna's second district Leopoldstadt, 1915
In 1912, the
World Agudath Israel was founded to differentiate itself
Torah Nationalists Mizrachi and secular Zionist
organizations. It was dominated by the
Hasidic rebbes and Lithuanian
rabbis and roshei yeshiva. Agudah nominated rabbis who were elected as
representatives in the Polish government Sejm, such as Meir Shapiro
and Yitzhak-Meir Levin. Not all
Hasidic factions joined the Agudath
Israel, remaining independent such as Machzikei Hadat of Galicia.
Yosef Chaim Sonnenfeld
Yosef Chaim Sonnenfeld and Yitzchok Yerucham Diskin founded
Edah HaChareidis as part of Agudath
Israel in then Mandate
In 1924, Agudath
Israel obtained 75 percent of the votes in the
The Orthodox community polled some 16,000 of a total 90,000 at the
Israel in 1929. But Sonnenfeld lobbied Sir John
Chancellor, the High Commissioner, for separate representation in the
Palestine Communities Ordinance from that of the Knesseth Israel. He
explained that the Agudas
Israel community would cooperate with the
Vaad Leumi and the National Jewish Council in matters pertaining to
the municipality, but sought to protect its religious convictions
independently. The community petitioned the Permanent Mandates
Commission of the
League of Nations
League of Nations on this issue. The one community
principle was victorious despite their opposition, but this is seen as
the creation of the
Haredi community in
Israel separate from the other
modern Orthodox and Zionist movements.
In 1932, Sonnenfeld was succeeded by Yosef Tzvi Dushinsky, a disciple
of the Shevet Sofer, one of the grandchildren of Moses Sofer.
Dushinsky promised to build up a strong Jewish Orthodoxy at peace with
the other Jewish communities and the non-Jews.
In general, the present-day
Haredi population originate from two
distinct post-Holocaust waves:
The vast majority of
Hasidic and Litvak communities were destroyed
during the Holocaust. Though
Hasidic customs have largely been
preserved, the customs of Lithuanian Jewry, including its unique
Hebrew pronunciation, have been almost lost. Litvish customs are still
preserved primarily by the few older
Jews who were born in Lithuania
prior to the Holocaust. In the decade or so after 1945, there was a
strong drive to revive and maintain these lifestyles by some notable
Haredi leaders. The
Chazon Ish was particularly prominent in the early
days of the State of Israel.
Aharon Kotler established many of
Haredi schools and Yeshivas in the
United States and Israel; and
Joel Teitelbaum had a significant impact on revitalizing Hasidic
Jewry, as well as many of the
Jews who fled
Hungary during 1956
revolution who became followers of his
Satmar dynasty, and became the
Hasidic group in the world. These Haredim would typically only
have maintained a connection with other religious family members. As
such, those growing up in such families have little or no contact with
The second wave began in the 1970s associated with the religious
revival of the so-called baal teshuva movement, although most of the
newly religious become Orthodox and not necessarily fully
Haredi. The formation and spread of the Sephardic
Haredi lifestyle movement also began in the 1980s by
Yosef alongside the establishment of the
Shas party in 1984. This led
Jews to adopt the clothing and culture of the Lithuanian
Haredim, though it had no historical basis in their own
tradition. Many yeshivas were also established
specifically for new adopters of the
Haredi way of life.[citation
Haredi population has been instrumental in the expansion
of their lifestyle, though criticisms have been made of discrimination
towards the later adopters of the
Haredi lifestyle in Shidduchim
(matchmaking) and the school system.
Practices and beliefs
Judaism is not an institutionally cohesive or homogeneous
group, but comprises a diversity of spiritual and cultural
orientations, generally divided into a broad range of
Litvishe-Yeshivish streams from Eastern Europe, and Oriental Sephardic
Haredim. These groups often differ significantly from one another in
their specific ideologies and lifestyles, as well as the degree of
stringency in religious practice, rigidity of religious philosophy,
and isolation from the general culture that they maintain.[citation
The majority of the Haredim worldwide live in neighborhoods in which
reside mostly other Haredim.
Lifestyle and family
Jews in Mea Shearim
Haredi life, like Orthodox Jewish life in general, is very
family-centered. Boys and girls attend separate schools, and proceed
Torah study, in a yeshiva or seminary, respectively,
starting anywhere between the ages of 13 and 18. A significant
proportion of young men remain in yeshiva until their marriage (which
is usually arranged through facilitated dating). After marriage, many
Haredi men continue their
Torah studies in a kollel. Studying in
secular institutions is often discouraged, although educational
facilities for vocational training in a
Haredi framework do exist. In
United States and Europe, the majority of
Haredi males are active
in the workforce. For various reasons, in Israel, around half of their
members do not work, and most of those who do are not officially a
part of the workforce.
Haredi families (and Orthodox
Jewish families in general) are usually much larger than non-Orthodox
Jewish families, with four, six, eight, ten, or even twelve or more
Jews are typically opposed to the viewing of television and
films, and the reading of secular newspapers and books. There has
been a strong campaign against the Internet, and internet-enabled
mobile phones without filters have also been banned by leading
rabbis. In May 2012, 40,000 Haredim gathered at Citi
Field, a baseball park in New York City, to discuss the dangers of
unfiltered Internet. The event was organized by the Ichud
HaKehillos LeTohar HaMachane. The
Internet has been allowed for
business purposes so long as filters are installed.
Haredi dress for men and women
The standard mode of dress for males of the Lithuanian stream is a
black suit and a white shirt. Headgear includes black
fedora or Homburg hats, with black skull caps under their hats.
Pre-war Lithuanian yeshiva students, however, also wore light coloured
suits, along with beige or grey hats. Beards are common among
Haredi Jewish men, and most
Hasidic males will never be clean-shaven.
Women adhere to the laws of modest dress, and wear long skirts and
sleeves, high necklines, and, if married, some form of hair
Haredi women never wear trousers, although a small
minority do wear pajama-trousers within the home at night.
Over the years, it has become popular among some
Haredi women to wear
wigs that are more attractive than their own hair (drawing criticism
from some more conservative
Haredi rabbis).
Ovadia Yosef forbade the wearing of
Haredi women often dress more freely and casually
within the home, as long as the body remains covered in accordance
with the halakha. More "modernized"
Haredi women are somewhat more
lenient in matters of their dress, and some follow the latest trends
and fashions while conforming to the halakha.
Hasidic men and women differ from the Lithuanian stream
by having a much more specific dress code, the most obvious difference
for men being the full-length suit jacket (rekel) on weekdays, and the
fur hat (shtreimel) and silk caftan (bekishe) on the Sabbath.
Liberal Jewish scholar Dalia Marx has suggested that
in matters of modesty is in itself excessive, and thus, "not
Haredi neighborhoods tend to be safe. In Israel, the entrances to
some of the most extreme
Haredi neighborhoods are fitted with signs
asking that modest clothing be worn. Some areas are known to have
"modesty patrols", and people dressed in ways perceived as
immodest may suffer harassment, and advertisements featuring scantily
dressed models may be targeted for vandalism. These concerns
are also addressed through public lobbying and legal avenues.
