Corruption in Iran

Corruption is a serious problem in Iran, being widespread, mostly in the government.

Corruption levels

Transparency International's 2021 Corruption Perception Index ranks the country in 150th place out of 180 countries, on a scale where lower-ranked countries are perceived to have a more honest public sector. Iran's ranking has fallen steadily since a high of 130th in 2017. Reformists and conservatives alike – at times even the Supreme Leader – routinely criticize corruption in the government. Although a Reuters special investigation has revealed Supreme Leader Khamenei controls a massive financial empire built on property seizures worth $95 billion.

Then-President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has vouched to fight ''" economic/oil Mafia"'' at all echelons of government. President Ahmadinejad has also proposed that lawmakers consider a bill, based on which the wealth and property of all officials who have held high governmental posts since 1979 could be investigated. Out of the $700 billion earned during the presidency of Ahmadinejad for the sale of oil, $150 billion have disappeared. Many Iranians believe the country's economic problems are a byproduct of mismanagement and corruption.

On February 3, 2013, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad played a video tape in the Iranian parliament that tied the heads of two branches of the government, the legislative and judiciary, to a documented financial corruption case related to the Larijani brothers.

One of the objectives of the Iranian revolution was to have no social classes in Iran. Yet, Iran's Department of Statistics reports that 10 million Iranians live under the absolute poverty line and 30 million live under the relative poverty line. Iranian President Rouhani has linked social ills, including poverty and homelessness, to corruption. Hossein Raghfar, an economist at Tehran's Alzahra University, has suggested that as little as 15% of Iran's economic problems can be attributed to sanctions.

Pahlavi Era

The Imperial State of Iran, the government of Iran during the Pahlavi dynasty, lasted from 1925 to 1979. Corruption was a serious problem during this period.

Stephanie Cronin of Oriental Institute, Oxford, describes corruption under the rule of Reza Shah as "large-scale". As oil prices rose in 1973, the scale of corruption also rose, particularly among the royal family, their partners and friends. According to Manouchehr Ganji who created a study group for Farah Pahlavi, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was not sensitive to the issue, but addressed every now and then petty matters of low-ranking officials. As Ganji writes, the group submitted at least 30 solid reports within 13 years on corruption of high-ranking officials and the royal circle, but the Shah called the reports "false rumors and fabrications". Parviz Sabeti, a high-ranking official of SAVAK believed that the one important reason for the success of the regime's opposition is corruption.

According to a report of a journal associated with The Pentagon, "By 1977 the sheer scale of corruption had reached a boiling point.... Even conservative estimates indicate that such ureaucraticcorruption involved at least a billion dollars between 1973 and 1976."

In Michel Foucault's view, corruption was the "glue" that kept the Pahlavi regime, despotism and modernization together.

After the revolution, the Central Bank of Iran published a list of 178 prominent individuals who had recently transferred over $2 billion out of the country, among them:
*Jafar Sharif-Emami, some $31 million
*Gholam Ali Oveisi, $15 million
*Namazi, $9 million,
* Nasser Moghadam, $2 million
*"Mayor of Tehran", $6 million
*"Ministry of Health and Medical Education (Iran), Minister of Health", $7 million
*"Director of the National Iranian Oil Company", over $60 million

Corruption among the Royal family and court

Built up by forced sales and confiscations of estates, Reza Shah was "the richest man in Iran" and "left to his heir a bank account of some 3 million Pound sterling, pounds and estates totalling over 3 million acres. A 1932 report of Embassy of the United Kingdom, Tehran, British Embassy in Tehran indicates that Reza Shah developed an "unholy interest in land" and jailed families until they agreed to sell their properties.

In the 1950s, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi founded Pahlavi Foundation (now Alavi Foundation) which "penetrated almost every corner of the nation's economy".Abrahamian (1982), pp. 437-438 Bostock and Jones unambiguously declared that Pahlavi Foundation a "nominally charitable foundation fostered official corruption". According to Houchang Chehabi and Juan Linz, Alavi foundation's $1.05 billion assets, $81 million capital and its declared devined $4.2 million was the ":wikt:tip of the iceberg, tip of the iceberg of official and dynastical corruption, outside and inside Iran".Chehabi and Linz, p. 199 The foundation, which was one of his main wealth sources alongside estates left from Reza Shah and Petroleum industry in Iran, Iran's oil revenue, was a tax haven for his holdings.

Many members of the Pahlavi dynasty, Pahlavi clan were among the chief perpetrators of corruption in Iran. Royal court was described as "center of licentiousness and depravity, of corruption and influence peddling" in a mid-1970s CIA report. Prime Minister Amir Abbas Hoveyda who served from 1965 to 1977 had no choice but to facilitate or condone "the ubiquitous corruption of the Pahlavi Clan" and ignore "the corruption that saturated the regime".

