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 Kingdom of Greece

Hellenic Army

Supported by:   United Kingdom
United Kingdom
(before 1947)   United States
United States
(after 1947)

Provisional Democratic Government

DSE

NLF partisans Supported by:[1]  Soviet Union  Yugoslavia Bulgaria Albania

Commanders and leaders

Alexandros Papagos Konstantinos Ventiris Thrasyvoulos Tsakalotos Ronald Scobie James Van Fleet Markos Vafiadis Nikolaos Zachariadis

Strength

At peak: 232,500[2] At peak: 26,000 (mid-1948)[3] Total: c.100,000 men and women served, of whom: 15,000–20,000 Slav-Macedonians 2,000–3,000 Pomaks 130–150 Cham Albanians[4]

Casualties and losses

Hellenic Army, Navy and Air Force, from August 16, 1945 to December 22, 1951:[5] 15,268 dead 37,255 wounded 3,843 missing 865 deserters Hellenic Gendarmerie, from December 1, 1944 to December 27, 1951:[6] 1,485 dead 3,143 wounded 159 missing. British Armed Forces: 210 killed 1,000 wounded 733 missing Hellenic Army
Hellenic Army
claim: 38,839 killed 20,128 captured

Total: 158,000 killed[7][8][9][10] 1,000,000 temporarily relocated during the war[11]

v t e

Greek Civil War

Dekemvriana Litochoro
Litochoro
attack Konitsa Thessaloniki
Thessaloniki
bombing (Operation Limnes) Operation Charavgi Operation Koronis Operation Peristera Operation Pyravlos Operation Pyrsos

The Greek Civil War
Greek Civil War
(Greek: ο Eμφύλιος [Πόλεμος], o Emfýlios [Pólemos], "the Civil War") was fought in Greece
Greece
from 1946 to 1949 between the Greek government army (backed by the United Kingdom and the United States), and the Democratic Army of Greece (DSE, the military branch of the Greek Communist
Communist
Party (KKE), backed by Yugoslavia
Yugoslavia
and Albania
Albania
as well as by Bulgaria), most probably the first proxy war of the Cold War. The fighting resulted in the defeat of the Communist
Communist
insurgents by the government forces.[12] Founded by the Communist
Communist
Party of Greece
Greece
and funded by Communist
Communist
nations such as Yugoslavia, the Democratic Army of Greece
Greece
included many personnel who had fought as partisans against German and Italian occupation forces during the Second World War
Second World War
of 1939–1945. The civil war resulted from a highly polarized struggle between left and right ideologies that started in 1943. From 1944 each side targeted the power vacuum resulting from the end of German-Italian occupation (1941–1945) during World War II. The struggle became one of the first conflicts of the Cold War
Cold War
(c. 1947 to 1991) and represents the first example of Cold War
Cold War
power postwar involvement in the internal politics of a foreign country.[13] Greece
Greece
in the end was funded by the US (through the Truman Doctrine
Truman Doctrine
and the Marshall Plan) and joined NATO
NATO
(1952), while the insurgents were demoralized[citation needed] by the bitter split between the Soviet Union's Joseph Stalin, who wanted the war ended, and Yugoslavia's Josip Broz Tito, who wanted it to continue.[14] Tito was committed to helping the Greek Communists in their efforts, a stance that caused political complications with Stalin, as he had recently agreed with Winston Churchill
Winston Churchill
not to support the Communists in Greece, as documented in their Percentages Agreement of October 1944. The first signs of the civil war occurred in 1942 to 1944, during the German occupation. With the Greek government in exile
Greek government in exile
unable to influence the situation at home, various resistance groups of differing political affiliations emerged, the dominant ones being the leftist National Liberation Front (EAM), and its military branch the Greek People's Liberation Army
Greek People's Liberation Army
(ELAS) which was effectively controlled by the KKE. Starting in autumn 1943, friction between the EAM and the other resistance groups resulted in scattered clashes, which continued until spring 1944, when an agreement was reached forming a national unity government that included six EAM-affiliated ministers. The immediate prelude of the civil war took place in Athens, on December 3, 1944, less than two months after the Germans had retreated from the area. After an order to disarm, leftists resigned from the government and called for resistance. A riot (the Dekemvriana) erupted and Greek government gendarmes, with British forces standing in the background, opened fire on a pro-EAM rally, killing 28 demonstrators and injuring dozens. The rally had been organised under the pretext of a demonstration against the perceived impunity of the collaborators and the general disarmament ultimatum, signed by Ronald Scobie
Ronald Scobie
(the British commander in Greece). The battle lasted 33 days and resulted in the defeat of the EAM. The subsequent signing of the Treaty of Varkiza (12 February 1945) spelled the end of the left-wing organization's ascendancy: the ELAS was partly disarmed while the EAM soon after lost its multi-party character, to become dominated by KKE. All the while, White Terror was unleashed against the supporters of the left,[15] further escalating the tensions between the dominant factions of the nation. The war erupted in 1946, when forces of former ELAS partisans who found shelter in their hideouts and were controlled by the KKE organized the DSE and its High Command headquarters. The KKE backed up the endeavor, deciding that there was no alternative way to act against the internationally recognized government that had been formed after the 1946 elections, which the KKE had boycotted. The Communists formed a provisional government in December 1947 and used the DSE as the military branch of this government. The neighboring communist states of Albania, Yugoslavia
Yugoslavia
and Bulgaria
Bulgaria
offered logistical support to this provisional government, especially to the forces operating in the north of Greece. Despite setbacks suffered by government forces from 1946 to 1948, increased American aid, the failure of the DSE to attract sufficient recruits and the side-effects of the Tito–Stalin split
Tito–Stalin split
of 1948 eventually led to victory for the government troops. The final victory of the western-allied government forces led to Greece's membership in NATO
NATO
(1952) and helped to define the ideological balance of power in the Aegean Sea
Aegean Sea
for the entire Cold War. The civil war also left Greece with a vehemently anti-communist security establishment, which would lead to the establishment of the Greek military junta of 1967–74
Greek military junta of 1967–74
and a legacy of political polarisation that lasts until today[update].

Contents

1 Background: 1941–1949

1.1 Origins

1.1.1 Guerrilla control over rural areas

1.2 First conflicts: 1942–1944 1.3 Egypt
Egypt
"mutiny" and the Lebanon
Lebanon
conference

2 Confrontation: 1944

2.1 From the Lebanon
Lebanon
conference to the outbreak 2.2 The Dekemvriana
Dekemvriana
events

2.2.1 Churchill in Athens

3 Interlude: 1945–1946 4 Civil War: 1946–1949

4.1 Crest: 1946–1948

4.1.1 Conventional warfare

4.2 Communist
Communist
evacuation of the children and the Queen's Camps 4.3 End of the war: 1949

5 Postwar division and reconciliation 6 List of abbreviations 7 See also 8 Notes 9 Bibliography

9.1 Surveys 9.2 British role 9.3 Historiography 9.4 Primary sources 9.5 Greek sources 9.6 Other languages

10 External links

Background: 1941–1949[edit]

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Origins[edit] See also: Axis occupation of Greece
Greece
and Greek Resistance The origins of the civil war lie in the divisions created during World War II over which side to support and in the occupation of Greece
Greece
by Nazi Germany, Bulgaria
Bulgaria
and Italy from April 1941 to late October 1944. While Axis forces approached Athens
Athens
in April 1941, King George II and his government escaped to Egypt, where they proclaimed a government-in-exile, recognised by the Western Allies but not by the Soviet Union. Western leaders ( Winston Churchill
Winston Churchill
in particular) encouraged and even coerced[citation needed] King George II of Greece to appoint a moderate cabinet. As a result, only two of his ministers were previous members of the 4th of August Regime
4th of August Regime
under Gen. Ioannis Metaxas, which had both seized power in a coup d'état with the blessing of the king and governed the country since August 1936. Nevertheless, the exiled government's inability to influence affairs inside Greece
Greece
rendered it irrelevant in the minds of most Greek people. At the same time, the Germans set up a collaborationist government in Athens, which lacked legitimacy and support. The puppet regime was further undermined when economic mismanagement in wartime conditions created runaway inflation, acute food shortages and famine among the civilian population.

A member of the Security Battalions
Security Battalions
with a man executed for aiding the Resistance.

The power vacuum that the occupation created was filled by several resistance movements that ranged from royalist to communist ideologies. Resistance was born first in eastern Macedonia and Thrace, where Bulgarian troops occupied Greek territory. Soon large demonstrations were organized in many cities by the Defenders of Northern Greece
Greece
(YVE), a patriotic organization. However, the largest group to emerge was the National Liberation Front (EAM), founded on 27 September 1941 by representatives of four left-wing parties. Proclaiming that it followed the Soviet policy of creating a broad united front against fascism, EAM won the support of many noncommunist patriots. These resistance groups launched attacks against the occupying powers and set up large espionage networks. The communist leaders of EAM, however, had planned to dominate in postwar Greece, so, usually by force, they tried to take over or destroy the other Greek resistance groups (such as the destruction of National and Social Liberation (EKKA) and the murder of its leader, Dimitrios Psarros
Dimitrios Psarros
by ELAS partisans)[citation needed] and undertaking a campaign of Red Terror. When liberation came in October 1944, Greece
Greece
was in a state of crisis, which soon led to the outbreak of civil war. Although controlled by the KKE, the organization had democratic republican rhetoric.[citation needed] Its military wing, the Greek People's Liberation Army (ELAS) was founded in February 1942. Aris Velouchiotis, a member of KKE's Central Committee, was nominated Chief (Kapetanios) of the ELAS High Command. The military chief, Stefanos Sarafis, was a colonel in the prewar Greek army who had been dismissed during the Metaxas regime
Metaxas regime
for his views. The political chief of EAM was Vasilis Samariniotis (nom de guerre of Andreas Tzimas). The Organization for the Protection of the People's Struggle (OPLA) was founded as EAM's security militia, operating mainly in the occupied cities and most particularly Athens. A small Greek People's Liberation Navy (ELAN) was created, operating mostly around the Ionian Islands and some other coastal areas. Other Communist-aligned organizations were present, including the National Liberation Front (NOF), comprised mostly by Slavic Macedonians
Slavic Macedonians
in the Florina
Florina
region. They would later play a critical role in the civil war.[16][17] The two other large resistance movements were the National Republican Greek League (EDES), led by republican former army officer Col. Napoleon Zervas, and the social-liberal EKKA, led by Col. Dimitrios Psarros. Guerrilla control over rural areas[edit]

Guerillas of ELAS

The Greek landscape was favourable to guerrilla operations, and by 1943, the Axis forces and their collaborators were in control only of the main towns and connecting roads, leaving the mountainous countryside to the resistance.[citation needed] EAM-ELAS in particular controlled most of the country's mountainous interior, while EDES was limited to Epirus and EKKA to eastern Central Greece.[citation needed] By early 1944 ELAS could call on nearly 25,000 men under arms, with another 80,000 working as reserves or logistical support, EDES roughly 10,000 men, and EKKA under 10,000 men.[citation needed] To combat the rising influence of the EAM, and fearful of an eventual takeover after the German defeat, in 1943, Ioannis Rallis, the Prime Minister of the collaborationist government, authorised the creation of paramilitary forces, known as the Security Battalions. Numbering 20,000 at their peak in 1944, composed mostly of local fascists, convicts, sympathetic prisoners-of-war and forcibly impressed conscripts, they operated under German command in anti-partisan operations and soon achieved a reputation for brutality. EAM-ELAS, EDES and EKKA were mutually suspicious and tensions were exacerbated as the end of the war became nearer and the question of the country's political future arose. The role of the British military mission in these events proved decisive.[citation needed] EAM was by far the largest and most active group but was determined to achieve its own political goal to dominate postwar Greece, and its actions were not always directed against the Axis powers. Consequently, British material support was directed mostly to the more reliable Zervas, who by 1943 had reversed his earlier anti-monarchist stance.[citation needed] First conflicts: 1942–1944[edit] See also: National Bands Agreement

Napoleon Zervas
Napoleon Zervas
(2nd from left) with fellow National Republican Greek League officers.

The Western allies, at first, provided all resistance organisations with funds and equipment. However, they gave special preference to ELAS, which they saw as the most reliable partner and a formidable fighting force that would be able to create more problems for the Axis than other resistance movements. As the end of the war approached, the British Foreign Office, fearing a possible Communist
Communist
upsurge, observed with displeasure the transformation of ELAS into a large-scale conventional army more and more out of Allied control. After the September 8, 1943, Armistice with Italy, ELAS seized control of Italian garrison weapons in the country. In response, the Western allies began to favor rival anti- Communist
Communist
resistance groups. They provided them with ammunition, supplies and logistical support as a way of balancing ELAS's increasing influence. In time, the flow of weapons and funds to ELAS stopped altogether, and rival EDES received the bulk of the Allied support.

Georgios Grivas

In mid-1943 the animosity between EAM-ELAS and the other movements erupted into armed conflict. The communists and EAM accused EDES of being traitors and collaborators, and vice versa. Other smaller groups, such as EKKA, continued the anti-occupation fight with sabotage and other actions. They declined to join the ranks of ELAS and were systematically murdered by the Communists[citation needed]. While some organizations accepted assistance from the Nazis in their operations against EAM-ELAS, the great majority of the population refused any form of cooperation with the occupation authorities.

Dimitrios Psarros, military leader of National and Social Liberation, victim of the "first phase" of the civil war, during the Resistance.

By early 1944, after a British-negotiated ceasefire (the Plaka Agreement), EAM-ELAS had destroyed EKKA and confined EDES to a small part of Epirus, where it could only play a marginal role in the rest of the war. Its political network (EAM) had reached about 500,000 citizens around the country.[citation needed] By 1944, ELAS had the numerical advantage in armed fighters, having more than 50,000 men in arms and an extra 500,000 working as reserves or logistical support personnel (Efedrikos ELAS). In contrast, EDES had around 10,000 fighters[18] and EKKA around 10,000 men.[19] After the declaration of the formation of the Security Battalions, KKE and EAM implemented a pre-emptive policy of terror, mainly in the Peloponnese countryside areas close to garrisoned German units, to ensure civilian allegiance.[20] As the communist position strengthened, so did the numbers of the "Security Battalions", with both sides engaged in skirmishes. The ELAS units were accused of what became known as the Meligalas
Meligalas
massacre. Meligalas
Meligalas
was the headquarters of a local Security Battalion Unit that was given control of the wider area of Messenia by the Nazis. After a battle there between ELAS and the Security Battalions, ELAS forces prevailed, and the remaining forces of the collaborators were taken into custody.[citation needed] After the civil war ended, postwar governments declared that 1000 members of the collaborationist units were massacred along with civilians by the Communists; however, that number was not matched by the actual numbers of bodies found in the mass grave (an old well in the area) of executed Security Battalion and civilian prisoners. According to left-wing sources,[21] civilian bodies found there could have been victims of the Security Battalions. As Security Battalions were replacing occupation forces in territories the Germans could not enter, they were accused of many instances of brutality against civilians and captured partisans, and of the executions of prominent EAM and KKE members by hanging. In addition, recruiting by both sides was controversial, as the case of Stefanos Sarafis
Stefanos Sarafis
indicates. The soon-to-be military leader of ELAS sought to join the noncommunist resistance group commanded by Kostopoulos in Thessaly, along with other former officers. On their way, they were captured by an ELAS group, with Sarafis agreeing to join ELAS at gunpoint when all other officers who refused were killed.[22] Sarafis never admitted this incident, and in his book on ELAS[23] makes special reference to the letter that he sent all officers of the former Greek army to join the ranks of EAM-ELAS.[24] Again, numbers favored the EAM organisation; nearly 800 officers of the pre-war Greek army joined the ranks of ELAS with the position of military leader and Kapetanios. Egypt
Egypt
"mutiny" and the Lebanon
Lebanon
conference[edit] See also: Greek government in exile
Greek government in exile
and Political Committee of National Liberation

George II during his visit to a Greek fighter station, 1944.

In March 1944, EAM established the Political Committee of National Liberation (Politiki Epitropi Ethnikis Apeleftherosis, or PEEA), in effect a third Greek government to rival those in Athens
Athens
and Cairo "to intensify the struggle against the conquerors... for full national liberation, for the consolidation of the independence and integrity of our country... and for the annihilation of domestic Fascism
Fascism
and armed traitor formations." PEEA consisted of Communists and noncommunist progressives.

Georgios Papandreou

The moderate aims of the PEEA (known as "κυβέρνηση του βουνού", "the Mountain Government") aroused support even among Greeks
Greeks
in exile. In April 1944 the Greek armed forces in Egypt, many of them well-disposed towards EAM, demanded for a government of national unity to be established, based on PEEA principles, to replace the government-in-exile, as it had no political or other link with the occupied home country. The movement caused problems and anger to the British and Americans and was suppressed by British forces and Greek troops loyal to the exiled government. Approximately 5,000 Greek soldiers and officers were sent into prison camps in Libya, Sudan, Egypt
Egypt
and South Africa.[citation needed] After the mutiny the economic help from the Allies to the National Liberation Front almost stopped. Later on, through political screening of the officers, the Cairo government created the III Greek Mountain Brigade, composed of staunchly anticommunist personnel, under the command of Brigadier Thrasyvoulos Tsakalotos. In May 1944, representatives from all political parties and resistance groups came together at a conference in Lebanon
Lebanon
under the leadership of Georgios Papandreou, seeking an agreement about a government of national unity. Despite EAM's accusations of collaboration made against all other Greek resistance forces and charges against EAM-ELAS members of murders, banditry and thievery, the conference ended with an agreement (the National Contract) for a government of national unity consisting of 24 ministers (6 of whom were EAM members). The agreement was made possible by Soviet directives to KKE to avoid harming Allied unity but did not resolve the problem of disarmament of resistance groups. Confrontation: 1944[edit] By 1944, EDES and ELAS each saw the other to be their great enemy. They both saw that the Germans were going to be defeated and were a temporary threat. For the ELAS, the British represented their major problem, even while for the majority of Greeks, the British were their major hope for an end to the war.[25] From the Lebanon
Lebanon
conference to the outbreak[edit] By the summer of 1944, it was obvious that the Germans would soon withdraw from Greece, as Soviet forces were advancing into Romania and towards Yugoslavia, with the retreated Germans at risk of being cut off. In September, General Fyodor Tolbukhin's armies advanced into Bulgaria, forcing the resignation of the country's pro-Nazi government and the establishment of a pro- Communist
Communist
regime while Bulgarian troops withdrew from Greek Macedonia. The government-in-exile, now led by prominent liberal George Papandreou, moved to Italy, in preparation for its return to Greece. Under the Caserta Agreement of September 1944, all resistance forces in Greece
Greece
were placed under the command of a British officer, General Ronald Scobie.

Ronald Scobie

The Western allies arrived in Greece
Greece
in October, by which time the Germans were in full retreat and most of Greece's territory had already been liberated by Greek partisans. On October 13, British troops entered Athens, the only area still occupied by the Germans, and Papandreou and his ministers followed six days later. The king stayed in Cairo because Papandreou had promised that the future of the monarchy would be decided by referendum.[26] There was little to prevent the ELAS from taking full control of the country. With the German withdrawal, ELAS units had taken control of the countryside and of most cities. However, they did not take full control because the KKE leadership was instructed by the Soviet Union not to precipitate a crisis that could jeopardize Allied unity and put Stalin's larger postwar objectives at risk. The KKE’s leadership knew so, but the ELAS's fighters and rank-and-file Communists did not, which became a source of conflict within both EAM and ELAS.

People of Athens
Athens
celebrate the liberation, October 1944.

Following Stalin's instructions, the KKE’s leadership tried to avoid a confrontation with the Papandreou government. The majority of the ELAS members saw the Western Allies as liberators although some KKE leaders, such as Andreas Tzimas and Aris Velouchiotis, did not trust them. Tzimas was in touch with Yugoslav Communist
Communist
leader Josip Broz Tito and disagreed with ELAS's cooperation with the Western Allied forces. The issue of disarming the resistance organizations was a cause of friction between the Papandreou government and its EAM members. Advised by British ambassador Reginald Leeper, Papandreou demanded the disarmament of all armed forces apart from the Sacred Band and the III Mountain Brigade, which were formed following the suppression of the April 1944 Egypt
Egypt
mutiny, and the constitution of a National Guard under government control. The communists, believing that it would leave the ELAS defenseless against its opponents, submitted an alternative plan of total and simultaneous disarmament, but Papandreou rejected the plan, causing EAM ministers to resign from the government on December 2. On December 1, Scobie issued a proclamation calling for the dissolution of ELAS. Command of ELAS was KKE's greatest source of strength, and KKE leader Siantos decided that the demand for ELAS's dissolution must be resisted. Tito's influence may have played some role in ELAS's resistance to disarmament. Tito was outwardly loyal to Stalin but had come to power through his own means and believed that the communist Greeks
Greeks
should do the same. His influence, however, had not prevented the EAM leadership from putting its forces under Scobie's command a couple of months earlier in accordance with the Caserta Agreement. In the meantime, following Georgios Grivas's instructions, Organization X
Organization X
members had set up outposts in central Athens
Athens
and resisted EAM for several days, until British troops arrived, as their leader had been promised. The Dekemvriana
Dekemvriana
events[edit] See also: Dekemvriana

Unarmed protesters of EAM lying dead or wounded on 3 December 1944 in front of the Greek Parliament, while others are running for their lives; moments after the first shootings that left at least 28 dead and signalled the beginning of the Dekemvriana
Dekemvriana
events.

According to the Caserta Agreement all Greek forces (tactical and guerillas) were under Allied command. On December 1, 1944, the Greek government of "National Unity" under Papandreou and Scobie (the British head of the Allied forces in Greece) announced an ultimatum for the general disarmament of all guerrilla forces by 10 December excluding the tactical forces (the 3rd Greek Mountain Brigade and the Sacred Squadron);[27] and also a part of EDES and ELAS that would be used, if it was necessary, in Allied operations in Crete
Crete
and Dodecanese
Dodecanese
against the remaining German army. As a result, on December 2 six ministers of the EAM, most of whom were KKE members, resigned from their positions in the "National Unity" government. The EAM called for a general strike and announced the reorganization of the Central Committee of ELAS, its military wing. A demonstration, forbidden by the government, was organised by EAM on December 3.

An order of General Scobie signed and printed on the government's newspaper "Η ΕΛΛΑΣ" (December 6), enforcing the government's ultimatum (December 1) for the immediate disarmament of all guerrilla forces.

The demonstration involved at least 200,000 people[28] marching on Panepistimiou Street
Panepistimiou Street
towards the Syntagma Square. British tanks along with police units had been scattered around the area, blocking the way of the demonstrators.[29] The shootings began when the marchers had arrived at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier, above the Syntagma Square. They originated from the building of the General Police Headquarters, from the Parliament (Βουλή), from the Hotel Grande Bretagne (where international observers had settled), from other governmental buildings and from policemen on the street.[30][31][32] Among many testimonies, N. Farmakis, a member of the Organization X participating in the shootings, described that he heard the head of the police Angelos Evert
Angelos Evert
giving the order to open fire on the crowd.[citation needed] Although there are no accounts hinting that the crowd indeed possessed guns, the British commander Woodhouse insisted that it was uncertain whether the first shots were fired by the police or the demonstrators.[33] More than 28 demonstrators were killed, and 148 were injured. This signaled the beginning of the Dekemvriana
Dekemvriana
(Greek: Δεκεμβριανά, "the December events"), a 37-day period of full-scale fighting in Athens
Athens
between EAM fighters and smaller parts of ELAS and the forces of the British army and the government.

Pamphlet calling workers from different neighbours of Athens
Athens
to fight against the Greek Government and its British support

At the beginning the government had only a few policemen and gendarmes, some militia units, the 3rd Greek Mountain Brigade, distinguished at the Gothic Line offensive in Italy, which, however, lacked heavy weapons, and the royalist group Organization X, also known as "Chites", which was accused by EAM of collaborating with the Nazis. Consequently, the British intervened in support of the government, freely using artillery and aircraft as the battle approached its last stages. In the early morning hours of 4 December, ELAS reservists began operations in the Athens– Piraeus
Piraeus
area, attacking Grivas' X forces.[34] In the evening, a peaceful demonstration by EAM members cum funeral procession took place. Government forces took no action but the procession was attacked by Chites led by Colonel Grivas, with over 100 dead. On December 4, Papandreou gave his resignation to the Scobie, who rejected it. By December 12, ΕΑΜ was in control of most of Athens and Piraeus. The British, outnumbered, flew in the 4th Indian Infantry Division from Italy as emergency reinforcements. Although the British were openly fighting against the EAM in Athens, there were no such battles in the rest of Greece. In certain cases, such as Volos, some RAF units even surrendered equipment to ELAS fighters.[citation needed] However, the units of the ELAS in Central Greece
Greece
and Epirus attacked Napoleon Zervas's units of the EDES forcing them to flee to the Ionian islands. Conflicts continued throughout December with the forces confronting the EAM slowly gaining the upper hand. ELAS forces in the rest of Greece
Greece
did not attack the British. It seems that the ELAS preferred to avoid an armed confrontation with the British forces initially and later tried to reduce the conflict as much as possible although poor communication between its very independent units around the country might also have played a role.[citation needed] That might explain the simultaneous struggle against the British, the largescale ELAS operations against Trotskyists
Trotskyists
and other political dissidents in Athens
Athens
and the many contradictory decisions of EAM leaders. Also, KKE's leadership, was supporting a doctrine of "national unity" while eminent members, such as Stringos, Makridis and even Georgios Siantos were creating revolutionary plans. Even more curiously, Tito was both the KKE's key sponsor and a key British ally, owing his physical and political survival in 1944 to British assistance.[35] Churchill in Athens[edit] This outbreak of fighting between Allied forces and an anti-German European resistance movement while the war in Europe was still being fought was a serious political problem for Churchill's coalition government of left and right. It caused much protest in the British press and the House of Commons. To prove his peacemaking intentions to the public, Churchill went to Athens
Athens
on December 25 to preside over a conference in which Soviet representatives also participated, to bring about a settlement. It failed because the EAM/ELAS demands were considered excessive and so rejected. The conference took place in the Hotel Grande Bretagne. Later, it became known that there was a plan by EAM to blow up the building, aiming to kill the participants, and the conference was finally cancelled.

British paratroopers of the 5th Battalion, Parachute Regiment during the battle

Meanwhile, the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
remained passive about developments in Greece. True to their "percentages agreement" with Britain relating to Greece, the Soviet delegation in Greece
Greece
neither encouraged nor discouraged EAM's ambitions, as Greece
Greece
belonged to the British sphere of influence. The delegation's chief gained the nickname "sphinx" among local Communist
Communist
officers for not giving any clues about Soviet intentions. Pravda
Pravda
did not mention the clashes at all. It is speculated that Stalin did not interfere because the Soviet Union would profit no matter the outcome. If EAM rose to power, he would gain a country of major strategic value. If not, he could use British actions in Greece
Greece
to justify similar actions in countries in his own sphere of influence.[citation needed] By early January, EAM forces had lost the battle. Despite Churchill's intervention, Papandreou resigned and was replaced by General Nikolaos Plastiras. On January 15, 1945, Scobie agreed to a ceasefire in exchange for ELAS's withdrawal from its positions at Patras
Patras
and Thessaloniki
Thessaloniki
and its demobilisation in the Peloponnese. Despite the severe defeat, ELAS continued to exist, and the KKE had an opportunity to reconsider its strategy.[citation needed] KKE's defeat in 1945 was mainly political but the exaltation of terrorism in the whole country made a political settlement even more difficult. The hunting of "collaborators" was extended to people who were supporting the Greek government.[citation needed] The brutal treatment by the Organization for the Protection of the People's Struggle (OPLA) and other minor communist groups of their opponents (including policemen, professors and priests) during the events greatly increased anticommunist sentiment. In the area of ULEN refineries, hundreds of noncommunists were executed. In addition, several Trotskyists
Trotskyists
had to leave the country in fear for their lives ( Cornelius Castoriadis
Cornelius Castoriadis
fled to France). As a result of the fighting in Athens, most of the prominent noncommunists of EAM left the organization, and KKE support declined sharply. After the ceasefire, ELAS under the leadership of Siantos left Athens, taking thousands of captives.[citation needed] Interlude: 1945–1946[edit] See also: Greek legislative election, 1946 and Greek referendum, 1946

Nikos Zachariadis

In February 1945, the various Greek parties signed the Treaty of Varkiza, with the support of all the Allies. It provided for the complete demobilisation of the ELAS and all other paramilitary groups, amnesty for only political offenses, a referendum on the monarchy and a general election to be held as soon as possible. The KKE remained legal and its leader, Nikolaos Zachariadis, who returned from Germany in April 1945, said that the KKE's objective was now for a "people's democracy" to be achieved by peaceful means. There were dissenters such as former ELAS leader Aris Velouchiotis.[citation needed] The KKE disavowed Velouchiotis when he called on the veteran guerrillas to start a second struggle; shortly afterwards, he committed suicide, surrounded by security forces. The Treaty of Varkiza transformed the KKE's political defeat into a military one. The ELAS's existence was terminated. The amnesty was not comprehensive because many actions during the German occupation and Dekemvriana
Dekemvriana
were classified as criminal, exempting them from the amnesty. Thus, the authorities captured approximately 40,000 Communists or ex-ELAS members. As a result, a number of veteran partisans hid their weapons in the mountains, and 5,000 of them escaped to Yugoslavia
Yugoslavia
although they were not encouraged by the KKE leadership.

Anticommunist poster during the referendum in favour of George II:"This is what they fear!Vote for the King!"

Between 1945 and 1946, anticommunist gangs killed about 1,190 communist civilians and tortured many others. Entire villages that had helped the partisans were attacked by the gangs. The gangs admitted that they were "retaliating" for their suffering under ELAS rule.[citation needed] The reign of "White Terror" led many ex-ELAS members to form self-defense troops, without any KKE approval.[15] KKE soon reversed its former political position, as relations between the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
and the Western Allies deteriorated. With the onset of the Cold War, Communist
Communist
parties everywhere moved to more militant positions. The change of political attitude and the choice to escalate the crisis derived primarily from the conclusion that regime subversion, which had not been successful in December 1944, could now be achieved. The KKE leadership decided in February 1946, "after weighing domestic factors, and the Balkan and international situation", to go forward with "organization of a new armed struggle against the Monarcho-Fascist regime." The KKE boycotted the March 1946 elections, which were won by the monarchist United Nationalist Party (Inomeni Parataxis Ethnikofronon), the main member of which was Konstantinos Tsaldaris's People's Party. In September, a referendum favored the retention of the monarchy, but the KKE claimed that it had been rigged. King George returned to Athens. The king's return to Greece
Greece
reinforced British influence in the country. Nigel Clive, then a liaison officer to the Greek Government and later the head of the Athens
Athens
station of MI6, stated, " Greece
Greece
was a kind of British protectorate, but the British ambassador was not a colonial governor". There were to be six changes of prime ministers within just two years, an indication of the instability that would then characterise the country's political life. Civil War: 1946–1949[edit] Crest: 1946–1948[edit]

Markos Vafiadis

Fighting resumed in March 1946, as a group of 30 ex-ELAS members attacked a police station in the village of Litochoro, killing the policemen. The next day, the Rizospastis, the KKE's official newspaper, announced, "Authorities and gangs fabricate alleged communist attacks". Armed bands of ELAS' veterans were then infiltrating Greece
Greece
through mountainous regions near the Yugoslav and Albanian borders; they were now organized as the Democratic Army of Greece
Greece
(Dimokratikos Stratos Elladas, DSE) under the command of ELAS veteran Markos Vafiadis
Markos Vafiadis
(known as "General Markos"), operating from a base in Yugoslavia
Yugoslavia
and sent by the KKE to organize already existing troops. The Yugoslav and Albanian communist governments supported the DSE fighters, but the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
remained ambivalent. The KKE kept an open line of communication with the Soviet Communist
Communist
Party, and its leader, Nikos Zachariadis, had visited Moscow on more than one occasion. By late 1946, the DSE was able to deploy about 16,000 partisans, including 5,000 in the Peloponnese and other areas of Greece. According to the DSE, its fighters "resisted the reign of terror that right-wing gangs conducted across Greece". In the Peloponnese especially, local party officials, headed by Vangelis Rogakos, had established a plan long before the decision to go to guerrilla war, under which the numbers of partisans operating in the mainland would be inversely proportional to the number of soldiers that the enemy would concentrate in the region. According to this study, the DSE III Division in the Peloponnese numbered between 1,000 and 5,000 fighters in early 1948.[36]

DSE fighters during mortar training

Rural peasants were caught in the crossfire. When DSE partisans entered a village asking for supplies, citizens were supportive (years previously, EAM could count on two million members across the whole country) or did not resist. When government troops arrived at the same village, citizens who had supplied the partisans were immediately denounced as communist sympathizers and usually imprisoned or exiled. Rural areas also suffered as a result of tactics dictated to the National Army by US advisers; as admitted by high-ranking Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) officials in the documentary Nam: the true story of Vietnam, a very efficient strategy applied during the Greek Civil War, and in the Vietnam and Korean Wars, was the evacuation of villages under the pretext that they were under direct threat of communist attack. It would deprive the partisans of supplies and recruits and simultaneously raise antipathy towards them.[37] The Greek army now numbered about 90,000 men and was gradually being put on a more professional footing. The task of re-equipping and training the army had been carried out by its fellow Western Allies. By early 1947, however, Britain, which had spent ₤85 million in Greece
Greece
since 1944, could no longer afford this burden; U.S. President Harry S. Truman
Harry S. Truman
announced that the United States
United States
would step in to support the government of Greece
Greece
against Communist
Communist
pressure. That began a long and troubled relationship between Greece
Greece
and the United States. For several decades to come, the US ambassador advised the king on important issues, such as the appointment of the prime minister.[citation needed] Through 1947, the scale of fighting increased; the DSE launched large-scale attacks on towns across northern Epirus, Thessaly, Peloponnese and Macedonia, provoking the army into massive counteroffensives, which met no opposition as the DSE melted back into the mountains and its safe havens across the northern borders. In the Peloponnese, where General Georgios Stanotas was appointed area commander, the DSE suffered heavily, with no way to escape to mainland Greece. In general, army morale was low, and it would be some time before the support of the United States
United States
became apparent. Conventional warfare[edit]

Organisation and military bases of the "Democratic Army", as well as entry routes to Greece
Greece
(legend in Greek).

In September 1947, however, the KKE’s leadership decided to move from guerrilla tactics to fullscale conventional war despite the opposition of Vafiadis. In December, the KKE announced the formation of a Provisional Democratic Government, with Vafiadis as prime minister; that led the Athens
Athens
government to ban the KKE. No foreign government recognized this government. The new strategy led the DSE into costly attempts to seize a major town as its seat of government, and in December 1947, 1200 DSE fighters were killed at a set battle around Konitsa. At the same time, the strategy forced the government to increase the size of the army. With control of the major cities, the government cracked down on KKE members and sympathizers, many of whom were imprisoned on the island of Makronisos. Despite setbacks, such as the fighting at Konitsa, the DSE reached the height of its power in 1948, extending its operations to Attica, within 20 km of Athens. It drew on more than 20,000 fighters, both men and women, and a network of sympathizers and informants in every village and suburb. Among analysts emphasising the KKE's perceived control and guidance by foreign powers, such as USSR and Yugoslavia, some estimate that of the DSE's 20,000 fighters, 14,000 were Slavic Macedonians
Slavic Macedonians
from Greek Macedonia.[38] Expanding their reasoning, they conclude that given their important role in the battle,[39] KKE changed its policy towards them. At the fifth Plenum of KKE on January 31, 1949, a resolution was passed declaring that after KKE's victory, the Slavic Macedonians would find their national restoration within a united Greek state.[40] The alliance of the Democratic army with the Slav Macedonians, caused the official Greek state propaganda to call the communist guerillas Eamovulgari (from EAM plus Bulgarians) while the communists were calling their opponents Monarchofasistes (Monarch fascists). The extent of such involvement remains contentious and unclear; some emphasize that the KKE had in total 400,000 members (or 800,000, according to some sources) immediately prior to December 1944 and that during the Civil War, 100,000 ELAS fighters, mostly KKE members, were imprisoned, and 3,000 were executed. Supporters emphasise instead the DSE's conduct of a war effort across the country aimed at "a free and liberated Greece
Greece
from all protectors that will have all the nationalities working under one Socialist State". DSE divisions conducted guerrilla warfare across Greece; III Division, with its 1948 count of 20,000 men, controlled 70% of the Peloponnese politically and militarily; battalions named after ELAS formations were active in northwestern Greece, and in the islands of Lesvos, Limnos, Ikaria, Samos, Creta, Evoia and the bulk of the Ionian Islands. Western Allies' advisers funds, and equipment were now flooding into the country, and under Western Allies' guidance a series of major offensives were launched into the mountains of central Greece. Although the offensives did not achieve all their objectives, they inflicted serious defeats on the DSE. Communist
Communist
evacuation of the children and the Queen's Camps[edit] See also: Political refugees of the Greek Civil War

Queen Frederica with Paul of Greece
Greece
visiting the cruiser USS Providence at Athens, circa May 1947

The removal of children by both sides was another highly emotive and contentious issue.[41] About 30,000 children were forcefully taken by the DSE from territories they controlled to Eastern Bloc countries.[42] Many others were moved for protection to special camps inside Greece, an idea of Queen Frederica.[43][44] The issue drew the attention of international public opinion, and a United Nations Special
Special
Committee issued a report, stating that "some children have in fact been forcibly removed".[45]

Map showing the distribution of refugees from Greece
Greece
after the civil war

The communist leadership claimed that children were being gathered to be evacuated from Greece
Greece
at the request of "popular organizations and parents".[46] According to other researchers, the Greek government also followed a policy of displacement by adopting children of the guerrillas and placing them in indoctrination camps.[47] According to Kenneth Spencer, a UN committee reported at that time, "Queen Frederica has already prepared special 'reform camps' in Greek islands for 12,000 Greek children...."[48] According to the official KKE story, the Provisional Government issued a directive for the evacuation of all minors from 4 to 14 years old for protection from the war and problems linked to it, as was stated clearly according to the decisions of the Provisional Government on March 7, 1948.[49] According to non-KKE accounts, the children were abducted to be indoctrinated as Communist
Communist
janissaries.[50] Several United Nations General Assembly resolutions appealed for the repatriation of children to their homes.[51] After 50 years, more information regarding the children has gradually emerged. Many returned to Greece
Greece
between 1975 and 1990, with varied views and attitudes toward the communist faction.[52][53] During the war, more than 25,000 children, most with parents in the DSE, were also placed in 30 "child towns" under the immediate control of Queen Frederika, something especially emphasised by the left.[citation needed] After 50 years, some of these children, given up for adoption to American families, were retracing their family background in Greece.[54][55][56][57][58][59][60] End of the war: 1949[edit] The insurgents were demoralised by the bitter split between Stalin and Tito.[14] In June 1948, the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
and its satellites broke off relations with Tito. In one of the meetings held in the Kremlin with Yugoslav representatives, during the Soviet-Yugoslav crisis,[61] Stalin stated his unqualified opposition to the "Greek uprising". Stalin explained to the Yugoslav delegation that the situation in Greece
Greece
has always been different from the one in Yugoslavia
Yugoslavia
because the US and Britain would "never permit [Greece] to break off their lines of communication in the Mediterranean". (Stalin used the word svernut, Russian for "fold up", to express what the Greek Communists should do.)

Alexandros Papagos
Alexandros Papagos
was appointed Commander-in-Chief in 1949.

Yugoslavia
Yugoslavia
had been the Greek Communists' main supporter from the years of the occupation. The KKE thus had to choose between its loyalty to the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
and its relations with its closest ally. After some internal conflict, the great majority, led by party secretary Nikolaos Zachariadis, chose to follow the Soviet Union. In January 1949, Vafiadis himself was accused of "Titoism" and removed from his political and military positions, to be replaced by Zachariadis. After a year of increasing acrimony, Tito closed the Yugoslav border to the DSE in July 1949, and disbanded its camps inside Yugoslavia. The DSE was still able to use Albanian border territories, a poor alternative. Within the Greek Communist
Communist
Party, the split with Tito also sparked a witch hunt for "Titoites" that demoralised and disorganised the ranks of the DSE and sapped support for the KKE in urban areas. In summer 1948, DSE Division III in the Peloponnese suffered a huge defeat; lacking ammunition support from DSE headquarters and having failed to capture ammunition depots belonging to government forces at Zacharo in the western Peloponnese, its 20,000 fighters were doomed. The majority (including the commander of the Division, Vangelis Rogakos) were killed in battle with nearly 80,000 National Army troops. The National Army's strategic plan, codenamed "Peristera" (the Greek word for "dove") was successful. A number of other civilians were sent to prison camps for helping communists. The Peloponnese was now governed by paramilitary groups fighting alongside the National Army. To terrify urban areas assisting DSE's III Division, the forces decapitated a number of dead fighters and placed them in central squares.[36] Following defeat in southern Greece, the DSE continued to operate in northern Greece
Greece
and some islands, but it was a greatly weakened force facing significant obstacles both politically and militarily. At the same time, the National Army found a talented commander in General Alexander Papagos, commander of the Greek army during the Greco-Italian War. In August 1949, Papagos launched a major counteroffensive against DSE forces in northern Greece, codenamed "Operation Torch". The campaign was a victory for the National Army and resulted in heavy losses for the DSE. The DSE army was now no longer able to sustain resistance in pitched battles. By September 1949, the main body of DSE divisions defending Grammos and Vitsi, the two key positions in northern Greece
Greece
for the DSE, had retreated to Albania, and two main groups remained within the borders, trying to reconnect with scattered DSE fighters largely in Central Greece.

The leadership of the National Army after the successful operations in Grammos sector (Operation Pyrsos/Torch).

The groups, numbering 1,000 fighters, left Greece
Greece
by the end of September 1949 while the main body of the DSE, accompanied by its HQ, after discussion with the Communist
Communist
Party of the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
and other communist governments, was moved to Tashkent, the capital of Uzbekistan, in the Soviet Union. They were to remain there, in military encampments, for three years. Other older combatants, alongside injured fighters, women and children, were relocated to European socialist states. On October 16, Zachariadis announced a "temporary ceasefire to prevent the complete annihilation of Greece"; the ceasefire marked the end of the Greek Civil War. Almost 100,000 ELAS fighters and Communist
Communist
sympathizers, able to serve in DSE ranks, were imprisoned, exiled or executed. That deprived the DSE of the principal force still able to support its fight. According to some historians,[citation needed] the KKE's major supporter and supplier had always been Tito, and it was the rift between Tito and the KKE that marked the real demise of the party's efforts to assert power. Greek Allied Western anticommunist governments saw the end of the Greek Civil War
Greek Civil War
as a victory in the Cold War
Cold War
against the Soviet Union; communists countered that the Soviets never actively supported the Greek communists' efforts to seize power in Greece. Both sides had, at differing junctures, nevertheless looked to an external superpower for support. Postwar division and reconciliation[edit]

Part of a series on the History of the Cold War

Origins of the Cold War

World War II (Hiroshima and Nagasaki) War conferences Eastern Bloc Western Bloc Iron Curtain

Cold War
Cold War
(1947–1953)

Cold War
Cold War
(1953–1962)

Cold War
Cold War
(1962–1979)

Cold War
Cold War
(1979–1985)

Cold War
Cold War
(1985–1991)

Frozen conflicts

Timeline  · Conflicts Historiography

The Civil War left Greece
Greece
in ruins and in even greater economic distress than it had been following the end of German occupation.[citation needed] Additionally, it divided the Greek people for ensuing decades, with both sides vilifying their opponents. Thousands languished in prison for many years or were sent into exile on the islands of Gyaros
Gyaros
and Makronisos. Many others sought refuge in communist countries or emigrated to Australia, Germany, the US, the UK, Canada and elsewhere. The polarization and instability of Greek politics in the mid-1960s was a direct result of the Civil War and the deep divide between the leftist and rightist sections of Greek society. A major crisis as a result was the murder of the left-wing politician Gregoris Lambrakis in 1963, the inspiration for the Costa Gavras
Costa Gavras
political thriller, Z. The crisis of the Apostasia followed in 1965, together with the "ASPIDA affair", which involved an alleged coup plot by a left-wing group of officers; the group's alleged leader was Andreas Papandreou, son of George Papandreou, the leader of the Center Union political party and the country's prime minister at the time. On April 21, 1967, a group of rightist and anti-communist army officers executed a coup d'état and seized power from the government, using the political instability and tension of the time as a pretext. The leader of the coup, George Papadopoulos, was a member of the right-wing military organization IDEA ("Sacred Bond of Greek Officers"), and the subsequent military regime (later referred to as the Regime of the Colonels) lasted until 1974. After the collapse of the military junta, a conservative government under Constantine Karamanlis led to the abolition of monarchy, the legalization of the KKE and a new constitution, which guaranteed political freedoms, individual rights and free elections. In 1981, in a major turning point in Greek history, the centre-left government of the Panhellenic Socialist Movement
Panhellenic Socialist Movement
(PASOK) allowed a number of DSE veterans who had taken refuge in communist countries to return to Greece
Greece
and reestablish their former estates, which greatly helped to diminish the consequences of the Civil War in Greek society. The PASOK administration also offered state pensions to former partisans of the anti-Nazi resistance; Markos Vafiadis
Markos Vafiadis
was honorarily elected as member of the Greek parliament under PASOK's flag. In 1989, the coalition government between Nea Dimokratia and the Coalition of Left and Progress (SYNASPISMOS), in which the KKE was for a period the major force, suggested a law that was passed unanimously by the Greek Parliament, formally recognizing the 1946–1949 war as a civil war and not merely as a communist insurgency (Συμμοριτοπόλεμος Symmoritopolemos) ( Ν. 1863/89 (ΦΕΚ 204Α΄) ).[62][63][64] Under the terms of this law, the war of 1946–1949 was recognized as a Greek Civil War
Greek Civil War
between the National Army and the Democratic Army of Greece, for the first time in Greek postwar history. Under the aforementioned law, the term "communist bandits" (Κομμουνιστοσυμμορίτες Kommounistosymmorites, ΚΣ), wherever it had occurred in Greek law, was replaced by the term "Fighters of the DSE".[65] In a 2008 Gallup poll, Greeks
Greeks
were asked "whether it was better that the right wing won the Civil War". 43% responded that it was better for Greece
Greece
that the right wing won, 13% responded that it would have been better if the left had won, 20% responded "neither" and 24% did not respond. When asked "which side they would have supported had they lived in that era", 39% responded "neither side", 14% responded "the right wing", 23% "the left wing"  ; while 24% did not respond.[66] List of abbreviations[edit]

Abbrev. Expansion Translation

DSE Δημοκρατικός Στρατός Ελλάδας Democratic Army of Greece

EAM Εθνικό Απελευθερωτικό Μέτωπο National Liberation Front

EDES Εθνικός Δημοκρατικός Ελληνικός Σύνδεσμος National Republican Greek League

EKKA Εθνική και Κοινωνική Απελευθέρωσις National and Social Liberation

ELAN Ελληνικό Λαϊκό Απελευθερωτικό Ναυτικό Greek People's Liberation Navy

ELAS Ελληνικός Λαϊκός Απελευθερωτικός Στρατός Greek People's Liberation Army

HQ Headquarters

KKE Κομμουνιστικό Κόμμα Ελλάδας Communist
Communist
Party of Greece

NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization

Nazi

National-Socialist; National Socialist German Workers' Party

NOF Народно Ослободителен Фронт National Liberation Front (Macedonia)

OPLA Οργάνωση Προστασίας Λαϊκού Αγώνα Organization for the Protection of the People's Struggle

PASOK Πανελλήνιο Σοσιαλιστικό Κίνημα Panhellenic Socialist Movement

PEEA Πολιτική Επιτροπή Εθνικής Απελευθέρωσης Political Committee of National Liberation

UN United Nations

USSR Union of Soviet Socialist Republics

YVE Υπερασπισταί Βορείου Ελλάδος Defenders of Northern Greece

See also[edit]

Air operations during the Greek Civil War Eleni (film) Nikos Belogiannis Nikos Ploumpidis Proxy war The Travelling Players

Notes[edit]

^ Pelt, Mogens. "greek+communists"+bulgaria&hl=el&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiGu9nT1NbRAhXGJ5oKHbJ_AgUQ6AEIODAE#v=onepage&q=%22Nevertheless%2C%20during%20the%20Greek%20Civil%20War%2C%20Greek%20Communists%20did%20receive%20aid%2C%20including%20weapons%20and%20ammunition%2C%20from%20Albania%2C%20Bulgaria%20and%2C%20in%20particular%2C%20Yugoslavia.%22&f=false Tying Greece
Greece
to the West: US-West German-Greek Relations 1949-1974. Museum Tusculanum Press. p. 129. ISBN 9788772895833. Nevertheless, during the Greek Civil War, Greek Communists did receive aid, including weapons and ammunition, from Albania, Bulgaria
Bulgaria
and, in particular, Yugoslavia.  ^ The Struggle for Greece
Greece
1941–1949, C.M.Woodhouse, Hurst & Company, London 2002 (first published 1976), page 237 ^ Νίκος Μαραντζίδης, Δημοκρατικός Στρατός Ελλάδας, 1946–1949, Εκδόσεις Αλεξάνδρεια, β'έκδοση, Αθήνα 2010, page 52 ^ Νίκος Μαραντζίδης, Δημοκρατικός Στρατός Ελλάδας, (Kayluff a hoe)1946–1949, Εκδόσεις Αλεξάνδρεια, β'έκδοση, Αθήνα 2010, page 52, page 57, pages 61–62 ^ Γενικόν Επιτελείον Στρατού, Διεύθυνσις Ηθικής Αγωγής, Η Μάχη του Έθνους, Ελεύθερη Σκέψις, Athens, 1985, pp. 35–36 ^ Γενικόν Επιτελείον Στρατού, p. 36 ^ Howard Jones, "A New Kind of War" (1989) ^ Edgar O'Ballance, The Greek Civil War : 1944–1949 (1966) ^ T. Lomperis, From People's War to People's Rule (1996) ^ "B&J": Jacob Bercovitch and Richard Jackson, International Conflict : A Chronological Encyclopedia of Conflicts and Their Management 1945–1995 (1997) ^ Γιώργος Μαργαρίτης, Η ιστορία του Ελληνικού εμφυλίου πολέμου ISBN 960-8087-12-0 ^ Nikos Marantzidis and Giorgos Antoniou. "The Axis Occupation and Civil War: Changing trends in Greek historiography, 1941–2002." Journal of Peace Research (2004) 41#2 pp: 223–231. ^ Chomsky, Noam (1994). World Orders, Old And New. Pluto Press London.  ^ a b Robert Service summarises Soviet vacillations: Service, Robert (2007). "22. Western Europe". Comrades!: A History of World Communism. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. pp. 266–268. ISBN 9780674025301. Retrieved 2016-10-28. As the German forces withdrew in October 1944, the Greek Communist
Communist
Party found its armed force - ELAS - subordinated to the British army with Moscow's consent. But the Greek Communist
Communist
Party soon opted for insurgency. Clashes occurred between the communists and the British together with the forces of the new British-backed Greek government. Stalin at the time, however, needed to keep good relations with the United Kingdom
United Kingdom
for strategic reasons [...] Without outside help, [...] the revolt petered out. Then Stalin changed his mind, hoping to play off the Americans and British over Greece. [...] By 1946 [the Greek communists] were eager to resume armed struggle. [...] Zachariadis [...] needed support from communist states for military equipment, and he gained the desired consent on his trips to Belgrade, Prague and Moscow. [...] But Stalin changed his mind yet again and advised emphasis on political measures rather than the armed struggle. [...] Tito and the Yugoslavs, however, continued to render material assistance and advice to the Greek communists. [...] Stalin reverted to a militant stance after the announcement [1947] of the Marshall Plan and ceased trying to restrain the Greek Communist
Communist
Party. Soviet military equipment was covertly rushed to Greece. A provisional revolutionary government was proclaimed [24 December 1947]. But it became clear that the Greek communists as well as their Yugoslav syphathisers had exaggerated their strength and potential. Stalin had been misled, and called for an end to the uprising in Greece. [...] The Yugoslav communists objected to Stalin's change of policy. [...] Bulgarian communist leader Traicho Kostov too urged that Soviet aid be sent to the Greek insurrectionaries. [...] This had baleful consequences for the Soviet-Yugoslav relationship; it also brought doom on Kostov, who was executed [16 December 1949] with Stalin's connivance at the end of 1948. Stalin himself wobbled on the Greek question in the following months [...] but then he ordered the communists under Nikos Zachariadis
Nikos Zachariadis
and Markos Vafiadis
Markos Vafiadis
to end the civil war. [...] Yet, despite being deprived of supplies from Moscow, they refused to stop fighting royalist forces. [...] But the communist insurgency stood no chance. By the end of 1949 the communist revolt had been crushed and the remnant of the anti-government forces fled to Albania.  ^ a b Kostopoulos, Tasos (2016-12-11). "Η "συμμοριοποίηση" του κράτους" [The gang-ification of the state]. Η Εφημεριδα των Συντακτων (in Greek). Athens. Archived from the original on 2016-12-11. Retrieved 2016-12-11.  ^ Incompatible Allies: Greek Communism
Communism
and Macedonian Nationalism in the Civil War in Greece, 1943–1949. Andrew Rossos", The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 69, No. 1 (Mar., 1997) (p. 42) ^ History of National Resistance 1941–1944, v1 ^ The Greek Civil War
Greek Civil War
1944–1949, Edgar O'Ballance, 1966 p.105 ^ The Greek Civil War
Greek Civil War
1944–1949, Edgar O'Ballance, 1966 p.65 ^ Kalyvas 2000, pp. 155–6, 164. ^ Ksiarchos S., The truth regarding Meligala ^ Werth, Nicolas; Karel Bartošek; Jean-Louis Panné; Jean-Louis Margolin; Andrzej Paczkowski; Stéphane Courtois (1999). The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, Repression. Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-674-07608-7. , noted at "?". Retrieved 2007-04-02.  ^ Ο ΕΛΑΣ, Στέφανος Σαράφης ^ History of the National Resistance 1941–1944, v2 ^ Lars Baerentzen, "Occupied Greece," Modern Greek Studies Yearbook (Jan 1998) pp 281–86 ^ Sossa Berni Plakidas (2010). Anatoli. Xulon Press. p. 19.  ^ Ζέτα Τζαβάρα, "Ο Δεκέμβρης του 1944 μέσα από την αρθρογραφία των εφημερίδων της εποχής"; Μαργαριτης Γιώργος; Λυμπεράτος Μιχάλης (December 2010). Δεκέμβρης '44 Οι μάχες στις γειτονιές της Αθήνας (in Greek). Ελευθεροτυπία. p. 77. ISBN 9789609487399. Archived from the original on 2012-06-14. Retrieved 2012-06-14.  ^ Newspaper "ΠΡΙΝ", 7.12.1997, http://nar4.wordpress.com/2008/12/03/δεκέμβρης-44-αυτά-τα-κόκκινα-σημάδια-εί/ ^ Κουβαράς, Κώστας (1976). O.S.S. Mε Την Κεντρική Του Ε.Α.Μ. Αμερικάνικη Μυστική Αποστολή Περικλής Στην Κατεχόμενη Ελλάδα (in Greek). Εξάντας. Retrieved June 14, 2011.  ^ Kessel Album, Athens
Athens
1944. ^ Spyros Kotsakis, Captain in ELAS First Army (1986). December 1944 in Athens, Athens, Synhroni Epochi. ^ Daniele Ganser (2005). NATO's Secret Armies. Operation Gladio and Terrorism in Western Europe, London, Franck Cass, pp. 213–214 (his quote). ^ C.M. Woodhouse, Modern Greece, Faber and Faber, 1991, p. 253. ^ Charles R. Shrader, The Withered Vine: Logistics and the Communist Insurgency in Greece, 1945-1949, Praeger, 1999, p. 39. ^ Britain's support for Tito[dead link] ^ a b The Civil War in Peloponnese, A. Kamarinos ^ Nam, The True Story of Vietnam, 1986 ^ Ζαούσης Αλέξανδρος. Η Τραγική αναμέτρηση, 1945–1949 – Ο μύθος και η αλήθεια (ISBN 960-7213-43-2). ^ Speech presented by Nikos Zachariadis
Nikos Zachariadis
at the Second Congress of the National Liberation Front (NOF) of the ethnic Macedonians from Greek Macedonia, published in Σαράντα Χρόνια του ΚΚΕ 1918–1958, Athens, 1958, p. 575. ^ KKE Official documents, vol 8 ^ The Paidomazoma: Tough Times for the Children of Greece, New Histories October 30, 2011 ^ C. M. Woodhouse, Modern Greece, Faber and Faber, 1991, 1992, pp. 259. ^ " Greece
Greece
Civil War - Flags, Maps, Economy, Geography, Climate, Natural Resources, Current Issues, International Agreements, Population, Social Statistics, Political System". Workmall.com. 2007-03-24. Retrieved 2014-02-28.  ^ findarticles.com/p/articles ^ Lars Barentzen, The'Paidomazoma' and the Queen's Camps, 135–136 ^ Lars Barentzen, The'Paidomazoma' and the Queen's Camps, 130 ^ Myrsiades, Cultural Representation in Historical Resistance, 333 ^ Kenneth Spencer, "Greek Children," The New Statesman and Nation 39 (January 14, 1950): 31–32. ^ KKE, official Documents v6 1946–1949, pg474-476 ^ Richard Clogg, A Concise History of Greece, Cambridge University Press, 1992, p. 141. ^ Ods Home Page[permanent dead link] ^ Dimitris Servou, The Paidomazoma and who is afraid of Truth, 2001 ^ Thanasi Mitsopoulou "We brought up as Greeks", Θανάση Μητσόπουλου "Μείναμε Έλληνες" ^ "Βήμα" 20.9.1947 ^ "Νέα Αλήθεια" Λάρισας 5.12.1948 ^ "Δημοκρατικός Τύπος" 20.8.1950 ^ Δ. Κηπουργού: "Μια ζωντανή Μαρτυρία".- D. Kipourgou " A live testimony" ^ The'Paidomazoma' and the Queen's Camps, in Lars Baerentzen et al.- Λαρς Μπαέρεντζεν: "Το παιδομάζωμα και οι παιδουπόλεις" ^ Δημ. Σέρβου: "Που λες... στον Πειραιά"- Dimitri Servou "Once upon a time...in Piraeus" ^ Politiko-Kafeneio.gr. "Politiko-Kafeneio.gr". Politikokafeneio.com. Retrieved 2014-02-28.  ^ Djilas, Milovan: Conversations with Stalin, pp 181–182, (1990), first edition: 1962, ^ tovima.dolnet.gr Dead URL (archive date = December 30, 2007) (access date = July 31, 2008) ^ enet.gr/online/online_fpage_text Archived 2008-12-11 at the Wayback Machine. ^ "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2012-07-22. Retrieved 2014-01-07.  ^ Article 1 of the Law 1863/1989 ^ "60 χρόνια μετά, ο Εμφύλιος διχάζει Ελλάδα Η ΚΑΘΗΜΕΡΙΝΗ". News.kathimerini.gr. 2013-10-29. Retrieved 2014-02-28. 

Bibliography[edit] Surveys[edit]

A. Mando Dalianis-Karambatzakis, Children in Turmoil during the Greek civil war 1946-49: today's adults : a longitudinal study on children confined with their mothers in prison, PhD-thesis, Karolinska Institute, Stockholm, 1994, ISBN 91-628-1281-5. Lars Bærentzen, John O. Iatrides, Ole Langwitz Smith, Studies in the history of the Greek Civil War, 1945–1949, 1987 W. Byford-Jones, The Greek Trilogy: Resistance-Liberation-Revolution, London, 1945 Philip Carabott, Thanasis D. Sfikas, The Greek Civil War, 2004 Richard Clogg, Greece, 1940–1949: Occupation, Resistance, Civil War: a Documentary History, New York, 2003 (ISBN 0-333-52369-5) D. Close (ed.), The Greek civil war 1943–1950: Studies of Polarization, Routledge, 1993 (ISBN 0-415-02112-X) André Gerolymatos, Red Acropolis, Black Terror: The Greek Civil War and the Origins of Soviet-American Rivalry, 1943-1949 (2004). Christina J. M. Goulter, "The Greek Civil War: A National Army’s Counter-insurgency Triumph," Journal of Military History (July 2014) 78:3 pp: 1017-55. John Hondros, Occupation and resistance: the Greek agony, 1941-44 (Pella Publishing Company, 1983) Iatrides, John O. "Revolution or self-defense? Communist
Communist
goals, strategy, and tactics in the Greek civil war." Journal of Cold War Studies (2005) 7#3 pp: 3-33. S.N. Kalyvas, The Logic of Violence in Civil War, Cambridge, 2006 Georgios Karras, The Revolution that Failed. The story of the Greek Communist
Communist
Party in the period 1941–49 M.A. Thesis, 1985 Dept. of Political Studies University of Manitoba Canada. D. G. Kousoulas, Revolution and Defeat: The Story of the Greek Communist
Communist
Party, London, 1965 M. Mazower (ed.) After the War was Over. Reconstructing the Family, Nation and State in Greece, 1943–1960 Princeton University Press, 2000 (ISBN 0-691-05842-3)[1] E. C. W. Myers, Greek Entanglement, London, 1955 Amikam Nachmani, International intervention in the Greek Civil War, 1990 (ISBN 0-275-93367-9) Marion Sarafis (editor), Greece
Greece
– from resistance to civil war, Bertrand Russell House Leicester 1908 (ISBN 0-85124-290-1) Marion Sarafis &Martin Eve (editors), Background to contemporary Greece, vols 1 &2, Merlin Press London 1990 (ISBN 0-85036-393-4 and −394-2) Stefanos Sarafis, ELAS: Greek Resistance
Greek Resistance
Army, Merlin Press London 1980 (Greek original 1946 & 1964)

British role[edit]

Geoffrey Chandler, The divided land: an Anglo-Greek tragedy, Michael Russell Norwich 1994 (ISBN 0-85955-215-2) Winston S. Churchill, The Second World War Nigel Clive, A Greek Experience: 1943-1948 (Michael Russell, 1985.) Goulter-Zervoudakis, Christina. "The politicization of intelligence: The British experience in Greece, 1941–1944." Intelligence and National Security (1998) 13#1 pp: 165-194. Iatrides, John O., and Nicholas X. Rizopoulos. "The International Dimension of the Greek Civil War." World Policy Journal (2000): 87-103. in JSTOR E.C.F. Myers, Greek entanglement (Sutton Publishing, Limited, 1985) Heinz Richter, British Intervention in Greece. From Varkiza to Civil War, London, 1985 (ISBN 0-85036-301-2)

Historiography[edit]

Lalaki, Despina. "On the Social Construction of Hellenism Cold War Narratives of Modernity, Development and Democracy for Greece." Journal of Historical Sociology (2012) 25#4 pp: 552-577. Marantzidis, Nikos, and Giorgos Antoniou. "The axis occupation and civil war: Changing trends in Greek historiography, 1941–2002." Journal of Peace Research (2004) 41#2 pp: 223-231. Nachmani, Amikam. "Civil War and Foreign Intervention in Greece: 1946-49." Journal of Contemporary History (1990): 489-522. in JSTOR Stergiou, Andreas. " Greece
Greece
during the cold war." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies (2008) 8#1 pp: 67-73. Van Boeschoten, Riki. "The trauma of war rape: A comparative view on the Bosnian conflict and the Greek civil war." History and Anthropology (2003) 14#1 pp: 41-44.

Primary sources[edit]

Kevin Andrews, The flight of Ikaros, a journey into Greece, Weidenfeld & Nicholson London 1959 & 1969 R. Capell, Simiomata: A Greek Note Book 1944–45, London, 1946 Nigel Clive, A Greek experience 1943–1948, ed. Michael Russell, Wilton Wilts.: Russell, 1985 (ISBN 0-85955-119-9) Danforth Loring, Boeschoten Riki Van Children of the Greek Civil War: refugees and the politics of memory, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 2012 N.G.L. Hammond Venture into Greece: With the Guerillas, 1943–44, London, 1983 (Like Woodhouse, he was a member of the British Military Mission) Cordell Hull, The Memoirs of Cordell Hull, New York 1948 Kenneth Matthews, Memories of a mountain war – Greece
Greece
1944–1949, Longmans London 1972 (ISBN 0-582-10380-0) Elias Petropoulos, Corpses, corpses, corpses (ISBN 960-211-081-3) C. M. Woodhouse, Apple of Discord: A Survey of Recent Greek Politics in their International Setting, London, 1948 (Woodhouse was a member of the British Military Mission to Greece
Greece
during the war) C. M. Woodhouse, The Struggle for Greece, 1941–1949

Greek sources[edit] The following are available only in Greek:

Ευάγγελος Αβέρωφ, Φωτιά και τσεκούρι. Written by ex-New Democracy leader Evangelos Averoff
Evangelos Averoff
— initially in French. (ISBN 960-05-0208-0) Γενικόν Επιτελείον Στρατού, Διεύθυνσις Ηθικής Αγωγής, Η Μάχη του Έθνους, Ελεύθερη Σκέψις, Athens, 1985. Reprinted edition of the original, published in 1952 by the Hellenic Army General Staff. Γιώργος Δ. Γκαγκούλιας, H αθέατη πλευρά του εμφυλίου. Written by an ex-ELAS fighter. (ISBN 960-426-187-8) "Γράμμος Στα βήματα του Δημοκρατικού Στρατού Ελλάδας Ιστορικός – Ταξιδιωτικός οδηγός", "Σύγχρονη Εποχή" 2009 (ISBN 978-960-451-080-1) "Δοκίμιο Ιστορίας του ΚΚΕ", τόμος Ι. History of the Communist
Communist
Party of Greece, issued by its Central Committee in 1999. Φίλιππος Ηλιού, Ο Ελληνικός Εμφύλιος Πόλεμος – η εμπλοκή του ΚΚΕ, (The Greek civil war – the involvement of the KKE, Themelion Athens
Athens
2004 ISBN 960-310-305-5) Δημήτριος Γ. Καλδής, Αναμνήσεις από τον Β’ Παγκοσμιο Πολεμο, (Memories of the Second World War, private publication Athina 2007) Αλέξανδος Ζαούσης, Οι δύο όχθες, Athens, 1992 Αλέξανδος Ζαούσης, Η τραγική αναμέτρηση Athens, 1992 Α. Καμαρινού, "Ο Εμφύλιος Πόλεμος στην Πελοπόνησσο", Brigadier General of DSE's III Division, 2002 "ΚΚΕ, Επίσημα Κείμενα", τόμοι 6,7,8,9.The full collection of KKE's official documents of this era. Μιχάλης Λυμπεράτος, Στα πρόθυρα του Εμφυλίου πολέμου: Από τα Δεκεμβριανά στις εκλογές του 1946–1949, "Βιβλιόραμα", Athens, 2006 Νίκος Μαραντζίδης, Γιασασίν Μιλλέτ (ISBN 960-524-131-5) Γιώργος Μαργαρίτης, Ιστορία του Ελληνικού εμφύλιου πολέμου 1946–1949, "Βιβλιόραμα", Athens, 2001 Σπύρος Μαρκεζίνης, Σύγχρονη πολιτική ιστορία της Ελλάδος, Athens, 1994 Γεώργιος Μόδης, Αναμνήσεις, Thessaloniki, 2004 (ISBN 960-8396-05-0) Γιώργου Μπαρτζώκα, "Δημοκρατικός Στρατός Ελλάδας", Secretary of the Communist organization of Athens
Athens
of KKE in 1945, 1986. Μαντώ Νταλιάνη - Καραμπατζάκη, Παιδιά στη δίνη του ελληνικού εμφυλίου πολέμου 1946-1949, σημερινοί ενήλικες, Μουσείο Μπενάκη, 2009, ISBN 978-960-93-1710-8 Περιοδικό "Δημοκρατικός Στράτος", Magazine first issued in 1948 and re-published as an album collection in 2007. Αθανάσιος Ρουσόπουλος, Διακήρυξης του επί κατοχής πρόεδρου της Εθνικής Αλληλεγγύης (Declaration during the Occupation by the chairman of National Solidarity Athanasios Roussopoulos, Athens, published Athens
Athens
11 July 1947) Στέφανου Σαράφη, "Ο ΕΛΑΣ",written by the military leader of ELAS, General Sarafi in 1954. Δημ. Σέρβου, "Που λες... στον Πειραιά", written by one of DSE fighters.

Other languages[edit]

Anon, Egina: Livre de sang, un requisitoire accablant des combattants de la résistance condamnés à mort, with translations by Paul Eluard, Editions "Grèce Libre" ca 1949 Comité d'Aide à la Grèce Démocratique, Macronissos: le martyre du peuple grec, (translations by Calliope G. Caldis) Geneva 1950 Dominique Eude, Les Kapetanios (in French, Greek and English), Artheme Fayard, 1970 Hagen Fleischer, Im Kreuzschatten der Maechte Griechenland 1941–1944 Okkupation – Resistance – Kollaboration (2 vols., New York: Peter Lang, 1986), 819pp

External links[edit]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Greek Civil War.

A full referenced history of DSE Greek Civil War
Greek Civil War
Archive at marxists.org Andartikos – a short history of the Greek Resistance, 1941-5 on libcom.org/history Dangerous Citizens Online online version of Neni Panourgiá's Dangerous Citizens: The Greek Left and the Terror of the State ISBN 978-0-8232-2968-0 Report from globalsecurity.org Απολογισμός των 'Δεκεμβριανών' (only in Greek) Εφημερίδα ΤΟ ΒΗΜΑ-Δεκέμβρης 1944:60 χρόνια μετά Battle of Grammos-Vitsi The decisive battle which ended the Greek Civil War

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Greek Civil War

Background

4th of August Regime Axis occupation of Greece Greek Resistance

National Liberation Front Greek People's Liberation Army National Republican Greek League

Collaborationist governments

Security Battalions

Greek government-in-exile Red Terror Lebanon
Lebanon
Conference Caserta Agreement Dekemvriana Treaty of Varkiza White Terror 1946 general elections 1946 monarchy referendum

Events

Litochoro
Litochoro
attack Truman Doctrine Battle of Konitsa Thessaloniki
Thessaloniki
bombing Operation Charavgi Operation Koronis Operation Peristera Operation Pyravlos Tito–Stalin split Operation Pyrsos

Communists

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National Government

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Impact and aftermath

Refugees of the Greek Civil War Makronisos Sacred Bond of Greek Officers Centrist Interlude Greek military junta of 1967–74 Metapolitefsi

v t e

Cold War

USA USSR ANZUS NATO Non-Aligned Movement SEATO Warsaw Pact Cold War
Cold War
II

1940s

Morgenthau Plan Hukbalahap Rebellion Dekemvriana Percentages Agreement Yalta Conference Guerrilla war in the Baltic states

Forest Brothers Operation Priboi Operation Jungle Occupation of the Baltic states

Cursed soldiers Operation Unthinkable Operation Downfall Potsdam Conference Gouzenko Affair Division of Korea Operation Masterdom Operation Beleaguer Operation Blacklist Forty Iran crisis of 1946 Greek Civil War Baruch Plan Corfu Channel incident Turkish Straits crisis Restatement of Policy on Germany First Indochina War Truman Doctrine Asian Relations Conference May 1947 Crises Marshall Plan Comecon 1948 Czechoslovak coup d'état Tito–Stalin Split Berlin Blockade Western betrayal Iron Curtain Eastern Bloc Western Bloc Chinese Civil War
Chinese Civil War
(Second round) Malayan Emergency Albanian Subversion

1950s

Papua conflict Bamboo Curtain Korean War McCarthyism Egyptian Revolution of 1952 1953 Iranian coup d'état Uprising of 1953 in East Germany Dirty War
Dirty War
(Mexico) Bricker Amendment 1954 Guatemalan coup d'état Partition of Vietnam Vietnam War First Taiwan Strait Crisis Geneva Summit (1955) Bandung Conference Poznań 1956 protests Hungarian Revolution of 1956 Suez Crisis "We will bury you" Operation Gladio Arab Cold War

Syrian Crisis of 1957 1958 Lebanon
Lebanon
crisis Iraqi 14 July Revolution

Sputnik crisis Second Taiwan Strait Crisis 1959 Tibetan uprising Cuban Revolution Kitchen Debate Sino-Soviet split

1960s

Congo Crisis 1960 U-2 incident Bay of Pigs Invasion 1960 Turkish coup d'état Soviet–Albanian split Berlin Crisis of 1961 Berlin Wall Portuguese Colonial War

Angolan War of Independence Guinea-Bissau War of Independence Mozambican War of Independence

Cuban Missile Crisis Sino-Indian War Communist
Communist
insurgency in Sarawak Iraqi Ramadan Revolution Eritrean War of Independence Sand War North Yemen Civil War Aden Emergency 1963 Syrian coup d'état Vietnam War Shifta War Guatemalan Civil War Colombian conflict Nicaraguan Revolution 1964 Brazilian coup d'état Dominican Civil War South African Border War Transition to the New Order Domino theory ASEAN Declaration Laotian Civil War 1966 Syrian coup d'état Argentine Revolution Korean DMZ conflict Greek military junta of 1967–74 Years of Lead (Italy) USS Pueblo incident Six-Day War War of Attrition Dhofar Rebellion Al-Wadiah War Protests of 1968 French May Tlatelolco massacre Cultural Revolution Prague Spring 1968 Polish political crisis Communist
Communist
insurgency in Malaysia Invasion of Czechoslovakia Iraqi Ba'athist Revolution Goulash Communism Sino-Soviet border conflict CPP–NPA–NDF rebellion Corrective Move

1970s

Détente Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty Black September
Black September
in Jordan Corrective Movement (Syria) Cambodian Civil War Koza riot Realpolitik Ping-pong diplomacy Ugandan-Tanzanian War 1971 Turkish military memorandum Corrective Revolution (Egypt) Four Power Agreement on Berlin Bangladesh Liberation War 1972 Nixon visit to China North Yemen-South Yemen Border conflict of 1972 Yemenite War of 1972 NDF Rebellion Eritrean Civil Wars 1973 Chilean coup d'état Yom Kippur War 1973 oil crisis Carnation Revolution Spanish transition Metapolitefsi Strategic Arms Limitation Talks Rhodesian Bush War Angolan Civil War Mozambican Civil War Oromo conflict Ogaden War Ethiopian Civil War Lebanese Civil War Sino-Albanian split Cambodian–Vietnamese War Sino-Vietnamese War Operation Condor Dirty War
Dirty War
(Argentina) 1976 Argentine coup d'état Korean Air Lines Flight 902 Yemenite War of 1979 Grand Mosque seizure Iranian Revolution Saur Revolution New Jewel Movement 1979 Herat uprising Seven Days to the River Rhine Struggle against political abuse of psychiatry in the Soviet Union

1980s

Soviet–Afghan War 1980 and 1984 Summer Olympics boycotts 1980 Turkish coup d'état Peruvian conflict Casamance conflict Ugandan Bush War Lord's Resistance Army insurgency Eritrean Civil Wars 1982 Ethiopian–Somali Border War Ndogboyosoi War United States
United States
invasion of Grenada Able Archer 83 Star Wars Iran–Iraq War Somali Rebellion 1986 Black Sea incident 1988 Black Sea bumping incident South Yemen Civil War Bougainville Civil War 8888 Uprising Solidarity

Soviet reaction

Contras Central American crisis RYAN Korean Air Lines Flight 007 People Power Revolution Glasnost Perestroika Nagorno-Karabakh War Afghan Civil War United States
United States
invasion of Panama 1988 Polish strikes Tiananmen Square protests of 1989 Revolutions of 1989 Fall of the Berlin Wall Velvet Revolution Romanian Revolution Peaceful Revolution Die Wende

1990s

Mongolian Revolution of 1990 German reunification Yemeni unification Fall of communism in Albania Breakup of Yugoslavia Dissolution of the Soviet Union Dissolution of Czechoslovakia

Frozen conflicts

Abkhazia China-Taiwan Korea Nagorno-Karabakh South Ossetia Transnistria Sino-Indian border dispute North Borneo dispute

Foreign policy

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Ideologies

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Communism

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Other

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Organizations

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Propaganda

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Races

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See also

Allied intervention in the Russian Civil War Soviet espionage in the United States Soviet Union– United States
United States
relations USSR–USA summits Russian espionage in the United States American espionage in the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
and Russian Federation Russia– NATO
NATO
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II

Category Commons Portal Timeline List of conflicts

v t e

Greece
Greece
during World War II

1940–1941 Balkans Campaign

Greco-Italian War (1940–1941)

Battles

Pindus Elaia–Kalamas Korytsa/Korcë Saranda Morava–Ivan Himara Klisura Pass Trebeshina Italian Spring Offensive

Hill 731

Leaders

Greece

Ioannis Metaxas Alexandros Papagos Charalambos Katsimitros Konstantinos Davakis Ioannis Pitsikas Dimitrios Papadopoulos Georgios Kosmas

Italy

Benito Mussolini Galeazzo Ciano Sebastiano Visconti Prasca Ubaldo Soddu Ugo Cavallero Carlo Geloso

German invasion (April–May 1941)

Battles

Metaxas Line Vevi Kleisoura Pass Thermopylae Crete

Leaders

Greece

King George II Alexandros Papagos Georgios Tsolakoglou

British Commonwealth

Henry Maitland Wilson Thomas Blamey Bernard Freyberg

Germany

Wilhelm List Sepp Dietrich Kurt Student

Occupation and collaboration

Occupying powers

People

Germany

Günther Altenburg Hermann Neubacher Walter Schimana Alexander Löhr Hellmuth Felmy Friedrich-Wilhelm Müller Alexander Andrae Bruno Bräuer Max Merten

Italy

Angelico Carta Pellegrino Ghigi Carlo Geloso Piero Parini

Bulgaria

Andon Kalchev

Atrocities

Kondomari Kandanos Alikianos Doxato Kommeno Kalavryta Lyngiades Distomo Domenikon Drakeia Acqui Division Mesovouno Pyrgoi Viannos Vorizia Anogeia Kedros Kleisoura Haidari concentration camp Larissa concentration camp 200 of Kaisariani Chortiatis The Holocaust in Greece

Economic exploitation

Greek economy, 1941–1944 Great Famine DEGRIGES Compulsory loan

Collaborationist government

People

Georgios Tsolakoglou K. Logothetopoulos Ioannis Rallis Georgios Poulos Friedrich Schubert Nikolaos Bourandas George S. Mercouris Ioannis Plytzanopoulos Sotirios Gotzamanis

Organizations

Security Battalions Hellenic Socialist Patriotic Organisation (ESPO) National Union of Greece
Greece
(EEE) Greek National Socialist Party

Secessionists

Vlach "Roman Legion" Ohrana Cham collaboration

Këshilla

Atrocities

Paramythia Kokkinia

Resistance

National Liberation Front (EAM)

People

Aris Velouchiotis Stefanos Sarafis Andreas Tzimas Georgios Siantos Alexandros Svolos Ilias Tsirimokos Markos Vafeiadis Evripidis Bakirtzis

Organizations

Communist
Communist
Party of Greece
Greece
(KKE) Socialist Party of Greece
Greece
(SKE) Union of People's Democracy (ELD) Greek People's Liberation Army
Greek People's Liberation Army
(ELAS)

Greek People's Liberation Navy (ELAN)

Political Committee of National Liberation
Political Committee of National Liberation
(PEEA) and National Council United Panhellenic Organization of Youth
United Panhellenic Organization of Youth
(EPON) National Solidarity (EA) Organization for the Protection of the People's Struggle (OPLA) Slavic-Macedonian National Liberation Front (SNOF)

Operations

Drama uprising Ryka Mikro Chorio Gorgopotamos Bridge Meritsa Fardykambos Sarantaporo Porta Pinerolo disarmament Steiri Agorelitsa Kournovo Tunnel

Atrocities

Feneos executions 5/42 Regiment dissolution Meligalas

Non-EAM resistance

People

Napoleon Zervas Georgios Kartalis Dimitrios Psarros Komninos Pyromaglou Kostas Perrikos Vasileios Sachinis Manolis Paterakis Petrakogiorgis Kimonas Zografakis

Organizations

National Republican Greek League
National Republican Greek League
(EDES)

National Bands of Greek Guerrillas (EOEA)

National and Social Liberation
National and Social Liberation
(EKKA)

5/42 Regiment

Defenders of Northern Greece
Greece
(YVE) / Panhellenic Liberation Organization (PAO) Panhellenic Union of Fighting Youths
Panhellenic Union of Fighting Youths
(PEAN) National Organization of Crete
Crete
(ΕΟΚ) Hellenic Army
Hellenic Army
(ES) Northern Epirus Liberation Front (MAVI) others...

Operations

ESPO bombing Gorgopotamos Bridge (Operation "Harling") Agia Kyriaki Milia Skala Paramythias Xirovouni Trahili Menina Dodona

Atrocities

Expulsion of Cham Albanians

British Mission  in Greece
Greece
(SOE)

People

Eddie Myers Chris Woodhouse Patrick Leigh Fermor Bill Stanley Moss Jerzy Iwanow-Szajnowicz

Operations

Operation "Albumen" Gorgopotamos Bridge (Operation "Harling") Operation "Animals" Asopos Bridge (Operation "Washing") Kidnap of Heinrich Kreipe Damasta sabotage

Greek government-in-exile

Greek government in exile

Events

El Alamein Dodecanese April 1944 mutiny Rimini

People

King George II Emmanouil Tsouderos Sofoklis Venizelos Panagiotis Kanellopoulos Thrasyvoulos Tsakalotos Pafsanias Katsotas

Greek Armed Forces in the Middle East

3rd Mountain Brigade Sacred Band Vasilissa Olga Adrias Katsonis Papanikolis 13th Squadron 335th Squadron 336th Squadron

Liberation and slide towards the Greek Civil War

Prelude to Civil War

Events

National Bands Agreement Plaka agreement (el) Lebanon
Lebanon
Conference Caserta agreement (el) Operation "Manna" Percentages agreement Dekemvriana

Treaty of Varkiza

People

Ronald Scobie Georgios Papandreou Archbishop Damaskinos Georgios Grivas Angelos Evert

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