In Rio de Janeiro, during the week long Rio Carnival, many Orthodox
Jews feel compelled to leave the town due to the immodest exposure of
participants. In 2001,
Haredi campaigners in
in persuading the Egged bus company to get all their advertisements
approved by a special committee. By 2011, Egged had gradually
removed all bus adverts which featured women in response to their
continuous defacement. A court order which stated such action was
discriminatory led to Egged's decision not to feature people at all
(neither male nor female). Depictions of certain other creatures,
such as aliens, were also banned in order not to offend Haredi
Jews also campaign against other types of
advertising which promote activities they deem offensive or
To honor the Shabbat, most state-run buses in
Israel do not run on
Saturdays. In a similar vein,
Israel have demanded
that the roads in their neighborhoods be closed on Saturdays,
vehicular traffic being viewed as an "intolerable provocation" upon
their religious lifestyle (see Driving on
Shabbat in Jewish law). In
most cases, the authorities granted permission after Haredi
petitioning and demonstrations, some of them including fierce clashes
between Haredim and secular counter-demonstrators, and violence
against police and motorists.
Gender-separate beach in Israel. To accommodate
Haredi and other
Orthodox Jews, many coastal resorts in
Israel have a designated area
for gender-separate bathing.
While Jewish modesty law requires gender separation under various
circumstances, observers have contended that there is a growing trend
among some groups of
Jews to extend its observance to
the public arena.
Hasidic village of Kiryas Joel, New York, an entrance sign asks
visitors to "maintain gender separation in all public areas", and the
bus stops have separate waiting areas for men and women. In New
Hasidic enclave, men and women are expected to walk on
opposite sides of the road. In Israel, residents of Meah Shearim
were banned from erecting a street barrier dividing men and women
during the nightly week-long
Sukkot festivities, and street
signs requesting that women avoid certain pavements in Beit Shemesh
have been repeatedly removed by the municipality.
Since 1973, buses catering for
Jews running from New York into
Manhattan have had separate areas for men and women, allowing
passengers to conduct on-board prayer services. Although the lines
are privately operated, they serve the general public, and in 2011,
the set-up was challenged on grounds of discrimination, and the
arrangement was deemed illegal. During 2010–2012, there was
much public debate in
Israel surrounding the existence of segregated
Mehadrin bus lines
Mehadrin bus lines (whose policy calls for both men and women
to stay in their respective areas: men in the front of the bus and
women in the rear of the bus) following an altercation which occurred
after a woman refused to move to the rear of the bus to sit among the
women. A subsequent court ruling stated that while voluntary
segregation should be allowed, forced separation is unlawful.
Israeli national airline
El Al has agreed to provide gender-separated
flights to cater for
Bais Yaakov graduating class of 1934 in Łódź, Poland
Education in the
Haredi community is strictly segregated by sex. The
education for boys is primarily focused on the study of Jewish
scriptures, such as the
Torah and Talmud, while girls obtain studies
Jewish education as well as broader secular subjects.
In 2012, A Better Safe Than Sorry Book, aimed at
children, was published with some controversy as it contains both
Newspapers and publications
Tziporah Heller, a weekly columnist for Hamodia
In pre-war Poland, the Agudath
Israel published its own Yiddish
language paper, Dos Yiddishe Tagblatt. In 1950, the Agudah started
printing Hamodia, a
Hebrew language Israeli daily.
Haredi publications tend to shield their readership from objectionable
material, and perceive themselves as a "counterculture", desisting
from advertising secular entertainment and events. The editorial
policy of a
Haredi newspaper is determined by a rabbinical board, and
every edition is checked by a rabbinical censor. A strict policy
of modesty is characteristic of the
Haredi press, and pictures of
women and girls are usually not printed. In 2009, the Israeli
daily Yated Ne'eman doctored an Israeli cabinet photograph replacing
two female ministers with images of men, and in 2013, the
Bakehilah magazine pixelated the faces of women appearing in a
photograph of the Warsaw Ghetto. The mainstream
Shas also refrains from publishing female images.
No coverage is given to serious crime, violence, sex, or drugs, and
little coverage is given to non-Orthodox streams of Judaism.
Inclusion of "immoral" content is avoided, and when publication of
such stories is a necessity, they are often written ambiguously.
Haredi press generally takes a non-Zionist stance, and gives more
coverage to issues which concern the
Haredi community, such as the
drafting of girls and yeshiva students into the army, autopsies, and
Shabbat observance. In Israel, it portrays the secular world as
"spitefully anti-Semitic", and describes secular youth as "mindless,
immoral, drugged, and unspeakably lewd". Such attacks have led
Haredi editors being warned about libelous provocations.
Haredi press is extensive and varied in Israel, only
around half the
Haredi population reads newspapers. Around 10% read
secular newspapers, while 40% do not read any newspaper at all.
According to a 2007 survey, 27% read the weekend Friday edition of
HaModia, and 26% the Yated Ne'eman. In 2006, the most-read Haredi
Israel was the
Mishpacha weekly, which sold 110,000
In the modern era of the internet and cell phones, it can be confusing
on what would be considered kosher, and what wouldn't. The Haredi
leaders have at times suggested a ban on the internet, as well as any
internet-capable device. Their reasoning being that the
immense amount of information can be corrupting, and with the ability
to use the internet with no observation from the community can lead to
individuation. However, these presented reasons by the Haredi
leaders could be influenced by a general fear of the loss of young
Haredi members. Banning the internet for
Jews could be a
detriment to possible economic uses from Jewish businesses. Some
Haredi businessman utilize the internet throughout the week, but they
Shabbat in every aspect by not accepting or processing
orders from Friday evening to Saturday evening. They utilize the
internet under strict filters and guidelines. Although
have been unsuccessful in their attempts of banning internet use, they
have influenced the world of technology. The Kosher cell phone was
introduced to the Jewish public with the sole ability to call other
phones. It was unable to utilize the internet, text other phones, and
had no camera feature. In fact, a kosher phone plan was created, with
decreased rates for kosher-to-kosher calls, to encourage
Main article: Chareidi news hotlines
News hotlines are an important source of news in the
Since many Haredim do not listen to the radio or have access to the
internet, even if they read newspapers, they are left with little or
no access to breaking news. News hotlines were formed to fill this
gap, and many have expanded to additional fields over time.
Currently, many news lines provide rabbinic lectures, entertainment,
business advice, and similar services, in addition to their primary
function of reporting the news. Many
Hasidic sects maintain their own
hotlines, where relevant internal news is reported and the group's
perspective can be advocated for. In the Israeli
there are dozens of prominent hotlines, in both
Yiddish and Hebrew.
Haredi hotlines have played significant public roles.
Attitudes towards Zionism
See also: Haredim and Zionism
While most Haredim were opposed to the establishment of the State of
Israel, and Haredim mostly still do not celebrate its national
Independence Day or other state-instituted holidays, there were many
who threw their considerable weight in support of the nascent
The chief political division among Haredim has been in their approach
to the State of Israel. While ideologically non-Zionist, the United
Judaism alliance comprising
Agudat Yisrael and Degel HaTorah
(and the umbrella organizations
World Agudath Israel and Agudath
Israel of America) represent a moderate and pragmatic stance of
cooperation with the State of Israel, and participation in the
political system. UTJ has been a participant in numerous coalition
governments, seeking to influence state and society in a more
religious direction and maintain welfare and religious funding
policies. Haredim who are more stridently anti-Zionist are under the
umbrella of Edah HaChareidis, who reject participation in politics and
state funding of its affiliated institutions, in contradistinction to
Neturei Karta is a very small activist
organization of anti-Zionist Haredim, whose controversial activities
have been strongly condemned, including by other anti-Zionist Haredim.
Neither main political party has the support in numbers to elect a
majority government, and so they both rely on support from the Haredi
In recent years, some rebbes affiliated with Agudath Israel, such as
the Sadigura rebbe Avrohom Yaakov Friedman, have taken more hard-line
stances on security, settlements, and disengagement.
Shas represents Sephardi and Mizrahi Haredim, and, while having many
points in common with Ashkenazi Haredim, differs from them by its more
enthusiastic support for the State of Israel.
The Council for Higher Education announced in 2012 that it was
investing NIS 180 million over the following five years to establish
appropriate frameworks for the education of Haredim, focusing on
Haredi demonstration against the conscription of yeshiva pupils
Upon the establishment of the State of
Israel in 1948, the nation's
population of military-aged
Haredi males were exempted from the
universal conscription into the
Israel Defense Forces (IDF) under the
Torato Umanuto arrangement, which officially granted deferred entry
into the IDF for yeshiva students, but in practice allowed young
Haredi men to serve for a significantly reduced period of time or
bypass military service altogether. At that time, only a small group
of roughly 400 individuals was affected, since due to the historic
Judaism to Zionism, the population of Haredim was
very low. However, the Haredim are estimated to now make up 10%
of Israel's population, and their absence from the IDF often attracts
significant resentment from Israel's secular majority. The most common
criticisms of the exemption policy are:
The Haredim can work in those 2–3 years of their lives in which they
do not serve in the IDF, while most soldiers at the IDF are usually
paid anywhere between $80–250 a month, in addition to clothing and
lodging. All the while,
Haredi yeshiva students receive
significant monthly funds and payments for their religious
The Haredim, if they so choose, can study at that time.
While a certain amount of Haredim have enlisted in the IDF every year
in recent decades, the Haredim usually reject the concept and practice
of IDF service. Contentions include:
Yeshiva student is equal to or more important than a soldier in the
IDF, because he keeps Jewish tradition alive and prays for the people
Israel to be safe.
The army is not conducive to the
Haredi lifestyle. It is regarded as a
"state-sponsored quagmire of promiscuity".
Israel conscripts both
men and women, and often groups them together in military activities.
Torato Umanuto arrangement was enshrined in the Tal Law that came
in force in 2002. The High Court of Justice later ruled that it could
not be extended in its current form beyond August 2012. A replacement
was expected. The
Israel Defense Forces (IDF) was, however,
experiencing a shortage of personnel, and there were pressures to
reduce the scope of the Torato Omanuto exemption.
The Shahar program, also known as Shiluv Haredim ("Ultra-Orthodox
Haredi men aged 22 to 26 to serve in the army for
about a year and a half. At the beginning of their service, they study
mathematics and English, which are not well covered in
The program is partly aimed at encouraging
Haredi participation in the
workforce after military service. However, not all beneficiaries seem
to be Haredim.
Over the years, as many as 1000
Jews have chosen to volunteer
to serve in the IDF, in a
Haredi Jewish unit, the Netzah Yehuda
Battalion, also known as Nahal Haredi. The vast majority of Haredi
men, however, continue to receive deferments from military
In March 2014, Israel's parliament approved legislation to end
exemptions from military service for
Haredi seminary students. The
bill was passed by 65 votes to one, and an amendment allowing civilian
national service by 67 to one.
There has been much uproar in
Haredi society following actions towards
Haredi conscription. While some Haredim see this as a great social and
economic opportunity, others (including leading rabbis among
them) strongly oppose this move. Among the extreme Haredim, there
have been some more severe reactions. Several
Haredi leaders have
Haredi populations would leave the country if forced
to enlist. Others have fueled public incitement against
Seculars and National-Religious Jews, and specifically against
Yair Lapid and Naftali Bennett, who support and promote
Haredi enlistment. Some Haredim have taken to threatening
fellow Haredim who agree to enlist, to the point of
physically attacking some of them.
As of 2012[update], it was estimated that 37% of
Haredi men and 49% of
Haredi women were employed. The more recent figures from the Central
Bureau of Statistics on employment rates place
Haredi women at 69.3%,
comparable to 71% for the women's national figure; while the number of
Haredi men has increased to 44.5%, it is still fall far below
the 81.5% of men nationwide.
The Trajtenberg Committee, charged in 2011 with drafting proposals for
economic and social change, called, among other things, for increasing
employment among the
Haredi population. Its proposals included
encouraging military or national service and offering college prep
courses for volunteers, creating more employment centers targeting
Haredim and experimental matriculation prep courses after Yeshiva
hours. The committee also called for increasing the number of Haredi
students receiving technical training through the Industry, Trade and
Labor Ministry and forcing
Haredi schools to carry out standardized
testing, as is done at other public schools. It is estimated that
half as many of the
Haredi community are in employment as the rest of
population. This has led to increasing financial deprivation, and 50%
of children within the community live below the poverty line. This
puts strain on each family, the community, and often the Israeli
The demographic trend indicates the community will constitute an
increasing percentage of the population, and consequently, Israel
faces an economic challenge in the years ahead due to fewer people in
the labor force. A report commissioned by the Treasury found that the
Israeli economy may lose more than six billion shekels annually as a
result of low
Haredi participation in the workforce. The
a 2010 report stated that, "
Haredi families are frequently jobless or
are one-earner families in low-paid employment. Poverty rates are
around 60% for Haredim."
In 2007, the Kemach Foundation was established to become an investor
in the sector’s social and economic development and provide
opportunities for employment. Through the philanthropy of
Leo Noé of
London, later joined by the Wolfson family of New York and Elie Horn
from Brazil, Kemach has facilitated academic and vocational training.
With a $22m budget, including government funding, Kemach provides
individualized career assessment, academic or vocational scholarships
and job placement for the entire
Haredi population in Israel. The
Foundation is managed by specialists who, coming from the Haredi
sector themselves, are familiar with the community’s needs and
sensitivities. By April 2014, more than 17,800 Haredim have received
the services of Kemach, and more than 7,500 have, or continue to
receive, monthly scholarships to fund their academic or vocational
studies. From 500 graduates, the net benefits to the government would
be 80.8 million NIS if they work for one year, 572.3 million NIS if
they work for 5 years, and 2.8 billion NIS (discounted) if they work
for 30 years.
According to data released by Central Bureau of Statistics, employment
rate in the
Haredi sector increased by 7% in two years,
As of 2017, according to an Israeli finance ministry study, the Haredi
participation rate in the labour force is 51%, compared to 89% for the
rest of Israeli Jews.
Hasidim walk to the synagogue, Rehovot, Israel.
The Haredim are relatively materially poor, compared to other
Israelis, but represent an important market sector due to their bloc
purchasing habits. For this reason, some companies and
Israel refrain from including women or other images
deemed immodest in their advertisements to avoid
boycotts. More than 50 percent of Haredim live below the
poverty line, compared with 15 percent of the rest of the
population. Their families are also larger, with
having an average of 6.7 children, while the average Jewish Israeli
woman has 3 children. Families with many children receive
economic support through governmental child allowances, government
assistance in housing, as well as specific funds by their own
In recent years, there has been a process of reconciliation and an
attempt to merge
Jews with Israeli society, although
employment discrimination is widespread.
Jews such as
satirist Kobi Arieli, publicist Sehara Blau, and politician Israel
Eichler write regularly to leading Israeli newspapers.
Another important factor in the reconciliation process has been the
activities of ZAKA, a
Haredi organization known for providing
emergency medical attention at the scene of suicide bombings, and Yad
Sarah, the largest national volunteer organization in Israel
established in 1977 by former
Haredi mayor of Jerusalem, Uri
Lupolianski. It is estimated that
Yad Sarah saves the country's
economy an estimated $320 million in hospital fees and long-term care
costs each year.
Due to its imprecise definition, lack of data collection, and rapid
change over time, estimates of the global
Haredi population are
difficult to measure, and may significantly underestimate the true
number of Haredim, due to their reluctance to participate in surveys
and censuses. One estimate given in 2011 stated there were
approximately 1.3 million
Jews globally. Studies have
shown a very high growth rate, with a large young population.
In Jerusalem: Mea Shearim
Beit Yisrael (Beis Yisroel) · Geula
Har Nof · Ramot
Ramat Shlomo · Sanhedria
Neve Yaakov · Maalot Dafna
Ramat Eshkol · Ezrat
Torah (Ezras Torah)
Mattersdorf · Bayit Vegan
Bnei Brak · Modi'in Illit
Beitar · Beit Shemesh
Kiryat Ye'arim · Ashdod
Rekhasim · Safed · El'ad
Flatbush · Williamsburg
Crown Heights · Canarsie
East New York · Monsey
Kiryas Joel · Lakewood · Passaic
Los Angeles · Chicago
Detroit · Baltimore
Toronto • Montreal
Stamford Hill · Hendon
Golders Green · Edgware
Broughton Park · Prestwich
Israel is home to the largest
Haredi population. While Haredim made up
just 9.9% of the Israeli population in 2009, with 750,000 out of
7,552,100, by 2014, that figure had risen to 11.1%, with 910,500
Haredim out of a total Israeli population of 8,183,400. According to a
December 2017 study conducted Israeli Democracy Institute, the number
Israel exceeded 1 million in 2017, making up 12% of
the population in Israel. By 2030, the
Haredi Jewish community is
projected to make up 16% of the total population, and by 2065 one
third of the Israeli population.
The number of
Israel is rising rapidly. The number of
children per woman is 6.2, and the share of Haredim among those under
the age of 20 was 16.3% in 2009 (29% of Jews). In 1992, out of a
total of 1,500,000 Orthodox
Jews worldwide, about 550,000 were Haredi
(half of them in Israel). The vast majority of
Ashkenazi. However, some 20% of the
Haredi population are thought to
belong to the
Sephardic Haredi stream. In recent decades, Haredi
society has grown due to the addition of a religious population that
identifies with the
Shas movement. The extent of people leaving the
Haredi population is extremely low. The Israeli Central Bureau of
Statistics forecasts that the
Haredi population of
Israel will number
1.1 million in 2019. It is also projected that the number of Haredim
in 2059 may be between 2.73 and 5.84 million, of an estimated total
number of Israeli
Jews between 6.09 and 9.95 million. Large
Haredi concentrations include Jerusalem, Bnei Brak, Modi'in
Illit, Beitar Illit, Beit Shemesh, Kiryat Ye'arim, Ashdod, and El'ad.
Haredi cities, Kasif and Harish, are planned.
United States is home to the second largest
which has a growth rate on pace to double every 20 years. In 2000,
there were 360,000
Jews in the US (7.2 per cent of the
approximately 5 million
Jews in the U.S.); by 2006, demographers
estimate the number had grown to 468,000 or 9.4 per cent.
New York City
Jews live in the greater New York metropolitan
Hasidic family on the street in Borough Park, Brooklyn
The largest centers of
Hasidic life anywhere in New York
are found in Brooklyn.
In 1988, it was estimated that there are between 40,000 and 57,000
Haredim in the Williamsburg neighborhood of Brooklyn, New York,
Hasidim most belonging to Satmar.
The Jewish population in the Borough Park neighborhood of Brooklyn,
estimated at 70,000 in 1983, is also mostly Haredi, and also mostly
Bobov Hasidim are the largest single bloc that
mainly live in Borough Park.
Crown Heights is the home base of the worldwide Chabad-Lubavitch
movement with its network of shluchim ("emissaries") heading Chabad
houses throughout the Jewish world.
The Flatbush-Midwood, Kensington, Marine Park
(Brooklyn) neighborhoods have tens of thousands of
living in them. They are also the centers for the major non-Hasidic
Haredi yeshivas such as
Berlin, Mir Yeshiva, as well as a string of similar smaller yeshivas.
Torah Vodaas and Chaim Berlin yeshivas allow some students to
attend college and university, presently at Touro College, and
New York City
New York City borough of
Queens is home to a growing Haredi
population mainly affiliated with the
Yeshiva Chofetz Chaim and
Yeshivas Ohr HaChaim in Kew Gardens Hills and
Yeshiva Shaar Hatorah in
Kew Gardens. Many of the students attend
Queens College. There
are major yeshivas and communities of
Jews in Far Rockaway
Yeshiva of Far Rockaway and a number of others.
One of the oldest
Haredi communities in New York is on the Lower East
Side home to the Mesivtha Tifereth Jerusalem. The
Samson Raphael Hirsch
Samson Raphael Hirsch and
Khal Adath Jeshurun
Khal Adath Jeshurun are home to
in Washington Heights.
Hudson Valley north of
New York City
New York City has the most rapidly growing
Haredi communities, such as the
Hasidic communities in Kiryas
Satmar Hasidim, and
New Square of the
Skver. A vast community of
Jews lives in the Monsey, New
Long Island (New York)
Yeshiva Sh'or Yoshuv, together with many synagogues in the
Lawrence neighborhood, have attracted many
There are significant
Haredi communities in Lakewood (New Jersey),
home to the largest non-
Hasidic Lithuanian yeshiva in America, Beth
Medrash Govoha. There are also sizable communities in
Passaic and Edison, where a branch of the
Rabbi Jacob Joseph
Yeshiva opened in 1982. There is also a community of Syrian Jews
favorable to the Haredim in their midst in Deal, New Jersey.
Baltimore, Maryland, is home to a large
Haredi population. The major
yeshiva is Yeshivas Ner Yisroel, founded in 1933, with thousands of
alumni and their families. Ner Yisroel is also a Maryland
state-accredited college, and has agreements with Johns Hopkins
University, Towson University, Loyola College in Maryland, University
of Baltimore, and University of Maryland,
Baltimore County allowing
undergraduate students to take night courses at these colleges and
universities in a variety of academic fields. The agreement also
allows the students to receive academic credits for their religious
Silver Spring, Maryland, and its environs is home to a growing Haredi
community mostly of highly educated and skilled professionals working
United States government in various capacities, most residing
in Kemp Mill, White Oak, and Woodside, and many of its children
Yeshiva of Greater Washington and
Yeshivas Ner Yisroel
Yeshivas Ner Yisroel in
Los Angeles is home to many Hasidim and
Jews who are not
Hasidic. Most live in the Pico-Robertson and the Fairfax (Fairfax
Avenue-La Brea Avenue) areas.
Chicago is home to the
Yeshiva of Chicago, with many
other Haredim living in the city.
Denver is home to a large
Haredi population of Ashkenazi origin,
dating back to the early 1920s. The
Denver West Side Jewish
Community adheres to Litvak Jewish traditions (Lithuanian) and have
several congregations located within their communities.
Brookline, Massachusetts have the largest Haredi
populations in New England.
Students of Telshe yeshiva, 1936
One of the oldest
Haredi Lithuanian yeshivas, Telshe Yeshiva
transplanted itself to
Cleveland in 1941.
In 1998, the
Haredi population in the Jewish community of the United
Kingdom was estimated at 27,000 (13% of affiliated Jews). The
largest communities are located in London, particularly the Haredi
community of Stamford Hill, and in the
Greater Manchester areas of
Salford, and Prestwich, as well as in the Jewish community of
Gateshead. A 2007 study asserted that three out of four British Jewish
births were Haredi, who then accounted for 17% of British Jews,
(45,500 out of around 275,000). Another study in 2010 established
that there were 9,049
Haredi households in the UK, which would account
for a population of nearly 53,400, or 20% of the community.
Board of Deputies
Board of Deputies of British
Jews has predicted that the Haredi
community will become the largest group in Anglo-Jewry within the next
three decades: In comparison with the national average of 2.4 children
Haredi families have an average of 5.9 children, and
consequently, the population distribution is heavily biased to the
under-20-year-olds. By 2006, membership of
Haredi synagogues had
doubled since 1990.
An investigation by
The Independent in 2014 reported that more than
1,000 children in
Haredi communities were attending illegal schools
where secular knowledge is banned, and they learn only religious
texts, meaning they leave school with no qualifications and often
unable to speak any English.
About 25,000 Haredim live in the Jewish community of France, mostly
Jews of North African descent. Important communities are
located in Paris, Strasbourg, and Lyon. Other important communities,
mostly of Ashkenazi Jews, are the Antwerp community in Belgium, as
well as in the Swiss communities of
Zürich and Basel, and in the
Dutch community in Amsterdam. There is also a
Haredi community in
Vienna, in the community of Austria. Other countries with significant
Haredi populations include: Canada, with large
Haredi centres in
Montreal and Toronto; South Africa, primarily in Johannesburg; and
Australia, centred in Melbourne.
Hasidic communities also exist in
Argentina, especially in
Buenos Aires and, to a lesser extent, in
Brazil, primarily in São Paulo.
Annual growth rate
22,800–36,400 / 45,500
Past rabbinical leaders
The Baal Shem Tov (18th century founder of Hasidism)
Vilna Gaon (of Lithuania)
Rabbi Chaim of Volozhin (19th century founder of the Lithuanian
Moses Sofer (18th–19th century leader of Eastern European
Rabbi Yisrael Meir HaCohen Kagan, the Chafetz Chaim
Rabbi Avrohom Mordechai Alter, Third Gerrer Rebbe, driving force
behind Agudas Yisroel in Poland
Rabbi Moshe Feinstein, one of the foremost halakhic authorities for
much of the twentieth century
Avraham Yeshayahu Karelitz
Avraham Yeshayahu Karelitz (leader of Haredim in Israel)
Elazar Shach (leader of the Lithuanian community of Haredim in
Aharon Kotler (founder of the Lakewood yeshivas in America)
Ovadia Yosef (leader of Israeli Sephardi Haredim)
Rabbi Yosef Shalom Elyashiv (leader of Israel's non-
Haredim until 2012)
Aharon Yehuda Leib Shteinman
Aharon Yehuda Leib Shteinman (non-
Hasidic Lithuanian Jews)
Present leadership and organizations
David Lau (Israeli Ashkenazi Jews)
Yitzhak Yosef (Israeli Sephardi Jews)
Chaim Kanievsky (non-
Hasidic Lithuanian Jews)
Yaakov Aryeh Alter
Yaakov Aryeh Alter (heads the Ger
Hasidic dynasty, the largest Hasidic
group in Israel)
World Agudath Israel (including Agudath
Israel of America)
Hasidic groups (including Belz, Bobov, Boyan, Breslov, Chabad
Lubavitch, Ger, Satmar, and Vizhnitz)
Edah HaChareidis (representing anti-Zionist
Haredi groups in and
around Jerusalem, including Satmar, Dushinsky, Toldos Aharon, Toldos
Avrohom Yitzchok, Mishkenos HoRoim, Spinka, Brisk, and a section of
other Litvish Haredim)
Toldos Yeshurun (organization for Russian Jews)
Israeli political parties
Shas (representing Mizrahi and Sephardic Haredim)
Judaism (alliance representing Ashkenazi Haredim)
Agudat Yisrael (representing
Torah (representing Lithuanian Jews)
Relationships between Jewish religious movements
Hasidim and Mitnagdim
^ a b c d e Markoe, Lauren (February 6, 2014). "Should ultra-Orthodox
Jews be able to decide what they're called?". Washington Post.
Retrieved 2017-01-13. Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name
":0" defined multiple times with different content (see the help
^ Tatyana Dumova; Richard Fiordo (30 September 2011). Blogging in the
Global Society: Cultural, Political and Geographical Aspects. Idea
Group Inc (IGI). p. 126. ISBN 978-1-60960-744-9. Haredim
regard themselves as the most authentic custodians of Jewish religious
law and tradition which, in their opinion, is binding and
unchangeable. They consider all other expressions of Judaism,
including Modern Orthodoxy, as deviations from God's laws.
^ Nora L. Rubel (2010). Doubting the Devout: The Ultra-Orthodox in the
Jewish American Imagination.
Columbia University Press. p. 148.
ISBN 978-0-231-14187-1. Retrieved 24 July 2013. Mainstream Jews
have—until recently—maintained the impression that the
ultraorthodox are the 'real' Jews.
^ Ilan 2012: "One of the main sources of power enabling
extreme behavior is the Israeli public's widely held view that their
way of life represents traditional Judaism, and that when it comes to
Judaism, more radical means more authentic. This is among the most
strongly held and unfounded myths in
^ For example: Arnold Eisen, Rethinking Modern Judaism, University of
Chicago Press, 1998. p. 3.
^ Batnitzky 2011, pp. 184–185
^ a b Wertheimer, Jack. "What You Don’t Know About the
Ultra-Orthodox." Commentary Magazine. 1 July 2015. 4 September 2015.
^ Norman S. Cohen (1 January 2012). The Americanization of the Jews.
NYU Press. p. 389. ISBN 978-0-8147-3957-0. Given the high
fertility and statistical insignificance of intermarriage among
ultra-Orthodox haredim in contrast to most of the rest of the
^ a b c d e f Wise 2007
^ Buck, Tobias (2011-11-06). "Israel's secular activists start to
fight back". Financial Times. Retrieved 2013-03-26.
^ Berman, Eli (2000). "Sect, Subsidy, and Sacrifice: An Economist's
View of Ultra-Orthodox Jews". Quarterly Journal of Economics. 115 (3):
^ Šelomo A. Dešen; Charles Seymour Liebman; Moshe Shokeid (1 January
1995). Israeli Judaism: The Sociology of Religion in Israel.
Transaction Publishers. p. 28. ISBN 978-1-4128-2674-7. The
number of baalei teshuvah, "penitents" from secular backgrounds who
become Ultraorthodox Jews, amounts to a few thousand, mainly between
the years 1975-87, and is modest compared with the natural growth of
the haredim; but the phenomenon has generated great interest in
^ Harris 1992, p. 490: "This movement began in the US, but is now
centred in Israel, where, since 1967, many thousands of
consciously adopted an ultra-Orthodox lifestyle."
^ Weintraub 2002, p. 211: "Many of the Ultra-Orthodox
Brooklyn are baaley tshuva,
Jews who have gone through a repentance
experience and have become Orthodox though they may have been raised
in entirely secular Jewish homes."
^ Returning to Tradition: The Contemporary Revival of Orthodox
Judaism, By M. Herbert Danzger: "A survey of
Jews in the New York
metropolitan area found that 24% of those who were highly observant
... had been reared by parents who did not share such scruples. [...]
The ba'al t'shuva represents a new phenomenon for Judaism; for the
first time there are not only
Jews who leave the fold ... but also a
substantial number who "return." pg 2; and "Defined in terms of
observance, then, the number of newly Orthodox is about 100,000." pg.
^ a b c Halkin, Hillel (2013-02-17). "Just How Orthodox Are They?".
The Forward. Retrieved 2017-01-13.
^ a b c Stadler 2009, p. 4
^ Ben-Yehuda 2010, p. 17
^ White, John Kenneth (1998). Political Parties and the Collapse of
the Old Orders. State University of New York Press. p. 157.
^ Keysar, Ariela (2009). Secularism, Women & the State: The
Mediterranean World in the 21st Century. Institute for the Study of
Secularism in Society and Culture. p. 86.
^ a b Ayalon, Ami (1999). "Language as a barrier to political reform
in the Middle East", International Journal of the Sociology of
Language, Volume 137, pp. 67–80: "Haredi" has none of the misleading
religious implications of "ultra-Orthodox": in the words of Shilhav
(1989: 53), "They are not necessarily [objectively] more religious,
but religious in a different way."; and "'Haredi'… is preferable,
being a term commonly used by such
Jews themselves… Moreover, it
carries none of the venom often injected into the term
'ultra-Orthodox' by other
Jews and, sadly, by the Western media…."
^ a b Sources describing the term as pejorative or derogatory include:
Kobre, Eytan. One People, Two Worlds. A Reform
Rabbi and an Orthodox
Rabbi Explore the Issues That Divide Them, reviewed by Eytan Kobre,
Jewish Media Resources, February 2003. Retrieved August 25, 2009.
"'Indeed, the social scientist
Marvin Schick calls attention to the
fact that "through the simple device of identifying [some Jews] … as
"ultra-Orthodox", … [a] pejorative term has become the standard
reference term for describing a great many Orthodox Jews…. No other
ethnic or religious group in this country is identified in language
that conveys so negative a message.'"
Goldschmidt, Henry. Race and religion among the chosen peoples of
Crown Heights, Rutgers University Press, 2006, p. 244, note 26. "I am
reluctant to use the term 'ultra-orthodox,' as the prefix 'ultra'
carries pejorative connotations of irrational extremism."
Longman, Chia. "Engendering Identities as Political Processes:
Discources of Gender Among Strictly Orthodox Jewish Women", in Rik
Pinxten, Ghislain Verstraete, Chia Longmanp (eds.) Culture and
politics: identity and conflict in a multicultural world, Berghahn
Books, 2004, p. 55. "Webber (1994: 27) uses the label 'strictly
Orthodox' when referring to haredi, seemingly more adequate as a
purely descriptive name, yet carrying less pejorative connotations
Shafran, Avi. Don't Call Us 'Ultra-Orthodox', The Jewish Daily
Forward, February 2014. Retrieved July 9, 2014. "Considering that
other Orthodox groups have self-identified with prefixes like
“modern” or “open,” why can’t we Haredim just be, simply,
“Orthodox”? Our beliefs and practices, after all, are those that
most resemble those of our grandparents. But, whatever alternative is
adopted, “ultra” deserves to be jettisoned from media and
discourse. We Haredim aren’t looking for special treatment, or to be
called by some name we just happen to prefer. We’re only seeking the
mothballing of a pejorative."
^ Stolow, Jeremy (2010-01-01). Orthodox by Design: Judaism, Print
Politics, and the ArtScroll Revolution. University of California
Press. ISBN 9780520264250.
^ Lipowsky, Josh. "Paper loses 'divisive' term". Jewish Standard.
January 30, 2009. "…JTA [Jewish Telegraphic Agency] faced the same
conundrum and decided to do away with the term, replacing it with
'fervently Orthodox.' … 'ultra-Orthodox' was seen as a derogatory
term that suggested extremism."
^ Heilman, Samuel. "Ultra-Orthodox
Jews Shouldn't Have a Monopoly on
Tradition". The Forward. Retrieved 2017-01-13.
^ Heilman, Samuel C. (1976).
Synagogue Life: A Study in Symbolic
Interaction. Transaction Publishers. pp. 15–16.
^ Ritzer, edited by George; Ryan, J. Michael (2011). The concise
encyclopedia of sociology. Chichester, West Sussex, UK:
Wiley-Blackwell. p. 335. ISBN 1444392646. CS1 maint:
Extra text: authors list (link)
^ Donna Rosenthal. The Israelis: Ordinary People in an Extraordinary
Land. Simon and Schuster, 2005. p. 183. "Dossim, a derogatory word for
Haredim, is Yiddish-accented Hebrew for 'religious.'"
^ Nadia Abu El-Haj. Facts on the ground: Archaeological practice and
territorial self-fashioning in Israeli society. University of Chicago
Press, 2001. p. 262.
^ Benor, Sarah Bunin (2012). Becoming frum how newcomers learn the
language and culture of Orthodox Judaism. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers
University Press. p. 9. ISBN 0813553911.
^ a b Rubel, Nora L. (2009-11-01). Doubting the Devout: The
Ultra-Orthodox in the Jewish American Imagination. Columbia University
Press. ISBN 9780231512589.
^  Archived February 19, 2012, at the Wayback Machine.
^ "YIVO Schick, Mosheh". Yivoencyclopedia.org. Retrieved
^ "Kolmyya, Ukraine (Pages 41-55, 85-88)". Jewishgen.org. 2011-02-12.
Shimon Sofer • "The Author of Michtav Sofer"".
Hevratpinto.org. Retrieved 2013-03-26.
^ "New Religious Party". Archive.jta.org. 1934-09-13. Retrieved
^ "Berlin Conference Adopts Constitution for World Union Progressive
Judaism". Archive.jta.org. 1928-08-21. Retrieved 2013-03-26.
^ "Agudah Claims 16,205 Palestine
Jews Favor Separate Communities".
Archive.jta.org. 1929-02-28. Retrieved 2013-03-26.
^ "Palestine Communities Ordinance Promulgated". Archive.jta.org.
1927-07-20. Retrieved 2013-03-26.
Rabbi Dushinsky Installed As
Rabbi of Orthodox
Agudath Israel". Archive.jta.org. 1933-09-03. Retrieved
^ Assaf, David (2010). "Hasidism: Historical Overview". The YIVO
Jews in Eastern Europe. p. 2.
^ MacQueen, Michael (2014). "The Context of Mass Destruction: Agents
and Prerequisites of the Holocaust in Lithuania". Holocaust and
Genocide Studies. Oxford University Press. 12 (1): 27–48.
doi:10.1093/hgs/12.1.27. ISSN 1476-7937.
^ Weiss, Raysh. "Haredim (Chareidim)". myjewishlearning.com.
^ Lehmann, David; Siebzehner, Batia (August 2009). "Power, Boundaries
and Institutions: Marriage in Ultra-Orthodox Judaism". European
Journal of Sociology. 50 (2): 273–308.
^ Bob, Yonah Jeremy (19 April 2013). "Sephardi haredim complain to
court about 'ghettos'". The
Jerusalem Post. Retrieved 22 June
^ Stadler 2009, p. 79: "The economic situation of
Israel is unique. When comparing the
Haredi community in
that in the United States, Gonen (2000) found that
Haredi members in
United States (both Lithuanians and Hasidic) work and participate
in the labor market."
^ Stadler 2009, p. 44: "The support of the yeshiva culture is
related also to the developments of Israel's welfare policy... This is
Israel today, Haredim live in relatively poorer conditions
(Berman 2000, Dahan 1998, Shilhav 1991), and large
Haredi families are
totally dependent on state-funded social support systems. This
situation is unique to Israel."
^ Stadler 2009, pp. 77–78: "According to various surveys of the
Haredi community, between 46 and sixty percent of its members do not
participate in the labor market and 25 percent have part-time jobs
(see Berman 1998; Dahan 1998). Members who work usually take specific
jobs within a very narrow range of occupations, mainly those of
teachers and clerical or administrative staff (Lupo 2003). In
addition, because Haredim encourage large families, half of them live
in poverty and economic distress (Berman 1998)."
^ הרב הראשי לתלמידי הישיבות: אל תצפו
בטלוויזיה בפיצוציות [Chief
Rabbi [of Israel] To
Yeshiva Students: Don't Watch TV in Kiosks].
Ynetnews (in Hebrew). 29
July 2013. Retrieved 21 September 2013.
^ Rosenblum, Jonathan (2004-12-15). "Proud to be Chareidi". Jewish
Media Resources. Archived from the original on 2009-03-02. Retrieved
^ a b Miller,
Rabbi Jason (8 June 2012). "Ultra-Orthodox
Correct About the Dangers of the Internet". The Huffington Post.
Retrieved 22 June 2014.
^ "Is that cellphone kosher?".
BBC News. 2008-10-06. Retrieved
Jews Rally to Discuss Risks of Internet". The New
York Times. 20 May 2012. Retrieved 20 September 2012.
^ Dress: Why do some Orthodox Jews, especially Chassidim, wear a
distinctive style of clothing (i. e., fur hats, black coats, gartel)?,
Soc.Culture.Jewish: "The style of hat varies by groups, and the black
hat is relatively modern. In the pre-war Lithuanian Yeshivot, grey
suits and grey fedoras were the style and many in the Litvish
tradition still wear grey and blue suits."
^ Hoffman 2011, p. 90
^ a b "A long article explaining the characteristics of female Haredi
dress inside and outside the house". Peopleil.org. Retrieved
^ Galahar, Ari. "
Rabbi Yosef comes out against wig-wearing".
Ynetnews.com. Retrieved 31 January 2014.
^ Marx, Daliah (16 July 2007). זה לא צנוע לדבר על
צניעות [It's Not Modest to
Talk About Modesty] (in Hebrew).
Ynetnews. Retrieved 11 March 2014.
^ Aryeh Spero (11 January 2013). "Orthodoxy Confronts Reform – The
Two Hundred Years' War". In Dana Evan Kaplan. Contemporary Debates in
American Reform Judaism: Conflicting Visions. Routledge. p. 119.
Haredi citizenship is beneficial,
however, since it creates safe neighborhoods where robbery, mugging,
or rape will not be visited on strangers walking through it, and where
rules of modesty and civilized behavior are the expected norm.
^ Starr Sered 2001, p. 196
^ Sharkansky 1996, p. 145: "Modesty patrols" exist in Bnei Brak
and ultra-Orthodox neighborhoods of Jerusalem; their purpose is to
keep those areas free of immoral influences."
^ Ben-Yehuda 2010, p. 115: "Women dressed in what is judged as
immodest may experience violence and harassment, and demands to leave
the area. Immodest advertising may cause
Haredi boycotts, and public
spaces that present immodest advertisement may be vandalized."
^ Melman 1992, p. 128: "In one part of the city, Orthodox
platoons smash billboards showing half-naked fashion models."
^ Heilman 2002, p. 322: "While similar sentiments about the moral
significance of "immodest" posters in public are surely shared by
American haredim, they would not attack images of scantily clad models
on city bus stops on their neighborhoods with the same alacrity as
their Israeli counterparts.
^ Calvin Klein bra advert ruled OK despite Charedi complaint, Jennifer
Lipman, January 18, 2012
Jews flee Rio during carnival, Kobi Nahshoni 15/02/13
^ Cohen 2012, p. 159
^ Lidman, Melanie (2012-08-29). "Egged: We will not use people on
J'lem bus ads". Jpost.com. Retrieved 2013-09-21.
^ Egged bars J’lem ads featuring aliens Times of
Israel (June 28,
^ Ban this offensive advert, Jewish leaders demand, By Chris Hastings
and Elizabeth Day 27/07/03Daily Telegraph
^ N. J. Demerath, III; Nicholas Jay Demerath (1 January 2003).
Crossing the Gods: World Religions and Worldly Politics. Rutgers
University Press. p. 103. ISBN 978-0-8135-3207-3. To honor
the Sabbath, many government services are closed, and no state buses
operate from sundown Friday to sundown Saturday. Recent religious
Jerusalem have ranged from Sabbath road closings in Jewish
areas and relocating a sports stadium so that it would not disturb a
particular neighborhood's Sabbath to halting the sale of non-kosher
food in Jewish sectors.
^ Issa Rose (2004). Taking Space Seriously: Law, Space, and Society in
Contemporary Israel. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. pp. 101–105.
ISBN 978-0-7546-2351-9. The residents of the neighbourhood
considered traffic on the Sabbath an intolerable provocation directly
interfering with their way of life and began to demonstrate against it
^ Landau 1993, p. 276
^ a b c Ettinger 2011
^ a b Zeveloff 2011
^ Chavkin & Nathan-Kazis 2011
^ Rosenberg 2011
^ Sharon 2012
^ Heller 2012
^ The Jewish Spectator. School of the Jewish Woman. 1977. p. 6.
THE NEW YORK State Assembly has passed a law permitting segregated
seating for women on the buses chartered by ultra-Orthodox
the routes from their
Brooklyn and Rockland County (Spring Valley,
Monsey, New Square) neighborhoods to their places of business and work
in Manhattan. The buses are equipped with mehitzot which separate the
men's section from the women's. The operator of the partitioned buses
and the sponsors of the law which permits their unequal seating argued
their case by invoking freedom of religion.
^ Dashefsk & Sheskin 2012, p. 129
^ Haughney 2011
^ Kobre, Eytan (28 December 2011). "In The Hot Seat". Mishpacha.
Retrieved 18 December 2013.
^ Katya Alder (24 April 2007). "Israel's 'modesty buses' draw fire".
El Al to launch kosher flights for haredim -
Israel Jewish Scene,
Ynetnews". Ynet.co.il. Retrieved 2013-09-21.
^ "Israel: Selected Issues Paper; IMF Country Report 12/71; March 9,
2012" (PDF). Retrieved 2014-02-23.
^ Rotemfirst1=Tamar (4 September 2012). "Israel's ultra-Orthodox
community tackles the issue of sexual abuse". HAARETZ. HAARETZ.
Retrieved 3 March 2015.
^ Bryant 2012: "
Haredi press rarely reports on deviance and
unconventionality among Haredim. Thus, most reports are based on the
secular Press. This is consistent with
Haredi press policy of 'the
right of the people not to know', which aims to shield
from exposure to information about such issues as rape, robbery,
suicide, prostitution, and so on."
^ a b c Rita James Simon (28 July 1978). Continuity and Change: A
Study of Two Ethnic Communities in Israel. CUP Archive.
pp. 73–74. ISBN 978-0-521-29318-1.
^ Cohen 2012, p. 79
^ a b Cohen 2012, p. 80
^ anonymous (BBC) 2009
^ Tessler 2013
^ "ynet ביטאון ש"ס צנזר את תמונת רחל אטיאס
- יהדות". Ynet.co.il. Retrieved 2014-03-11.
^ Cohen 2012, p. 93
^ Cohen & Susser 2000, p. 103: "The
Haredi press, for its
part, is every bit as belligerent and dismissive. [...] Apart from the
recurrent images of drug-crazed, sybaritic, terminally empty-headed
young people, the secular world is also portrayed as spitefully
^ Cohen & Susser 2000, p. 102: "Yet when the Haredi
newspapers present the world of secular Israeli youth as mindless,
immoral, drugged, and unspeakably lewd..."
^ Cohen & Susser 2000, p. 103
^ Cohen 2012, p. 110
^ a b Cohen 2012, p. 111
^ Deutsch, Nathaniel. "The Forbidden Fork, the Cell Phone Holocaust,
Haredi Encounters with Technology." Contemporary Jewry, vol.
29, no. 1, 2009, 4.
^ Deutsch 2009, p. 5
^ Deutsch 2009, p. 8
^ Deutsch 2009, p. 4
^ Deutsch 2009, p. 9
^ Deutsch 2009, p. 18
^ "קווי נייעס ספקי החדשות והרכילות של
המגזר החרדי, נלחמים על חייהם" [
hotlines fighting to stay alive].
Haaretz (in Hebrew).
Haredi protestors shut down
Jerusalem roads for the second week in
a row". The
Jerusalem Post JPost.com. Retrieved 2018-03-07.
...Instructions were eventually sent out at 6:30 p.m. over the
Jerusalem Faction's telephone hotlines for the protesters to disperse,
and only then were the roads and junctions they had blocked open to
^ David Sherman (1993).
Judaism Confronts Modernity: Sermons and
Rabbi David Sherman on the Meaning of Jewish Life and Ideals
Today. D. Sherman. p. 289. ISBN 978-0-620-18195-2. The
establishment of the State of
Israel was bitterly opposed by the
ultra-orthodox who still have great difficulty in accepting it. In Mea
Shearim, Yom Ha'Atzmaut,
Israel Independence Day, is treated as a day
of mourning. They act as if they would rather be under Arafat or
^ Ruth Ebenstein (2003). "Remembered Through Rejection: Yom HaShoah in
Haredi Daily Press, 1950-2000".
Israel Studies. Volume 8
(Number 3, Fall 2003 ed.). Indiana University Press. p. 149. A
few years later, in the late 1990s, we find a striking twist to the
Haredi rejection of the day. Both Ha-mod'ia and Yated Ne'eman usher in
Yom HaShoah with trepidation. No longer was the day simply one they
found offensive, but in their experience, it now marked the start of a
week-long assault on Haredim for not observing the trilogy of secular
Israel's national "holy days" — Yom HaShoah, Yom Hazikaron Lehaleley
Zahal (the Memorial Day for Israel's war dead), and Yom Ha'atzmaut
(Independence Day). Sparked, perhaps, by media coverage of Haredim
ignoring memorial sirens, Haredim now felt attacked, even hunted down,
for their rejection of the day during a period described by both
Haredi newspapers with the Talmudic term byimey edeyhem, referring to
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Hasidic Leader Yaakov Friedman,
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their low monthly salary (see prior references to soldier's monthly
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