In 1960, there were rumours that Ashraf Pahlavi, Princess Ashraf, Shah's twin sister was arrested in Geneva carrying a suitcase containing $2 million worth of heroin. She was regarded as Iran's main drug dealer until 1979. A 1976 CIA report declared that she has a "near legendary reputation for financial corruption" and her son Shahram controls some-twenty companies that serve as "Front organization, cover for Ashraf's quasi-legal business ventures". Hamid Reza Pahlavi, Prince Hamid Reza, the Shah's half-brother, was ostracized from the royal family because of his widespread scandals of promiscuity, addiction and involvement in drug trade.

According to William Shawcross, hundreds of call girls from Madame Claude's establishment in Paris passed through Tehran for Mohammad Reza Shah and members of his court.

Impact on the 1979 revolution

Some scholars have raised the point that widespread corruption among officials and royal court led to the public dissatisfaction and helped the Iranian Revolution.

In ''Handbook of Crisis and Emergency Management'', the Pahlavi dynasty is described as an example of governments losing legitimation because of corruption and facing a public service crisis as a result.
According to Fakhreddin Azimi, Professor of History at the University of Connecticut, "the unbridled misconduct of the Pahlavi clan undermined the Shah's proclaimed commitment to combating corruption and seriously damaged his credibility and Stature".

Right before the revolution, in a 1978 National Iranian Radio and Television, National TV appeal to the nation, Shah said :

''I pledge that past mistakes, lawlessness, injustice, and corruption will not only no longer be repeated, but will in every respect be rectified... I guarantee that in future the government in Iran will be based on Persian Constitution of 1906, the Constitution, social justice, and the will of the people, and will be free from despotism, injustice, and corruption.''

On the other hand, Khomeini repeatedly argued that the only way to eliminate corruption was through a revolution.Abrhamian (1982), p. 478

See also

*Economy of Iran
*Crime in Iran
**Smuggling in Iran
***2007 Gas Rationing Plan in Iran#Fuel smuggling, Fuel smuggling in Iran
*History of the Islamic Republic of Iran
*''Aghazadeh''
;Notable cases
*Banking in Iran#History, Banking cases
**2011 Iranian embezzlement scandal
*Fatemi Circle
*Shahram Jazayeri
*Marjan Sheikholeslami Aleagha
*Mahafarid Amir Khosravi
*Mahmoud Reza Khavari
*Mehdi Hashemi Rafsanjani
*Babak Zanjani
;Institutions in charge of fighting corruption
*General Inspection Office (Iran), General Inspection Office
*Supreme Audit Court of Iran
*Islamic Revolutionary Court

References

*Abbas Milani. ''Eminent Persians'', Syracuse University Press, 2008,
*Stephanie Cronin. ''The Making of Modern Iran: State and Society under Riza Shah, 1921-1941'', Routledge, 2012,
*William Shawcross. ''The Shah's Last Ride'', Simon & Schuster, 1989,
*Ali Farazmand. ''Handbook of Crisis and Emergency Management''. CRC Press, 2001,
*Ervand Abrahamian. ''Iran Between Two Revolutions''. Princeton University Press, 1982,
*Ervand Abrahamian. ''A History of Modern Iran'', Cambridge University Press, 2008,
*Fakhreddin Azimi. ''Quest for democracy in Iran: a century of struggle against authoritarian rule''. Harvard University Press, 2009,
*Richard Morrock. ''The Psychology of Genocide and Violent Oppression: A Study of Mass Cruelty from Nazi Germany to Rwanda''. McFarland & Company, 2010,
* Manouchehr Ganji, ''Defying the Iranian Revolution: From a Minister to the Shah to a Leader of Resistance'', Greenwood Publishing Group, 2002,
*''The Pahlavi Dynasty: An Entry from Encyclopedia of the World of Islam''. Edited by Gholamali Haddad Adel, Mohammad Jafar Elmi, Hassan Taromi-Rad. EWI Press, 2012,
*Houchang Chehabi, Houchang E. Chehabi, Juan J. Linz. ''Sultanistic Regimes'', Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998,
*Sandra Mackey. ''The Iranians: Persia, Islam and the Soul of a Nation'', Penguin Group, 1996,
*Desmond Harney. ''The Priest and the King: An Eyewitness Account of the Iranian Revolution'', I.B. Tauris, 1999,
*Janet Afary and Kevin B. Anderson. ''Foucault and the Iranian Revolution: Gender and the Seductions of Islamism'', University of Chicago Press, 2010,
*Mohammad Gholi Majd. ''Resistance to the Shah: Landowners and Ulama in Iran'', University Press of Florida, 2000,

{{Pahlavi Dynasty

Corruption in Iran,
Politics of Iran
Corruption by country, Iran
Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran