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Greek genocide, 1914–1923
Assyrian genocide, 1914–1925
Armenian Genocide, 1915–1923
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Mass Deportations during World War II
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Nazi Holocaust and genocide (1941–1945)
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1971 Bangladesh genocide
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Mass killings compilation
Genocide (Armenian: Հայոց
ցեղասպանություն,[note 3] Hayots tseghaspanutyun), also
known as the Armenian Holocaust, was the Ottoman government's
systematic extermination of 1.5 million Armenians,[note 2] mostly
citizens within the
Ottoman Empire and its successor state, the
Republic of Turkey. The starting date is conventionally held
to be 24 April 1915, the day that Ottoman authorities rounded up,
arrested, and deported from Constantinople (now Istanbul) to the
Ankara 235 to 270 Armenian intellectuals and community
leaders, the majority of whom were eventually murdered. The genocide
was carried out during and after
World War I
World War I and implemented in two
phases—the wholesale killing of the able-bodied male population
through massacre and subjection of army conscripts to forced labour,
followed by the deportation of women, children, the elderly, and the
infirm on death marches leading to the Syrian Desert. Driven forward
by military escorts, the deportees were deprived of food and water and
subjected to periodic robbery, rape, and massacre. Other ethnic
groups were similarly targeted for extermination in the Assyrian
genocide and the Greek genocide, and their treatment is considered by
some historians to be part of the same genocidal policy. Most
Armenian diaspora communities around the world came into being as a
direct result of the genocide.
Raphael Lemkin was moved specifically by the annihilation of the
Armenians to define systematic and premeditated exterminations within
legal parameters and coin the word genocide in 1943. The Armenian
Genocide is acknowledged to have been one of the first modern
genocides, because scholars point to the organized manner
in which the killings were carried out. It is the second most-studied
case of genocide after the Holocaust.
Turkey denies the word genocide is an accurate term for these crimes.
In recent years,
Turkey has been faced with repeated calls to
recognize them as genocide. As of 2018[update], 29 countries have
officially recognized the mass killings as genocide, as have most
genocide scholars and historians.
Armenians under Ottoman rule
1.2 Reform, 1840s–1880s
1.3 Armenian national liberation movement
1.4 Hamidian massacres, 1894–1896
2 Prelude to the Genocide
Young Turk Revolution
Young Turk Revolution of 1908
Adana massacre of 1909
2.3 Conflict in the
Balkans and Russia
3 World War I
3.1 Labour battalions
3.2 Van, April 1915
3.3 Arrest and deportation of Armenian notables, April 1915
3.4.1 Death marches
3.4.2 Concentration camps
3.5 The "
3.6.1 Mass burnings
3.6.3 Use of poison and drug overdoses
3.7 Confiscation of property
3.8.1 Turkish courts-martial
3.8.2 Detainees in Malta
3.8.3 Trial of Soghomon Tehlirian
3.9 International aid to victims
4 Armenian population, deaths, survivors, 1914 to 1923
5 Eyewitness accounts and reports
5.1 The U.S. Mission in the Ottoman Empire
5.1.1 Ambassador Morgenthau's Story
5.2 Allied forces in the Middle East
5.2.1 Arnold Toynbee: The Treatment of Armenians
5.3 Austrian and German joint mission
5.3.1 Armin T. Wegner
Ottoman Empire and Turkey
5.5 Russian military
5.6 Scandinavian missionaries and diplomats
6 Studies on the Genocide
7 Recognition of the Genocide
Republic of Turkey
Republic of Turkey and the Genocide
7.2 The Republic of
Armenia and the Genocide
8 Cultural loss
9 Reparations to the victims
9.1 Reparations on the grounds of international law
9.2 Sèvres Treaty
10.2 Portrayal in the media
11 See also
14 Further reading
14.1 Historical overviews
14.2 Specific issues and comparative studies
14.3 Survivors' testimonies and memory
14.4 Former Armenian communities
14.5 World responses and foreign testimony
14.6 Memory and historiography
15 External links
Armenians in the
Ottoman Empire and Ottoman Armenian
Armenians under Ottoman rule
The western portion of historical Armenia, known as Western Armenia,
had come under Ottoman jurisdiction by the
Peace of Amasya
Peace of Amasya (1555) and
was permanently divided from Eastern
Armenia by the Treaty of Zuhab
(1639). Thereafter, the region was alternatively referred to as
"Turkish" or "Ottoman" Armenia. The vast majority of Armenians
were grouped together into a semi-autonomous community, the Armenian
millet, which was led by one of the spiritual heads of the Armenian
Apostolic Church, the Armenian Patriarch of Constantinople. Armenians
were mainly concentrated in the eastern provinces of the Ottoman
Empire, although large communities were also found in the western
provinces, as well as in the capital, Constantinople.
The Armenian community was made up of three religious denominations:
Armenian Catholic, Armenian Protestant, and Armenian Apostolic, the
Church of the vast majority of Armenians. Under the millet system, the
Armenian community was allowed to rule itself under its own system of
governance with fairly little interference from the Ottoman
government. Most Armenians—approximately 70%—lived in poor and
dangerous conditions in the rural countryside, with the exception of
the wealthy, Constantinople-based Amira class, a social elite whose
members included the Duzians (Directors of the Imperial Mint), the
Balyans (Chief Imperial Architects) and the Dadians (Superintendent of
the Gunpowder Mills and manager of industrial factories).
Ottoman census figures clash with the statistics collected by the
Armenian Patriarchate, but according to the latter, there were almost
Armenians living in the empire in 1878 (400,000 in
Constantinople and the Balkans, 600,000 in
Asia Minor and Cilicia,
Lesser Armenia and the area near Kayseri, and 1,300,000 in
In the eastern provinces, the
Armenians were subject to the whims of
their Turkish and Kurdish neighbors, who would regularly overtax them,
subject them to brigandage and kidnapping, force them to convert to
Islam, and otherwise exploit them without interference from central or
local authorities. In the Ottoman Empire, in accordance with the
dhimmi system implemented in Muslim countries, they, like all other
Christians and also Jews, were accorded certain freedoms. The dhimmi
system in the
Ottoman Empire was largely based upon the Pact of Umar.
The client status established the rights of the non-Muslims to
property, livelihood and freedom of worship, but they were in essence
treated as second-class citizens in the empire and referred to in
Turkish as gavours, a pejorative word meaning "infidel" or
"unbeliever". The clause of the
Pact of Umar which prohibited
non-Muslims from building new places of worship was historically
imposed on some communities of the
Ottoman Empire and ignored in other
cases, at the discretion of local authorities. Although there were no
laws mandating religious ghettos, this led to non-Muslim communities
being clustered around existing houses of worship.
In addition to other legal limitations, Christians were not considered
equals to Muslims and several prohibitions were placed on them.
Testimony against Muslims by Christians and Jews was inadmissible in
courts of law wherein a Muslim could be punished; this meant that
their testimony could only be considered in commercial cases. They
were forbidden to carry weapons or ride atop horses and camels. Their
houses could not overlook those of Muslims; and their religious
practices were severely circumscribed, e.g., the ringing of church
bells was strictly forbidden.
Main article: Armenian Question
German ethnographic map of
Asia Minor and
Caucasus in 1914. Armenians
are labeled in blue.
In the mid-19th century, the three major European powers, Great
France and Russia, began to question the Ottoman Empire's
treatment of its Christian minorities and pressure it to grant equal
rights to all its subjects. From 1839 to the declaration of a
constitution in 1876, the Ottoman government instituted the Tanzimat,
a series of reforms designed to improve the status of minorities.
Nevertheless, most of the reforms were never implemented because the
empire's Muslim population rejected the principle of equality for
Christians. By the late 1870s, the Greeks, along with several other
Christian nations in the Balkans, frustrated with their conditions,
had, often with the help of the Entente powers, broken free of Ottoman
Armenians remained, by and large, passive during these
years, earning them the title of millet-i sadika or the "loyal
In the mid-1860s and early 1870s this passivity gave way to new
currents of thinking in Armenian society. Led by intellectuals
educated at European universities or American missionary schools in
Armenians began to question their second-class status and
press for better treatment from their government. In one such
instance, after amassing the signatures of peasants from Western
Armenia, the Armenian Communal Council petitioned the Ottoman
government to redress their principal grievances: "the looting and
murder in Armenian towns by [Muslim]
Kurds and Circassians,
improprieties during tax collection, criminal behavior by government
officials and the refusal to accept Christians as witnesses in trial".
The Ottoman government considered these grievances and promised to
punish those responsible, but no meaningful steps to do so were ever
Following the violent suppression of Christians during the Great
Eastern Crisis, particularly in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria and
Serbia, the United Kingdom and
France invoked the 1856 Treaty of Paris
by claiming that it gave them the right to intervene and protect the
Ottoman Empire's Christian minorities.:35ff Under growing
pressure, the government of Sultan
Abdul Hamid II
Abdul Hamid II declared itself a
constitutional monarchy with a parliament (which was almost
immediately prorogued) and entered into negotiations with the powers.
At the same time, the Armenian patriarch of Constantinople, Nerses II,
forwarded Armenian complaints of widespread "forced land
seizure ... forced conversion of women and children, arson,
protection extortion, rape, and murder" to the Powers.:37
The Russo-Turkish War of 1877–78 ended with Russia's decisive
victory and its army in occupation of large parts of eastern Turkey,
but not before entire Armenian districts had been devastated by
massacres carried out with the connivance of Ottoman authorities. In
the wake of these events, Patriarch Nerses and his emissaries made
repeated approaches to Russian leaders to urge the inclusion of a
clause granting local self-government to the
Armenians in the
forthcoming Treaty of San Stefano, which was signed on 3 March 1878.
The Russians were receptive and drew up the clause, but the Ottomans
flatly rejected it during negotiations. In its place, the two sides
agreed on a clause making the Sublime Porte's implementation of
reforms in the Armenian provinces a condition of Russia's withdrawal,
thus designating Russia the guarantor of the reforms. The clause
entered the treaty as Article 16 and marked the first appearance of
what came to be known in European diplomacy as the Armenian Question.
On receiving a copy of the treaty, Britain promptly objected to it and
particularly Article 16, which it saw as ceding too much influence to
Russia. It immediately pushed for a congress of the great powers to be
convened to discuss and revise the treaty, leading to the Congress of
Berlin in June–July 1878. [note 4] Patriarch Nerses sent a
delegation led by his distinguished predecessor, Archbishop Khrimian
Hayrik, to speak for the Armenians, but it was not admitted into the
sessions on the grounds that it did not represent a country. Confined
to the periphery, the delegation did its best to contact the
representatives of the powers and argue the case for Armenian
administrative autonomy within the Ottoman Empire, but to little
Following an understanding reached with Ottoman representatives,
Britain drew up an emasculated version of Article 16 to replace the
original, a clause that retained the call for reforms, but omitted any
reference to the Russian occupation, thereby dispensing with the
principal guarantee of their implementation. Despite an ambiguous
reference to Great Power supervision, the clause failed to offset the
removal of the Russian guarantee with any tangible equivalent, thus
leaving the timing and fate of the reforms to the discretion of the
Sublime Porte.:38–39 The clause was readily adopted as Article
61 of the Treaty of Berlin on the last day of the Congress, 13 July
1878, to the deep disappointment of the Armenian delegation.
Armenian national liberation movement
Main article: Armenian national liberation movement
Prospects for reforms faded rapidly following the signing of the
Berlin treaty, as security conditions in the Armenian provinces went
from bad to worse and abuses proliferated. Upset with this turn of
events, a number of disillusioned Armenian intellectuals living in
Europe and Russia decided to form political parties and societies
dedicated to the betterment of their compatriots in the Ottoman
Empire. In the last quarter of the 19th century, this movement came to
be dominated by three parties: the Armenakan, whose influence was
limited to Van, the Social Democrat Hunchakian Party, and the Armenian
Revolutionary Federation (Dashnaktsutiun). Ideological differences
aside, all the parties had the common goal of achieving better social
conditions for the
Armenians of the
Ottoman Empire through
self-defense and advocating increased European pressure on the
Ottoman government to implement the promised reforms.
Hamidian massacres, 1894–1896
Main article: Hamidian massacres
Corpses of massacred
Erzurum in 1895.
Soon after the Treaty of Berlin was signed, Sultan Abdul Hamid II
(1876-1909) attempted to forestall the implementation of its reform
provisions by asserting that
Armenians did not make up a majority in
the provinces and that their reports of abuses were largely
exaggerated or false. In 1890, Abdul Hamid created a paramilitary
outfit known as the Hamidiye, which was mostly made up of Kurdish
irregulars tasked to "deal with the
Armenians as they wished".:40
As Ottoman officials intentionally provoked rebellions (often as a
result of over-taxation) in Armenian populated towns, such as in Sasun
in 1894 and Zeitun in 1895–1896, those regiments were increasingly
used to deal with the
Armenians by way of oppression and massacre. In
Armenians successfully fought off the regiments and in
1895 brought the excesses to the attention of the Great Powers, who
subsequently condemned the Porte.:40–42
In May 1895, the Powers forced Abdul Hamid to sign a new reform
package designed to curtail the powers of the Hamidiye, but, like the
Berlin Treaty, it was never implemented. On 1 October 1895, 2,000
Armenians assembled in Constantinople to petition for the
implementation of the reforms, but Ottoman police units violently
broke the rally up.:57–58 Soon, massacres of
Armenians broke out
in Constantinople and then engulfed the rest of the Armenian-populated
provinces of Bitlis, Diyarbekir, Erzurum, Harput, Sivas, Trabzon, and
Van. Estimates differ on how many
Armenians were killed, but European
documentation of the pogroms, which became known as the Hamidian
massacres, placed the figures at between 100,000 and 300,000.
Although Hamid was never directly implicated, it is believed that the
massacres had his tacit approval.:42 Frustrated with European
indifference to the massacres, a group of members of the Armenian
Revolutionary Federation seized the European-managed
Ottoman Bank on
26 August 1896. This incident brought further sympathy for Armenians
in Europe and was lauded by the European and American press, which
vilified Hamid and painted him as the "great assassin", "bloody
Sultan", and "Abdul the Damned".:35, 115 The Great Powers vowed to
take action and enforce new reforms, which never came to fruition due
to conflicting political and economic interests.
Prelude to the Genocide
Main article: Dissolution of the Ottoman Empire
Young Turk Revolution
Young Turk Revolution of 1908
Young Turk Revolution
Armenians of Constantinople celebrating the establishment of the CUP
On 24 July 1908, Armenians' hopes for equality in the Ottoman Empire
brightened when a coup d'état staged by officers in the Ottoman Third
Army based in
Abdul Hamid II
Abdul Hamid II from power and restored
the country to a constitutional monarchy. The officers were part of
Young Turk movement that wanted to reform administration of the
perceived decadent state of the
Ottoman Empire and modernize it to
European standards. The movement was an anti-Hamidian coalition
made up of two distinct groups, the liberal constitutionalists and the
nationalists. The former were more democratic and accepting of
Armenians, whereas the latter were less tolerant of
their frequent requests for European assistance.:140–41 In 1902,
during a congress of the
Young Turks held in Paris, the heads of the
liberal wing, Sabahaddin and
Ahmed Riza Bey, partially persuaded the
nationalists to include in their objectives ensuring some rights for
all the minorities of the empire.
One of the numerous factions within the
Young Turk movement was a
secret revolutionary organization called the Committee of Union and
Progress (CUP). It drew its membership from disaffected army officers
Salonika and was behind a wave of mutinies against the
central government. In 1908, elements of the Third Army and the Second
Army Corps declared their opposition to the Sultan and threatened to
march on the capital to depose him. Hamid, shaken by the wave of
resentment, stepped down from power as Armenians, Greeks, Assyrians,
Bulgarians and Turks alike rejoiced in his
Adana massacre of 1909
The Armenian quarter after the massacres in
Adana in 1909.
A countercoup took place in early 1909, ultimately resulting in the 31
March Incident on 13 April 1909. Some reactionary Ottoman military
elements, joined by Islamic theological students, aimed to return
control of the country to the Sultan and the rule of Islamic law.
Riots and fighting broke out between the reactionary forces and CUP
forces, until the CUP was able to put down the uprising and
court-martial the opposition leaders.
While the movement initially targeted the
Young Turk government, it
spilled over into pogroms against
Armenians who were perceived as
having supported the restoration of the constitution.:68–69
About 4000 Turkish civilians and soldiers participated in the
rampage. Estimates of the number of
Armenians killed in the course
Adana massacre range between 15,000 and 30,000
Conflict in the
Balkans and Russia
In 1912, the
First Balkan War
First Balkan War broke out and ended with the defeat of
Ottoman Empire as well as the loss of 85% of its European
territory. Many in the empire saw their defeat as "Allah's divine
punishment for a society that did not know how to pull itself
Turkish nationalist movement in the country
gradually came to view
Anatolia as their last refuge. The Armenian
population formed a significant minority in this region.
An important consequence of the
Balkan Wars was also the mass
expulsion of Muslims (known as muhacirs) from the Balkans. Beginning
in the mid-19th century, hundreds of thousands of Muslims, including
Turks, Circassians, and Chechens, were forcibly expelled and others
voluntarily migrated from the
Caucasus and the
Balkans (Rumelia) as a
result of the Russo-Turkish wars, the
Circassian genocide and the
conflicts in the Balkans. Muslim society in the empire was incensed by
this flood of refugees. A journal published in Constantinople
expressed the mood of the times: "Let this be a warning ... O
Muslims, don't get comfortable! Do not let your blood cool before
taking revenge".:86 As many as 850,000 of these refugees were
settled in areas where the
Armenians resided. The muhacirs resented
the status of their relatively well-off neighbors and, as historian
Taner Akçam and others have noted, some of them came to play a
pivotal role in the killings of the
Armenians and the confiscation of
their properties during the genocide.:86–87
World War I
See also: Middle Eastern theatre of World War I
On 2 November 1914, the
Ottoman Empire opened the Middle Eastern
World War I
World War I by entering hostilities on the side of the
Central Powers and against the Allies. The battles of the Caucasus
Persian Campaign and the
Gallipoli Campaign affected
several populous Armenian centers. Before entering the war, the
Ottoman government had sent representatives to the Armenian congress
Erzurum to persuade Ottoman
Armenians to facilitate its conquest of
Transcaucasia by inciting an insurrection of Russian
the Russian army in the event a
Caucasus front was opened.:136
On 24 December 1914, Minister of War
Enver Pasha implemented a plan to
encircle and destroy the Russian
Caucasus Army at
Sarikamish in order
to regain territories lost to Russia after the Russo-Turkish War of
1877–78. Enver Pasha's forces were routed in the battle, and almost
completely destroyed. Returning to Constantinople, Enver Pasha
publicly blamed his defeat on
Armenians in the region having actively
sided with the Russians.:200 In November 1914 Shaykh ul-Islam
Jihad - Holy War against the Christians: this was later
used as a factor to provoke radical masses in the implementation of
the Armenian Genocide.
Further information: Ottoman labour battalions
On 25 February 1915, the Ottoman General Staff released the War
Minister Enver Pasha's Directive 8682 on "Increased security and
precautions" to all military units calling for the removal of all
Armenians serving in the Ottoman forces from their posts and
for their demobilization. They were assigned to the unarmed Labour
battalions (Turkish: amele taburları). The directive accused the
Armenian Patriarchate of releasing State secrets to the Russians.
Enver Pasha explained this decision as "out of fear that they would
collaborate with the Russians". Traditionally, the Ottoman Army
only drafted non-Muslim males between the ages of 20 and 45 into the
regular army. The younger (15–20) and older (45–60) non-Muslim
soldiers had always been used as logistical support through the labour
battalions. Before February, some of the Armenian recruits were
utilized as labourers (hamals), though they would ultimately be
executed. Transferring Armenian conscripts from active combat to
passive, unarmed logistic sections was an important precursor to the
subsequent genocide. As reported in The Memoirs of Naim Bey, the
execution of the
Armenians in these battalions was part of a
premeditated strategy of the CUP. Many of these Armenian recruits were
executed by local Turkish gangs.:178
Van, April 1915
Further information: Siege of Van
Armed Armenian civilians and self-defense units during the Siege of
Van in April–May 1915
On 19 April 1915,
Jevdet Bey demanded that the city of Van immediately
furnish him 4,000 soldiers under the pretext of conscription.
However, it was clear to the Armenian population that his goal was to
massacre the able-bodied men of Van so that there would be no
Jevdet Bey had already used his official writ in nearby
villages, ostensibly to search for arms, but in fact to initiate
wholesale massacres.:202 The
Armenians offered five hundred
soldiers and exemption money for the rest in order to buy time, but
Jevdet Bey accused the
Armenians of "rebellion" and asserted his
determination to "crush" it at any cost. "If the rebels fire a single
shot", he declared, "I shall kill every Christian man, woman, and"
(pointing to his knee) "every child, up to here".:205
The next day, 20 April 1915, the siege of Van began when an Armenian
woman was harassed, and the two Armenian men who came to her aid were
killed by Ottoman soldiers. The Armenian defenders protected the
30,000 residents and 15,000 refugees living in an area of
roughly one square kilometer of the
Armenian Quarter and suburb of
Aigestan with 1,500 ablebodied riflemen who were supplied with
300 rifles and 1,000 pistols and antique weapons. The
conflict lasted until
General Yudenich of Russia came to their
Reports of the conflict reached then United States Ambassador to the
Henry Morgenthau, Sr.
Henry Morgenthau, Sr. from
Aleppo and Van, prompting
him to raise the issue in person with Talaat and Enver. As he quoted
to them the testimonies of his consulate officials, they justified the
deportations as necessary to the conduct of the war, suggesting that
complicity of the
Armenians of Van with the Russian forces that had
taken the city justified the persecution of all ethnic
Arrest and deportation of Armenian notables, April 1915
Deportation of Armenian intellectuals on 24 April
Some Armenian intellectuals arrested on 24 April 1915, and following
weeks, then deported and killed.
By 1914, Ottoman authorities had already begun a propaganda drive to
Armenians living in the
Ottoman Empire as a threat to the
empire's security. An Ottoman naval officer in the War Office
described the planning:
In order to justify this enormous crime the requisite propaganda
material was thoroughly prepared in Istanbul. [It included such
statements as] 'the
Armenians are in league with the enemy. They will
launch an uprising in Istanbul, kill off the Ittihadist leaders and
will succeed in opening up the straits [of the Dardanelles]'.:220
Interior Minister Talaat Pasha, who ordered the arrests.
On the night of 23–24 April 1915, known as
Red Sunday (Armenian:
Կարմիր Կիրակի Garmir Giragi), the Ottoman government
rounded up and imprisoned an estimated 250 Armenian intellectuals and
community leaders of the Ottoman capital, Constantinople, and later
those in other centers, who were moved to two holding centers near
Ankara.:211–12 This date coincided with Allied troop landings at
Gallipoli after unsuccessful Allied naval attempts to break through
Dardanelles to Constantinople in February and March 1915.
Following the passage of
Tehcir Law on 29 May 1915, the Armenian
leaders, except for the few who were able to return to Constantinople,
were gradually deported and assassinated. The date
24 April is commemorated as
Genocide Remembrance Day by Armenians
around the world.
Further information: Tehcir Law
See also: Armenian casualties of deportations
Map of massacre locations and deportation and extermination centers
In May 1915, Mehmet
Talaat Pasha requested that the cabinet and Grand
Said Halim Pasha
Said Halim Pasha legalize a measure for the deportation of
Armenians to other places due to what
Talaat Pasha called "the
Armenian riots and massacres, which had arisen in a number of places
in the country". However,
Talaat Pasha was referring specifically to
events in Van and extending the implementation to the regions in which
alleged "riots and massacres" would affect the security of the war
zone of the
Caucasus Campaign. Later, the scope of the deportation was
widened in order to include the
Armenians in the other provinces.
The remains of
Armenians massacred at Erzinjan.:364
On 29 May 1915, the CUP Central Committee passed the Temporary Law of
Deportation ("Tehcir Law"), giving the Ottoman government and military
authorization to deport anyone it "sensed" as a threat to national
Headline of The New York Times, 15 December 1915
With the implementation of Tehcir Law, the confiscation of Armenian
property and the slaughter of
Armenians that ensued upon its enactment
outraged much of the Western world. While the Ottoman Empire's wartime
allies offered little protest, a wealth of German and Austrian
historical documents has since come to attest to the witnesses' horror
at the killings and mass starvation of
Armenians.:329–31:212–13 In the United States, The New
York Times reported almost daily on the mass murder of the Armenian
people, describing the process as "systematic", "authorized" and
"organized by the government".
Theodore Roosevelt would later
characterize this as "the greatest crime of the war".
Hans-Lukas Kieser states that, from the statements of Talaat
Pasha it is clear that the officials were aware that the
deportation order was genocidal. Another historian Taner Akçam
states that the telegrams show that the overall coordination of the
genocide was taken over by Talaat Pasha. In 2017, Akçam was able
to access one of the original telegrams, archived in Jerusalem, which
inquired about Armenian liquidation and elimination.
An Armenian woman kneeling beside a dead child in a field "within
sight of help and safety at Aleppo"
Armenians were marched out to the Syrian town of
Deir ez-Zor and
the surrounding desert. The Ottoman government deliberately withheld
the facilities and supplies that would have been necessary to sustain
the life of hundreds of thousands of Armenian deportees during and
after their forced march to the Syrian desert. By August
The New York Times
The New York Times repeated an unattributed report that "the
roads and the
Euphrates are strewn with corpses of exiles, and those
who survive are doomed to certain death. It is a plan to exterminate
the whole Armenian people".
Talaat Pasha and
Djemal Pasha were
completely aware that by abandoning the Armenian deportees in the
desert they were condemning them to certain death. A dispatch from
a "high diplomatic source in Turkey, not American, reporting the
testimony of trustworthy witnesses" about the plight of Armenian
deportees in northern Arabia and the Lower
Euphrates valley was
extensively quoted by
The New York Times
The New York Times in August 1916:
The witnesses have seen thousands of deported
Armenians under tents in
the open, in caravans on the march, descending the river in boats and
in all phases of their miserable life. Only in a few places does the
Government issue any rations, and those are quite insufficient. The
people, therefore, themselves are forced to satisfy their hunger with
food begged in that scanty land or found in the parched fields.
Naturally, the death rate from starvation and sickness is very high
and is increased by the brutal treatment of the authorities, whose
bearing toward the exiles as they are being driven back and forth over
the desert is not unlike that of slave drivers. With few exceptions no
shelter of any kind is provided and the people coming from a cold
climate are left under the scorching desert sun without food and
water. Temporary relief can only be obtained by the few able to pay
Similarly, Major General Friedrich Freiherr Kress von Kressenstein
noted that "The Turkish policy of causing starvation is an all too
obvious proof, if proof was still needed as to who is responsible for
the massacre, for the Turkish resolve to destroy the
German engineers and labourers involved in building the railway also
Armenians being crammed into cattle cars and shipped along
the railroad line. Franz Gunther, a representative for Deutsche Bank
which was funding the construction of the Baghdad Railway, forwarded
photographs to his directors and expressed his frustration at having
to remain silent amid such "bestial cruelty".:326 Major General
Otto von Lossow, acting military attaché and head of the German
Plenipotentiary in the Ottoman Empire, spoke to Ottoman
intentions in a conference held in
Batum in 1918:
The Turks have embarked upon the "total extermination of the Armenians
in Transcaucasia ... The aim of Turkish policy is, as I have
reiterated, the taking of possession of Armenian districts and the
extermination of the Armenians. Talaat's government wants to destroy
all Armenians, not just in Turkey, but also outside Turkey. On the
basis of all the reports and news coming to me here in
hardly can be any doubt that the Turks systematically are aiming at
the extermination of the few hundred thousand
Armenians whom they left
alive until now.:349
Rape was an integral part of the genocide; military commanders
told their men to "do to [the women] whatever you wish", resulting in
widespread sexual abuse. Deportees were displayed naked in Damascus
and sold as sex slaves in some areas, including
Mosul according to the
report of the German consul there, constituting an important source of
income for accompanying soldiers. Dr. Walter Rössler, the German
Aleppo during the genocide, heard from an "objective"
Armenian that around a quarter of young women, whose appearance was
"more or less pleasing", were regularly raped by the gendarmes, and
that "even more beautiful ones" were violated by 10–15 men. This
resulted in girls and women being left behind dying.
A network of 25 concentration camps was set up by the Ottoman
government to dispose of the
Armenians who had survived the
deportations to their ultimate point. This network, situated in
the region of Turkey's present-day borders with Iraq and Syria, was
directed by Şükrü Kaya, one of Talaat Pasha's right-hand men. Some
of the camps were only temporary transit points. Others, such as
Radjo, Katma, and Azaz, were briefly used as mass graves and then
vacated by autumn 1915. Camps such as Lale, Tefridje, Dipsi, Del-El,
and Ra's al-'Ayn were built specifically for those whose life
expectancy was just a few days. According to genocide scholar
Hilmar Kaiser, the Ottoman authorities refused to provide food and
water to the victims, increasing the mortality rate. According to The
Oxford Handbook of
Genocide Studies, "Muslims were eager to obtain
Armenian women. Authorities registered such marriages but did not
record the deaths of the former Armenian husbands."
Bernau, an American citizen of German descent, traveled to the areas
Armenians were incarcerated and wrote a report that was deemed
factual by Rössler, the German Consul at Aleppo. He reports mass
graves containing over 60,000 people in
Meskene and large numbers of
mounds of corpses, as the
Armenians died due to hunger and disease. He
reported seeing 450 orphans, who received at most 150 grams of bread
per day, in a tent of 5–6 square meters.
Dysentery swept through the
camp and days passed between the instances of distribution of bread to
some. In "Abu Herrera", near Meskene, he described how the guards let
Armenians starve, and wrote that they searched "horse droppings"
Special Organization (Ottoman Empire)
Committee of Union and Progress
Committee of Union and Progress founded the "
(Turkish: Teşkilât-ı Mahsusa) that participated in the destruction
of the Ottoman Armenian community. This organization adopted its
name in 1913 and functioned like a special forces outfit, and it has
been compared by some scholars to the Nazi Einsatzgruppen.:182,
185 Later in 1914, the Ottoman government influenced the direction the
Special Organization was to take by releasing criminals from central
prisons to be the central elements of this newly formed Special
Organization. According to the Mazhar commissions attached to the
tribunal as soon as November 1914, 124 criminals were released from
Bünyan prison. Little by little from the end of 1914 to the
beginning of 1915, hundreds, then thousands of prisoners were freed to
form the members of this organization. Later, they were charged with
escorting the convoys of Armenian deportees. Vehib Pasha,
commander of the Ottoman Third Army, called those members of the
Special Organization the "butchers of the human species".
Morgenthau's caption: "Those who fell by the wayside. Scenes like this
were common all over the Armenian provinces in the spring and summer
months of 1915. Death in its several forms—massacre, starvation,
exhaustion—destroyed the larger part of the refugees. The Turkish
policy was that of extermination under the guise of
Eitan Belkind was a
Nili member who infiltrated the Ottoman army as an
official. He was assigned to the headquarters of Kemal Pasha. He
witnessed the burning of 5,000 Armenians.:181, 183
Lt. Hasan Maruf of the Ottoman army describes how a population of a
village were taken all together and then burned. The Commander of
the Third Army Vehib's 12-page affidavit, which was dated 5 December
1918, was presented in the
Trabzon trial series (29 March 1919)
included in the Key Indictment, reporting such a mass burning of
the population of an entire village near Muş: "The shortest method
for disposing of the women and children concentrated in the various
camps was to burn them". Further, it was reported that "Turkish
prisoners who had apparently witnessed some of these scenes were
horrified and maddened at remembering the sight. They told the
Russians that the stench of the burning human flesh permeated the air
for many days after".
Vahakn Dadrian wrote that
Armenians in 90 villages across the
Muş plain were burned in
"stables and haylofts".
Trabzon was the main city in
Trabzon province; Oscar S. Heizer, the
American consul at Trabzon, reported: "This plan did not suit Nail
Bey ... Many of the children were loaded into boats and taken out
to sea and thrown overboard". Hafiz Mehmet, a Turkish deputy
serving Trabzon, testified during a 21 December 1918 parliamentary
session of the Chamber of Deputies that "the district's governor
Armenians into barges and had them thrown overboard."
The Italian consul of
Trabzon in 1915, Giacomo Gorrini, writes: "I saw
thousands of innocent women and children placed on boats which were
capsized in the Black Sea". Dadrian places the number of
Armenians killed in the
Trabzon province by drowning at 50,000.
Trabzon trials reported
Armenians having been drowned in the Black
Sea; according to a testimony, women and children were loaded on
boats in "Değirmendere" to be drowned in the sea.
Hoffman Philip, the American chargé d'affaires at Constantinople,
wrote: "Boat loads sent from Zor down the river arrived at Ana, one
thirty miles away, with three fifths of passengers
missing".:246–7 According to Robert Fisk, 900 Armenian women
were drowned in Bitlis, while in Erzincan, the corpses in the
Euphrates resulted in a change of course of the river for a few
hundred meters. Dadrian also wrote that "countless"
drowned in the
Euphrates and its tributaries.
Use of poison and drug overdoses
Ottoman physicians contributed to the planning and execution of the
genocide. The physicians
Behaeddin Shakir and
Nazım Bey were leading
figures in the leadership committee of the Committee of Union and
Progress and both held leadership roles in the
Other physicians used their medical expertise to facilitate the
killings, including designing methods for poisoning victims and using
Armenians as subjects for lethal human experimentation. Dadrian
argued that the systemic medical murder in the Armenian genocide was a
Nazi human experimentation
Nazi human experimentation during the Holocaust.
Specific medical methods used to kill victims included:
Morphine overdose: During the
Trabzon trial series of the Martial
court, from the sittings between 26 March and 17 May 1919, the
Trabzons Health Services Inspector Dr. Ziya Fuad wrote in a report
that Dr. Saib caused the death of children with the injection of
morphine. The information was allegedly provided by two physicians
(Drs. Ragib and Vehib), both Dr. Saib's colleagues at Trabzons Red
Crescent hospital, where those atrocities were said to have been
Toxic gas: Dr. Ziya Fuad and Dr. Adnan, public health services
director of Trabzon, submitted affidavits reporting cases in which two
school buildings were used to organize children and send them to the
mezzanine to kill them with toxic gas equipment.
Typhoid inoculation: The Ottoman surgeon, Dr. Haydar Cemal wrote "on
the order of the Chief Sanitation Office of the Third Army in January
1916, when the spread of typhus was an acute problem, innocent
Armenians slated for deportation at Erzincan were inoculated with the
blood of typhoid fever patients without rendering that blood
'inactive'". Jeremy Hugh Baron writes: "Individual doctors were
directly involved in the massacres, having poisoned infants, killed
children and issued false certificates of death from natural causes.
Nazim's brother-in-law Dr. Tevfik Rushdu, Inspector-General of Health
Services, organized the disposal of Armenian corpses with thousands of
kilos of lime over six months; he became foreign secretary from 1925
Confiscation of property
See also: Confiscated Armenian property in Turkey
Tehcir Law brought some measures regarding the property of the
deportees, and on 13 September 1915, the Ottoman parliament passed the
"Temporary Law of Expropriation and Confiscation," stating that all
property, including land, livestock, and homes belonging to Armenians,
was to be confiscated by the authorities.:224 Ottoman
Ahmed Riza protested this legislation:
It is unlawful to designate the Armenian assets as "abandoned goods"
for the Armenians, the proprietors, did not abandon their properties
voluntarily; they were forcibly, compulsorily removed from their
domiciles and exiled. Now the government through its efforts is
selling their goods ... If we are a constitutional regime
functioning in accordance with constitutional law we can't do this.
This is atrocious. Grab my arm, eject me from my village, then sell my
goods and properties, such a thing can never be permissible. Neither
the conscience of the Ottomans nor the law can allow it.
A 1918 photo of an Armenian church in Trabzon, which was used as an
auction site and distribution center of confiscated Armenian goods and
belongings after the Armenian Genocide.
During the Paris Peace Conference, the Armenian delegation presented
an assessment of $3.7 billion (about $52 billion today) worth of
material losses owned solely by the Armenian church. The Armenian
community then presented an additional demand for the restitution of
property and assets seized by the Ottoman government. The joint
declaration, which was submitted to the Supreme Council by the
Armenian delegation and prepared by the religious leaders of the
Armenian community, claimed that the Ottoman government had destroyed
2,000 churches and 200 monasteries and had provided the legal system
for giving these properties to other parties. The declaration also
provided a financial assessment of the total losses of personal
property and assets of both Turkish and
Russian Armenia with
14,598,510,000 and 4,532,472,000 francs respectively; totaling to an
estimated $339 billion today. Furthermore, the Armenian
community asked for the restitution of church owned property and
reimbursement of its generated income. The Ottoman government never
responded to this declaration and so restitution did not occur.
By the early 1930s, all properties belonging to
Armenians who were
subject to deportation had been confiscated. Since then, no
restitution of property confiscated during the Armenian
taken place. Historians argue that the mass confiscation of
Armenian properties was an important factor in forming the economic
basis of the Turkish Republic while endowing Turkey's economy with
capital. The mass confiscation of properties provided the opportunity
for ordinary lower class Turks (i.e. peasantry, soldiers, and
laborers) to rise to the ranks of the middle class. Contemporary
Uğur Ümit Üngör asserts that "the elimination of
the Armenian population left the state an infrastructure of Armenian
property, which was used for the progress of Turkish (settler)
communities. In other words: the construction of an étatist Turkish
"national economy" was unthinkable without the destruction and
expropriation of Armenians."
Main article: Turkish Courts-Martial of 1919–20
On the night of 2–3 November 1918 and with the aid of Ahmed Izzet
Three Pashas (which include Mehmed
Talaat Pasha and Ismail
Enver, the main perpetrators of the Genocide) fled the Ottoman Empire.
In 1919, after the Mudros Armistice, Sultan
Mehmed VI was ordered to
organise courts-martial by the Allied administration in charge of
Constantinople to try members of the Committee of Union and Progress
(CUP) (Turkish: "Ittihat ve Terakki") for taking the Ottoman Empire
into World War I. By January 1919, a report to Sultan Mehmed VI
accused over 130 suspects, most of whom were high officials.
The front page of the Ottoman newspaper İkdam on 4 November 1918
Three Pashas fled the country after being indicted for war
crimes against the
Armenians and Greeks. It reads: "Their response to
eliminate the Armenian problem was to attempt the elimination of the
Mehmet VI and
Grand Vizier Damat Ferid Pasha, as
representatives of government of the
Ottoman Empire during the Second
Constitutional Era, were summoned to the Paris Peace Conference by US
Secretary of State Robert Lansing. On 11 July 1919, Damat Ferid Pasha
officially confessed to massacres against the
Armenians in the Ottoman
Empire and was a key figure and initiator of the war crime trials held
World War I
World War I to condemn to death the chief perpetrators
of the Genocide. The military court found that it was the will of
the CUP to eliminate the
Armenians physically, via its Special
Organization. The 1919 pronouncement reads as follows:
The Court Martial taking into consideration the above-named crimes
declares, unanimously, the culpability as principal factors of these
crimes the fugitives Talaat Pasha, former Grand Vizir, Enver Efendi,
former War Minister, struck off the register of the Imperial Army,
Cemal Efendi, former Navy Minister, struck off too from the Imperial
Army, and Dr. Nazim Efendi, former Minister of Education, members of
the General Council of the Union & Progress, representing the
moral person of that party; ... the Court Martial pronounces, in
accordance with said stipulations of the Law the death penalty against
Talaat, Enver, Cemal, and Dr. Nazim.
After the pronouncement, the
Three Pashas were sentenced to death in
absentia at the trials in Constantinople. The courts-martial
officially disbanded the CUP and confiscated its assets and the assets
of those found guilty. The courts-martial were dismissed in August
1920 for their lack of transparency, according to then High
Commissioner and Admiral Sir John de Robeck, and some of the
accused were transported to Malta for further interrogation, only to
be released afterwards in an exchange of POWs. Two of the three Pashas
were later assassinated by Armenian vigilantes during Operation
Detainees in Malta
Prosecution of Ottoman war criminals and Malta exiles
Ottoman military members and high-ranking politicians convicted by the
Turkish courts-martial were transferred from Constantinople prisons to
Crown Colony of Malta
Crown Colony of Malta on board of the SS Princess Ena and the HMS
Benbow by the British forces, starting in 1919. Admiral Sir Somerset
Gough-Calthorpe was in charge of the operation, together with Lord
Curzon; they did so owing to the lack of transparency of the Turkish
courts-martial. They were held there for three years, while searches
were made of archives in Constantinople, London, Paris and Washington
to find a way to put them in trial. However, the war criminals
were eventually released without trial and returned to Constantinople
in 1921, in exchange for twenty-two British prisoners of war held by
the government in Ankara, including a relative of Lord Curzon. The
Ankara was opposed to political power of the government
in Constantinople. They are often mentioned as the
Malta exiles in
Meanwhile, the Peace Conference in Paris established the "Commission
on Responsibilities and Sanctions" in January 1919, which was
commissioned by United States Secretary of State Robert Lansing. Based
on the commission's work, several articles were added to the Treaty of
Treaty of Sèvres
Treaty of Sèvres had planned a trial in August 1920 to
determine those responsible for the "barbarous and illegitimate
methods of warfare ... [including] offenses against the laws and
customs of war and the principles of humanity". Article 230 of the
Treaty of Sèvres
Treaty of Sèvres required the
Ottoman Empire hand over to the Allied
Powers the persons responsible for the massacres committed during the
war on 1 August 1914.
European Court of Human Rights
European Court of Human Rights judge
Giovanni Bonello the
suspension of prosecution attempts and the release and repatriation of
the detainees was, amongst others, a result of the lack of an
appropriate legal framework with supranational jurisdiction. Following
World War I
World War I no international norms for regulating war crimes existed,
due to a legal vacuum in international law; therefore (contrary to
Turkish sources) no trials were ever held in Malta.
Trial of Soghomon Tehlirian
See also: Operation Nemesis
On 15 March 1921, former
Talaat Pasha was assassinated in
Charlottenburg District of Berlin, Germany, in broad daylight and
in the presence of many witnesses. Talaat's death was part of
"Operation Nemesis", the Armenian Revolutionary Federation's codename
for their covert operation in the 1920s to kill the planners of the
The subsequent trial and acquittal of the assassin, Soghomon
Tehlirian, had an important influence on Raphael Lemkin, a lawyer of
Jewish descent who campaigned in the
League of Nations
League of Nations to ban
what he called "barbarity" and "vandalism". The term "genocide",
created in 1943, was coined by Lemkin who was directly influenced by
the massacres of
Armenians during World War I.:210
International aid to victims
Fundraising poster for the American Committee for Relief in the Near
See also: American Committee for Armenian and Syrian Relief
American Committee for Armenian and Syrian Relief
American Committee for Armenian and Syrian Relief (ACASR, also
known as "
Near East Relief"), established in 1915 just after the
deportations began, was a charitable organization established to
relieve the suffering of the peoples of the Near East. The
organization was championed by American ambassador Henry Morgenthau,
Sr. Morgenthau's dispatches on the mass slaughter of Armenians
galvanized much support for the organization.
In its first year, the ACRNE cared for 132,000 Armenian orphans from
Tiflis, Yerevan, Constantinople, Sivas, Beirut, Damascus, and
Jerusalem. A relief organization for refugees in the Middle East
helped donate over $102 million (budget $117,000,000) [1930 value of
Armenians both during and after the war.:336 Between
1915 and 1930, ACRNE distributed humanitarian relief to locations
across a wide geographical range, eventually spending over ten times
its original estimate and helping around 2,000,000 refugees.
Armenian population, deaths, survivors, 1914 to 1923
Main articles: Ottoman Armenian population, Ottoman Armenian
casualties, and Armenian
While there is no consensus as to how many
Armenians lost their lives
during the Armenian Genocide, there is general agreement among western
historians that over 800,000
Armenians died between 1914 and
1918. Estimates vary between 800,000 and 1,500,000 (per the
governments of France, Canada, and other states).
Encyclopædia Britannica references the research of Arnold J. Toynbee,
an intelligence officer of the British Foreign Office, who estimated
Armenians "died or were massacred during
deportation" in a report compiled on 24 May 1916. This figure,
however, accounts for solely the first year of the
Genocide and does
not take into account those who died or were killed after May
According to documents that once belonged to Talaat Pasha, more than
Armenians disappeared from official population records
from 1915 through 1916. In 1983, Talaat's widow, Hayriye Talaat
Bafralı, gave the documents and records to Turkish journalist Murat
Bardakçı, who published them in a book titled The Remaining
Documents of Talat Pasha (also known as "Talat Pasha's Black Book").
According to the documents, the number of
Armenians living in the
Ottoman Empire before 1915 stood at 1,256,000. It was presumed,
however, in a footnote by
Talaat Pasha himself, that the Armenian
population was undercounted by thirty percent. Furthermore, the
population of Protestant
Armenians was not taken into account.
Therefore, according to the historian Ara Sarafian, the population of
Armenians should have been approximately 1,700,000 prior to the start
of the war. However, that number had plunged to 284,157 two years
later in 1917.
Uncovering the bones of
Armenians in Deir ez-Zor.
While Ottoman censuses claimed an Armenian population of 1.2 million,
Fa'iz El-Ghusein (the
Kaimakam of Kharpout) wrote that there were
about 1.9 million
Armenians in the Ottoman Empire, and some
modern scholars estimate over 2 million. German official Max
Erwin von Scheubner-Richter wrote that fewer than 100,000 Armenians
survived the genocide, the rest having been exterminated (German:
During the 1920
Turkish–Armenian War :327 60,000 to 98,000
Armenian civilians were estimated to have been killed by the Turkish
army. Some estimates put the total number of
in the hundreds of thousands.:327[page needed] Dadrian
characterized the massacres in the
Caucasus as a "miniature
Eyewitness accounts and reports
Main article: Witnesses and testimonies of the Armenian Genocide
Workers of the
American Committee for Relief in the Near East
American Committee for Relief in the Near East in
Hundreds of eyewitnesses, including diplomats from the neutral United
States and the Ottoman Empire's own allies, Germany and
Austria-Hungary, recorded and documented numerous acts of
state-sponsored massacres. Many foreign officials offered to intervene
on behalf of the Armenians, including Pope Benedict XV, only to be
turned away by Ottoman government officials who claimed they were
retaliating against a pro-Russian insurrection.:177 On 24 May
Triple Entente warned the
Ottoman Empire that "In view of
these new crimes of
Turkey against humanity and civilization, the
Allied Governments announce publicly to the
Sublime Porte that they
will hold personally responsible for these crimes all members of the
Ottoman Government, as well as those of their agents who are
implicated in such massacres".
The U.S. Mission in the Ottoman Empire
Telegram sent by Ambassador
Henry Morgenthau, Sr.
Henry Morgenthau, Sr. to the State
Department on 16 July 1915 describing the killings of
Armenians as "a
campaign of race extermination".
The United States had consulates throughout the Ottoman Empire,
including locations in Edirne, Elâzığ, Samsun, İzmir, Trebizond,
Van, Constantinople, and Aleppo. It was officially a neutral party and
never declared war on the Ottoman Empire. In addition to the
consulates, there were numerous American Protestant missionary
compounds established in Armenian-populated regions, including Van and
Kharput. The atrocities were reported regularly in newspapers and
literary journals around the world.:282–5
On his return home in 1924 after thirty years as a U.S. Consul in the
Near East, and most of the preceding decade as Consul General at
George Horton wrote his own "account of the Systematic
Extermination of Christian Populations by Mohammedans and of the
Culpability of Certain Great Powers; with a True Story of the Burning
of Smyrna" (1926 subtitle, The Blight of Asia). Horton's account
quoted numerous contemporary communications and eyewitness reports
including one of the massacre of Phocea in 1914, by a Frenchman, and
two of the Armenian massacres of 1914/15, by an American citizen and a
German missionary.:28–29, 34–37. It also quoted U.S.
Walter M. Geddes regarding his time in Damascus: "several
Turks[,] whom I interviewed, told me that the motive of this exile was
to exterminate the race."
Many Americans spoke out against the genocide, including former
president Theodore Roosevelt, rabbi Stephen Wise, Alice Stone
Blackwell, and William Jennings Bryan, the
U.S. Secretary of State
U.S. Secretary of State to
June 1915. In the U.S. and the United Kingdom, children were regularly
reminded to clean their plates while eating and to "remember the
Ambassador Morgenthau's Story
See also: Ambassador Morgenthau's Story
Audio recording of Chapter 24, "The Murder of a Nation", from
Ambassador Morgenthau's Story.
As the orders for deportations and massacres were enacted, many
consular officials reported what they were witnessing to Ambassador
Henry Morgenthau, Sr., who described the massacres as a "campaign of
race extermination" in a telegram sent to the United States Department
of State on 16 July 1915. In memoirs that he completed during 1918,
When the Turkish authorities gave the orders for these deportations,
they were merely giving the death warrant to a whole race; they
understood this well, and, in their conversations with me, they made
no particular attempt to conceal the fact ...:213
The memoirs and reports vividly described the methods used by Ottoman
forces and documented numerous instances of atrocities committed
against the Christian minority.
Allied forces in the Middle East
On the Middle Eastern front, the British military was engaged fighting
the Ottoman forces in southern
Syria and Mesopotamia. British diplomat
Gertrude Bell filed the following report after hearing the account
from a captured Ottoman soldier:
The battalion left
Aleppo on 3 February and reached Ras al-Ain in
twelve hours ... some 12,000
Armenians were concentrated under
the guardianship of some hundred Kurds ... These
called gendarmes, but in reality mere butchers; bands of them were
publicly ordered to take parties of Armenians, of both sexes, to
various destinations, but had secret instructions to destroy the
males, children and old women ... One of these gendarmes
confessed to killing 100 Armenian men himself ... the empty
desert cisterns and caves were also filled with
Winston Churchill described the massacres as an "administrative
holocaust" and noted that "the clearance of the race from Asia Minor
was about as complete as such an act, on a scale so great, could well
be. ... There is no reasonable doubt that this crime was planned
and executed for political reasons. The opportunity presented itself
for clearing Turkish soil of a Christian race opposed to all Turkish
ambitions, cherishing national ambitions that could only be satisfied
at the expense of Turkey, and planted geographically between Turkish
and Caucasian Moslems".:329
Arnold Toynbee: The Treatment of Armenians
See also: The Treatment of
Armenians in the Ottoman Empire
Arnold J. Toynbee
Arnold J. Toynbee published the collection of documents The
Armenians in the
Ottoman Empire in 1916. Together with
British politician and historian Viscount James Bryce, he compiled
statements from survivors and eyewitnesses from other countries
including Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Sweden, and Switzerland,
who similarly attested to the systematic massacre of innocent
Armenians by Ottoman government forces.
Bryce had submitted the work to scholars for verification before its
University of Oxford
University of Oxford Regius Professor Gilbert Murray
stated, "... the evidence of these letters and reports will bear
any scrutiny and overpower any skepticism. Their genuineness is
established beyond question".:228 Other professors, including
Herbert Fisher of
Sheffield University and former American Bar
Association president Moorfield Storey, came to the same
Austrian and German joint mission
As allies during the war, the Imperial German mission in the Ottoman
Empire included both military and civilian components. Germany had
brokered a deal with the
Sublime Porte to commission the building of a
railroad called the
Baghdad Railway that would stretch from Berlin to
the Middle East. At the beginning of 1915, Germany's diplomatic
mission was led by Ambassador
Hans Freiherr von Wangenheim
Hans Freiherr von Wangenheim who, upon
his death in 1915, was succeeded by Count Paul Wolff Metternich. Like
Morgenthau, von Wangenheim began receiving many disturbing messages
from consular officials around the
Ottoman Empire that detailed the
massacres of Armenians. From the province of Adana, Consul Eugene Buge
reported that the CUP chief had sworn to massacre any
had survived the deportation marches.:186 In June 1915, von
Wangenheim sent a cable to Berlin reporting that Talaat had admitted
that the deportations were not "being carried out because of 'military
considerations alone'". One month later, he came to the conclusion
that there "no longer was doubt that the Porte was trying to
exterminate the Armenian race in the Turkish Empire".:213
When Wolff-Metternich succeeded von Wangenheim, he continued to
dispatch similar cables: "The Committee [CUP] demands the extirpation
of the last remnants of the
Armenians and the government must
yield ... A Committee representative is assigned to each of the
provincial administrations ...
Turkification means license to
expel, to kill or destroy everything that is not
Report from a German missionary on the massacre of
Erzerum, 31 July 1915
Another notable figure in the German military camp was Max Erwin von
Scheubner-Richter, who documented various massacres of Armenians. He
sent fifteen reports regarding "deportations and mass killings" to the
German chancellery. His final report noted that fewer than 100,000
Armenians were left alive in the Ottoman Empire: the rest having been
exterminated (German: ausgerottet).:329–30 Scheubner-Richter
also detailed the methods of the Ottoman government, noting its use of
Special Organization and other bureaucratized instruments of
genocide, as well as how the Ottomans would provoke and exaggerate
Armenian self-defense in order to create the illusion of a rebellion.
This was to give justification for the deportation of Armenians, which
is still argued by genocide deniers to this day. Richter stated
the deportations were intentionally meant to cover up the slaughter of
I have conducted a series of conversations with competent and
influential Turkish personages, and these are my impressions: A large
segment of the Ittihadist [Young Turk] party maintains the viewpoint
that the Turkish empire should be based only on the principle of Islam
and Pan-Turkism. Its non-Muslim and non-Turkish inhabitants should
either be forcibly islamized, or otherwise they ought to be destroyed.
These gentlemen believe that the time is propitious for the
realization of this plan. The first item on this agenda concerns the
liquidation of the Armenians. Ittihad will dangle before the Allies a
specter of an alleged revolution prepared by the Armenian Dashnak
party. Moreover, local incidents of social unrest and acts of Armenian
self-defense will deliberately be provoked and inflated and will be
used as pretexts to effect the deportations. Once en route, however,
the convoys will be attacked and exterminated by Kurdish and Turkish
brigands, and in part by gendarmes, who will be instigated for that
purpose by Ittihad.
According to Bat Ye'or, an Israeli historian, the Germans also
Armenians being burned to death. She writes: "The Germans,
allies of the Turks in the First World War ... saw how civil
populations were shut up in churches and burned, or gathered en masse
in camps, tortured to death, and reduced to ashes". German
officers stationed in eastern
Turkey disputed the government's
assertion that Armenian revolts had broken out, suggesting that the
areas were "quiet until the deportations began".:212 Other Germans
openly supported the Ottoman policy against the Armenians. As Hans
Humann, the German naval attaché in Constantinople said to US
Ambassador Henry Morgenthau:
I have lived in
Turkey the larger part of my life ... and I know
the Armenians. I also know that both
Armenians and Turks cannot live
together in this country. One of these races has got to go. And I
don't blame the Turks for what they are doing to the Armenians. I
think that they are entirely justified. The weaker nation must
Armenians desire to dismember Turkey; they are against
the Turks and the Germans in this war, and they therefore have no
right to exist here.:257
In a genocide conference held in 2001, professor Wolfgang Wipperman of
Free University of Berlin
Free University of Berlin introduced documents evidencing that the
German High Command was aware of the mass killings at the time, but
chose not to interfere or speak out.:331 In his reports to Berlin
in 1917, General
Hans von Seeckt
Hans von Seeckt supported the reforming efforts of
the Young Turks, writing that "the inner weakness of
Turkey in their
entirety, call for the history and custom of the new Turkish empire to
be written". Seeckt added that "Only a few moments of the
destruction are still mentioned. The upper levels of society had
become unwarlike, the main reason being the increasing mixing with
foreign elements of a long standing unculture". Seeckt blamed all
of the problems of the
Ottoman Empire on the Jews and the Armenians,
whom he portrayed as a fifth column working for the Allies. In
July 1918, Seeckt sent a message to Berlin stating that "It is an
impossible state of affairs to be allied with the Turks and to stand
up for the Armenians. In my view any consideration, Christian,
sentimental, and political should be eclipsed by a hard, but clear
necessity for war".
One photograph shows two unidentified German army officers, in company
of three Turkish soldiers and a Kurdish man, standing amidst human
remains. The discovery of this photograph prompted English journalist
Robert Fisk to draw a direct line from the Armenian
Genocide to the
Holocaust. Fisk, while acknowledging the role playing by most German
diplomats and parliamentaries in the condemnation of the Ottoman
Turks, noted that some of the German witnesses to the Armenian
holocaust would later go on to play a role in the Nazi regime. For
example, Konstantin Freiherr von Neurath, who was attached to the
Turkish 4th Army in 1915 with instructions to monitor "operations"
against the Armenians, later became Adolf Hitler's foreign minister
and "Protector of Bohemia and Moravia" during Reinhard Heydrich's
terror in Czechoslovakia.
Armin T. Wegner
See also: Armin T. Wegner
Armin T. Wegner
German aspiring writer
Armin T. Wegner
Armin T. Wegner enrolled as a medic during the
winter of 1914–15. He defied censorship by taking hundreds of
Armenians being deported and subsequently starving
in northern Syrian camps:326 and in the deserts of Deir-er-Zor.
Wegner was part of a German detachment under field marshal von der
Goltz stationed near the
Baghdad Railway in Mesopotamia. He later
stated: "I venture to claim the right of setting before you these
pictures of misery and terror which passed before my eyes during
nearly two years, and which will never be obliterated from my
mind.". He was eventually arrested by the Germans and recalled to
Wegner protested against the atrocities in an open letter submitted to
Woodrow Wilson at the peace conference of 1919. The
letter made a case for the creation of an independent Armenian state.
Also in 1919, he published The Road of No Return ("Der Weg ohne
Heimkehr"), a collection of letters he had written during what he
deemed the "martyrdom" (German: "Martyrium") of the Armenians.
Destination Nowhere: The Witness is a documentary film produced by J.
Michael Hagopian that depicts Wegner's personal account of the
Genocide through Wegner's own photographs. Prior to the
release of the documentary, Wegner was honored at the Armenian
Genocide Museum in
Yerevan for championing the plight of Armenians
throughout his life.
Ottoman Empire and Turkey
Aleppo Governor Mehmet Celal Bey
Although many documents related to systematic massacres were destroyed
during and after the genocide, Turkish historian Taner Akçam
states that the "Turkish sources we already possess provide sufficient
information to prove that what befell the
Armenians in 1915 was a
Ara Sarafian similarly notes that "the
available Ottoman materials, especially when used alongside
alternative sources (such as United States records or Armenian
survivor accounts), support the Armenian
Alongside official documentation, many Turkish public figures during
the time have acknowledged the systematic nature of the massacres.
Historian Ahmet Refik (Altınay) wrote in 1919: "The Unionists
(Committee of Union and Progress) wanted to remove the problem of
Vilâyât-ı Sitte by annihilating Armenians." Turkish novelist
Halide Edip, who was openly critical of the decisions made by the
Ottoman government towards the Armenians, wrote in Vakit on 21 October
1918: "We slaughtered the innocent Armenian population...We tried to
Armenians through methods that belong to the medieval
times". Abdülmecid II, the last Caliph of
Islam of the Ottoman
Dynasty, said of the policy: "I refer to those awful massacres. They
are the greatest stain that has ever disgraced our nation and race.
They were entirely the work of Talat and Enver." Senator Ahmet
Rıza stated: "Let's face it, we Turks savagely killed off the
Grand Vizier Damad Ferid Pasha, speaking about the
The New York Times
The New York Times (26 June 1919), said: "The whole
civilised world was shocked by the recital of the crimes alleged to
have been committed by the Turks. It is far from my thought to cast a
veil over these misdeeds, which are such as to make the conscience of
mankind shudder with horror for ever; still less will I endeavour to
minimise the degree of guilt of the actors in the great drama. The aim
which I have set myself is that of showing to the world with proofs in
my hand, who are the truly responsible authors of these terrible
crimes." Interior Minister
Ali Kemal Bey wrote in Alemdar on 18
July 1919: "Don't let us try to throw the blame on the Armenians; we
must not flatter ourselves that the world is filled with idiots. We
have plundered the possessions of the men whom we deported and
massacred; we have sanctioned theft in our Chamber and our
Senate." Reşid Akif Paşa, Vali of
Sivas and head of the
Council of State, is especially known for providing important
testimony during the Ottoman Parliament session of 21 November
1918. His speech outlined the process of how the official order of
deportation contained vague terminology only to be clarified by
special orders of "massacres" sent directly from the Committee of
Union and Progress headquarters and oftentimes the residence of Talat
During my few days of service in this government I've learned of a few
secrets and have come across something interesting. The deportation
order was issued through official channels by the minister of the
interior and sent to the provinces. Following this order the [CUP]
Central Committee circulated its own ominous order to all parties to
allow the gangs to carry out their wretched task. Thus the gangs were
in the field, ready for their atrocious slaughter.
Şerif Pasha was a former member of the
Young Turk government
who denounced the annihilation (The New York Times, 10 October
Some politicians tried to prevent the deportations and subsequent
massacres. One such politician, Mehmet Celal Bey, was known for saving
thousands of lives and is often called the Turkish Oscar
Schindler. During his time as governor of Aleppo, Celal Bey did
not believe that the deportations were meant to "annihilate" the
Armenians: "I admit, I did not believe that these orders, these
actions revolved around the annihilation of the Armenians. I never
imagined that any government could take upon itself to annihilate its
own citizens in this manner, in effect destroying its human capital,
which must be seen as the country's greatest treasure. I presumed that
the actions being carried out were measures deriving from a desire to
temporarily remove the
Armenians from the theater of war and taken as
the result of wartime exigencies." However, he later admitted
that he was mistaken and that the goal was "to attempt to annihilate"
the Armenians. When defying the orders of deportation, Celal Bey
was removed from his post as governor of
Aleppo and transferred to
Konya. Nevertheless, as the deportations continued, he repeatedly
demanded that the central authorities provide shelter for the
deportees. In addition to these demands, he sent the Sublime
Porte many telegrams and letters of protest stating that the "measures
taken against the
Armenians were, from every point of view, contrary
to the higher interests of the fatherland." His demands, however,
were ignored. Celal Bey said: "Blood flowed instead of water in
the river, and thousands of innocent children, blameless elderly,
helpless women and strong youths were flowing towards death in this
Hasan Mazhar Bey, who was appointed Vali of Ankara
on 18 June 1914, is also known for having refused to proceed with the
order of deportations. Due to his refusal to deport the
Armenians, Mazhar Bey was removed from his post as governor in August
1915 and replaced with Atif Bey, a prominent member of the Special
Organization. He recalled: "Then one day Atif Bey came to me and
orally conveyed the interior minister's orders that the
to be murdered during the deportation. 'No, Atif Bey,' I said, 'I am a
governor, not a bandit, I cannot do this, I will leave this post and
you can come and do it.'" After leaving his post, Mazhar went on
to report that "in the kaza [district], the plunder of Armenian
property, by both officials and the population, assumed incredible
proportions." He also became the key figure in the establishment
of the Mazhar Commission, an investigative committee which immediately
took up the task of gathering evidence and testimonies, with a special
effort to obtain inquiries on civil servants implicated in massacres
committed against Armenians. Süleyman Nazif, the Vali of
Baghdad, who but later resigned in protest of the Ottoman government's
policy towards the Armenians, wrote in a 28 November 1918 issue of the
Hadisat newspaper: "Under the guise of deportations, mass murder was
perpetrated. Given the fact that the crime is all too evident, the
perpetrators should have been hanged already."
During the Republican period, several Turkish politicians expressed
their discontent with the deportations and subsequent massacres.
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the first President and founder of the
Republic of Turkey, consistently used the term "shameful act"
(Turkish: fazahat) when referring to the massacres. In
1 August 1926 issue of the Los Angeles Examiner, Atatürk also said
Young Turk Party was responsible for "... millions of our
Christian subjects who were ruthlessly driven en masse from their
homes and massacred". At a secret session of the National
Assembly, held on 17 October 1920, Hasan Fehmi (Ataç), deputy of
Gümüşhane, said: "As you know, the issue of relocation was an event
that made the world to yell blue and made all of us to be considered
murderers. We knew, before we did it, that the Christian world would
not tolerate it and they would direct their anger and hatred toward
us. Why did we impute the title of murderer to our race? Why did we
enter into such decisive and difficult struggle? That was done just to
secure the future of our country, which we know to be more precious
and sacred than our lives."
The Russian Empire's response to the bombardment of its Black Sea
naval ports was primarily a land campaign through the Caucasus. Early
victories against the
Ottoman Empire from the winter of 1914 to the
spring of 1915 saw significant gains of territory, including relieving
the Armenian bastion resisting in the city of Van in May 1915. The
Russians also reported encountering the bodies of unarmed civilian
Armenians as they advanced. In March 1916, the scenes they saw in
the city of
Erzurum led the Russians to retaliate against the Ottoman
III Army whom they held responsible for the massacres, destroying it
in its entirety.
Scandinavian missionaries and diplomats
Although a neutral state throughout the war, Sweden had permanent
representatives in the
Ottoman Empire who closely followed and
continuously reported on major developments there. Its embassy in
Constantinople was led by Ambassador Cossva Anckarsvärd, with M.
Ahlgren as envoy and Captain
Einar af Wirsén
Einar af Wirsén as military attaché. On
7 July 1915, Ambassador Anckarsvärd dispatched a two-page report
concerning the Armenian massacres to Stockholm. The report began as
The persecutions of the
Armenians have reached hair-raising
proportions and all points to the fact that the
Young Turks want to
seize the opportunity, since due to different reasons there are no
effective external pressure to be feared, to once and for all put an
end to the Armenian question. The means for this are quite simple and
consist of the extermination (utrotandet) of the Armenian
On 9 August 1915, Anckarsvärd dispatched yet another report,
confirming his suspicions regarding the plans of the Turkish
government, "It is obvious that the Turks are taking the opportunity
to, now during the war, annihilate [utplåna] the Armenian nation so
that when the peace comes no Armenian question longer exists".:41
Reflecting upon the situation in
Turkey during the final stages of the
war, Envoy Alhgren presented an analysis of the prevailing situation
Turkey and the hard times which had befallen the population. In
explaining the increased living costs he identified a number of
reasons: "obstacles for domestic trade, the almost total paralysing of
the foreign trade and finally the strong decreasing of labour power,
caused partly by the mobilisation, but partly also by the
extermination of the Armenian race [utrotandet af den armeniska
Wirsén, when writing his memoirs from his mission to the
Turkey, Minnen från fred och krig ("Memories from Peace and War"),
dedicated an entire chapter to the Armenian Genocide, entitled Mordet
på en nation ("The Murder of a Nation"). Commenting on the
interpretation that the deportations resulted from the purported
collaboration of the
Armenians with the Russians, Wirsen states that
the deportations were nothing but a cover for their extermination:
"Officially, these had the goal to move the entire Armenian population
to the steppe regions of Northern
Mesopotamia and Syria, but in
reality they aimed to exterminate [utrota] the Armenians, whereby the
pure Turkish element in
Asia Minor would achieve a dominating
position".:28 He concluded: "The annihilation of the Armenian
Asia Minor must revolt all human feelings ... The way
the Armenian problem was solved was hair-raising. I can still see in
front of me Talaat's cynical expression, when he emphasized that the
Armenian question was solved".:29
Norwegian missionary nurse Bodil Biørn was based in the town of
Mezereh (now Elazig) and later in Mush, where she worked for widows
and orphaned children in cooperation with other missionaries. She
witnessed the massacres in Mush and saw most of the children in her
care murdered, along with Armenian priests, teachers, and assistants.
She escaped after nine days on horseback, but stayed on in the region
for another two years under increasingly difficult working conditions.
After a period at home she again went to
Armenia and, until she
retired in 1935, worked for Armenian refugees in
Syria and Lebanon.
Bodil Biørn was also an able photographer. Many of her photos are now
in the National Archives of Norway. In combination with her comments,
written in her photo albums or on the back of the prints themselves,
these photos bear strong witness of the atrocities that she saw.
Maria Jacobsen wrote her experiences in a diary
entitled Diaries of a Danish Missionary: Harpoot, 1907–1919, which
according to genocide scholar Ara Sarafian, is a "documentation of the
utmost significance" for research of the Armenian Genocide.
Jacobsen would later be known for having saved thousands of Armenians
through various relief efforts in the aftermath of the Armenian
Genocide . She wrote: "It is quite obvious that the purpose
of their departure is the extermination of the Armenian
people." Another Danish missionary, Aage Meyer Benedictsen,
wrote in regards to the massacres that it was a "shattering crime,
probably the largest in the history of the world: The attempt, planned
and executed in cold blood, to murder a whole people, the Armenian,
during the World War." Johannes Østrup, a Danish philologist and
professor at the University of Copenhagen, met with several Young Turk
politicians and leaders prior to the start of World War I. In his
memoirs, Østrup recounts his meeting with Talat Pasha in the autumn
of 1910 in which he writes that Talat talked openly about his plans to
"exterminate" the Armenians.
Due to the period of weak central government and Tehran's inability to
protect its territorial integrity, no resistance was offered by the
mostly Islamic Persian troops when, after the withdrawal of Russian
troops from the extreme northwest of Persia, Islamic Turks invaded the
Salmas in northwestern Persia and tortured and massacred the
Christian Armenian inhabitants.
Mohammad-Ali Jamalzadeh, a prominent Persian writer in the 20th
century, studied in Europe where he joined a group of Iranian
nationalists in Berlin who were to eventually start a newspaper
(Rastakhiz) in Baghdad in 1915. After remaining in Baghdad, Jamalzadeh
went to Constantinople where he witnessed the deportations of
Armenians and encountered many corpses during his journey. He
wrote of his experiences and eyewitness accounts decades later in two
books entitled "Qatl-e Amm-e Armanian" (Persian: قتل عام
ارمنیان, literally; Armenian massacres) and "Qatl o
ḡārat-e Arāmaneh dar Torkiya" (On the massacres of
Ottoman Turkey) which were published in 1972 and 1963
Studies on the Genocide
Genocide is widely corroborated by international genocide
scholars. The International Association of
Genocide Scholars (IAGS),
consisting of the world's foremost experts on genocide,
unanimously passed a formal resolution affirming the factuality of the
Armenian Genocide. According to IAGS, "Every book on comparative
genocide studies in the English language contains a segment on the
Armenian Genocide. Leading texts in the international law of genocide
such as William Schabas's
Genocide in International Law cite the
Genocide as precursor to the Holocaust and as a precedent for
the law on crimes against humanity. Polish jurist Raphael Lemkin, when
he coined the term genocide in 1943, cited the Turkish extermination
Armenians and the Nazi extermination of the Jews as defining
examples of what he meant by genocide. The
Armenians is genocide as defined by the 1948 United
Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of
Genocide. 126 leading scholars of the holocaust including Elie Wiesel,
Yehuda Bauer placed a statement in
The New York Times
The New York Times in June 2000
declaring the "incontestable fact of the Armenian genocide" and urging
western democracies to acknowledge it. "The Institute on the Holocaust
Genocide (Jerusalem), and the Institute for the Study of Genocide
(NYC), have affirmed the historical fact of the Armenian
Historian Stefan Ihrig observes that the Armenian
Genocide was part of
the prehistory of the Holocaust and that, merely ten years before
Hitler's rise to power, the German debate on genocide, begun in 1919,
concluded with justifications of genocide and calls for the expulsion
A segment of speech given by Hitler to
Wehrmacht commanders at his
Obersalzberg records him asking rhetorically "Who, after all, speaks
to-day of the annihilation of the Armenians?" Historian Margaret
L. Anderson surmises, "we have no reason to doubt the remark is
genuine, both attack and defense obscure an obvious reality" that the
Genocide has achieved "iconic status ... as the apex of
horrors imaginable in 1939", and that Hitler used it to persuade the
German military that committing genocide excited a great deal of
"talk", but no serious consequences for a nation that perpetrates
Further information: Genocide
Lemkin: the origin of the word "genocide", (CBS News)
Genocide happened before the coining of the term
genocide. English-language words and phrases used by contemporary
accounts to characterise the event include "massacres", "atrocities",
"annihilation", "holocaust", "the murder of a nation", "race
extermination" and "a crime against humanity". Raphael Lemkin
coined "genocide" in 1943, with the fate of the
Armenians in mind; he
later explained that: "it happened so many times ... It happened
to the Armenians, then after the
Armenians Hitler took action."
The survivors of the genocide used a number of Armenian terms to name
the event. Mouradian writes that Yeghern (Crime/Catastrophe), or
variants like Medz Yeghern (Great Crime) and Abrilian Yeghern (the
April Crime) were the terms most commonly used. The name Aghed,
usually translated as "Catastrophe", was, according to Beledian, the
term most often used in
Armenian literature to name the event.
After the coining of the term genocide, the portmanteau word
Armenocide was also used as a name for the Armenian Genocide.
Works that seek to deny the Armenian
Genocide often attach qualifying
words against the term genocide, such as "so-called", "alleged" or
"disputed," or characterise it as a "controversy", or dismiss it as
"Armenian allegations", "Armenian claims" or "Armenian lies", or
employ euphemisms to avoid the word genocide, such as calling it a
"tragedy for both sides", or "the events of 1915". American
President Barack Obama's use of the term Medz Yeghern when referring
to the Armenian
Genocide has been described "as a means of avoiding
the word genocide".
Several international organizations have conducted studies of the
atrocities, each in turn determining that the term "genocide" aptly
describes "the Ottoman massacre of
Armenians in 1915–16". Among
the organizations affirming this conclusion are the International
Center for Transitional Justice, the International Association of
Genocide Scholars, and the United Nations' Sub-Commission on
Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities.
In 2005, the International Association of
Genocide Scholars affirmed
that scholarly evidence revealed the "
Young Turk government of the
Ottoman Empire began a systematic genocide of its Armenian
citizens – an unarmed Christian minority population. More
than a million
Armenians were exterminated through direct killing,
starvation, torture, and forced death marches". The IAGS also
condemned Turkish attempts to deny the factual and moral reality of
the Armenian Genocide. In 2007, the
Elie Wiesel Foundation for
Humanity produced a letter signed by 53 Nobel Laureates
Genocide Scholars' conclusion that the 1915 killings
Armenians constituted genocide.
Audio recording of Section 3 of Martyred Armenia, by Fa'iz El-Ghusein
Bat Ye'or has suggested that "the genocide of the
Armenians was a
jihad". Ye'or holds jihad and what she calls "dhimmitude" to be
among the "principles and values" that led to the Armenian
Genocide. This perspective is challenged by Fà'iz el-Ghusein, a
Arab witness of the Armenian persecution, whose 1918 treatise
aimed "to refute beforehand inventions and slanders against the Faith
Islam and against Moslems generally ... [W]hat the Armenians
have suffered is to be attributed to the Committee of Union and
Progress ... [I]t has been due to their nationalist fanaticism
and their jealousy of the Armenians, and to these alone; the Faith of
Islam is guiltless of their deeds".:49 Arnold Toynbee writes that
Young Turks made Pan-
Turkish Nationalism work
together for their ends, but the development of their policy shows the
Islamic element receding and the Nationalist gaining ground".
Toynbee and various other sources report that many
spared death by marrying into Turkish families or converting to Islam.
Concerned that Westerners would come to regard the "extermination of
the Armenians" as "a black stain on the history of Islam, which the
ages will not efface", El-Ghusein also observes that many Armenian
converts were put to death.:39 In one instance, when an Islamic
leader appealed to spare Armenian converts to Islam, El-Ghusein quotes
a government official as responding that "politics have no religion",
before sending the converts to their deaths.:49
Recognition of the Genocide
Main article: Armenian
Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly Resolution, 24 April 1998
"Today we commemorate the anniversary of what has been called the
first genocide of the 20th century, and we salute the memory of the
Armenian victims of this crime against humanity".
States which have recognized the Armenian
Genocide as of 2017[update].
Genocide monument in Larnaca, Cyprus. Cyprus was among the
first countries to recognise the genocide.
As a response to continuing denial by the Turkish state, many
Armenian Diaspora communities have pushed for formal
recognition of the Armenian
Genocide from various governments around
the world. On 4 March 2010, a U.S. congressional panel narrowly voted
that the incident was indeed genocide; within minutes the Turkish
government issued a statement critical of "this resolution which
accuses the Turkish nation of a crime it has not committed". The
Armenian Assembly of America (AAA) and the Armenian National Committee
of America (ANCA) have as their main lobbying agenda to press Congress
and the President for an increase of economic aid for
Armenia and the
reduction of economic and military assistance for Turkey. The efforts
also include reaffirmation of a genocide by Ottoman
Twenty-nine countries and forty-eight U.S. states have adopted
resolutions acknowledging the Armenian
Genocide as a bona fide
historical event. As of 2017[update], Israel, the United Kingdom
and United States do not recognize what happened a century ago as a
genocide. Despite his previous public recognition and support of
genocide bills, as well as election campaign promises to formally
recognize the Armenian Genocide,
Barack Obama throughout his two
terms as U.S. President, abstained from using the term
"genocide". In his 24 April 2016 commemoration statements Obama
referred to the Armenian
Genocide by its Armenian synonym, Medz
Yeghern (spelled "Meds Yeghern" in the statements). Despite a
large number of direct descendants of the Armenian
Genocide living in
Jerusalem, specifically in the Armenian Quarter,
Israel still refuses
to recognize the genocide.
Pope Francis described it as the "First genocide of the XX century",
causing a diplomatic row with Turkey. The bishop of Rome defended his
pronouncement by saying it was his duty to honour the memory of the
innocent men, women and children who were "senselessly" murdered by
Ottoman Turks 100 years before he became Pontiff. He also called on
all heads of state and international organizations to recognize "the
truth of what transpired and oppose such crimes without ceding to
ambiguity or compromise." In a resolution, the European
Parliament commended the statement pronounced by the Pope and
Turkey to recognise the genocide and so pave the way for a
"genuine reconciliation between the Turkish and Armenian
Republic of Turkey
Republic of Turkey and the Genocide
See also: Armenian
According to Kemal Çiçek, the head of the Armenian Research Group at
the Turkish Historical Society, in
Turkey there is no official thesis
on the Armenian issue. The Republic of Turkey's formal stance is
that the deaths of
Armenians during the "relocation" or "deportation"
cannot aptly be deemed "genocide", a position that has been supported
with a plethora of diverging justifications: that the killings were
not deliberate or systematically orchestrated; that the killings were
Armenians posed a Russian-sympathizing threat
as a cultural group; that the
Armenians merely starved to death, or
any of various characterizations referring to marauding "Armenian
gangs". Some suggestions seek to invalidate the genocide on
semantic or anachronistic grounds (the word genocide was not coined
until 1943). Turkish
World War I
World War I casualty figures are often cited to
mitigate the effect of the number of Armenian dead.
Volkan Vural, retired ambassador of
Turkey to Germany and Spain, says
that the Turkish state should apologize for what happened to the
Armenians during the deportations of 1915 and what happened to the
Greeks during the
Istanbul Pogrom. He also states, "I think
that, the Armenian issue can be solved by politicians and not by
historians. I don't believe that historical facts about this issue is
not revealed. The historical facts are already known. The most
important point here is that how these facts will be interpreted and
will affect the future".
Turkish governmental sources have asserted that the historically
demonstrated "tolerance of the Turkish people" itself renders the
Genocide an impossibility. A
Der Spiegel article
addressed this modern Turkish conception of history thus:
"Would you admit to the crimes of your grandfathers, if these crimes
didn't really happen?" asked ambassador Öymen. But the problem lies
precisely in this question, says Hrant Dink, publisher and
editor-in-chief of the Istanbul-based Armenian weekly Agos. Turkey's
bureaucratic elite have never really shed themselves of the Ottoman
tradition—in the perpetrators, they see their fathers, whose honor
they seek to defend. This tradition instills a sense of identity in
Turkish nationalists—both from the left and the right, and it is
passed on from generation to generation through the school system.
This tradition also requires an antipole against which it could define
itself. Since the times of the Ottoman Empire, religious minorities
have been pushed into this role.
Turkey started an "initiative to resolve Armenian allegations
regarding 1915" by using archives in Turkey,
Armenia and other
countries. Armenian president
Robert Kocharian rejected this
offer by saying, "It is the responsibility of governments to develop
bilateral relations and we do not have the right to delegate that
responsibility to historians. That is why we have proposed and propose
again that, without pre-conditions, we establish normal relations
between our two countries". Additionally, Turkish foreign
minister of the time, Abdullah Gül, invited the United States and
other countries to contribute to such a commission by appointing
scholars to "investigate this tragedy and open ways for Turks and
Armenians to come together".
Turkish Prime Minister
Turkish Prime Minister
Recep Tayyip Erdoğan
Recep Tayyip Erdoğan issued a
circular that calls the government institutions to use the phrase
"Events of 1915" (in Turkish, 1915 Olayları) instead of the phrase
"so-called Armenian genocide" (in Turkish, sözde Ermeni
Efforts by the Turkish government and its agents to quash mention of
the genocide have resulted in numerous scholarly, diplomatic,
political and legal controversies.
Turkey recalled its ambassador to
France to protest the
Genocide monument erected in
Marseille "to the memory of the 1,500,000
Armenian victims of the genocide ordered by the Turkish rulers in
In 1973, the Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and
Protection of Minorities, a former UN body, mandated special
rapporteur Nicodème Ruhashyankiko to produce a report on the issue of
genocide. Early drafts of Ruhashyankiko's report referred to the World
War I era Ottoman massacre of
Armenians as genocide, but that
reference disappeared from his final report (1978) under pressure from
The Israeli Foreign Ministry attempted to prevent any mention of the
Genocide at an international conference on genocide held in
Tel Aviv in 1982. Several reports suggested that
Turkey had warned
Turkish Jews might face "reprisals" if the conference permitted
Armenian participation. This charge was "categorically denied" by
Turkey; the Israeli Foreign Ministry supported Turkey's
protestation that there had been no threats against Jews, suggesting
that its intervention in the genocide conference was based on
considerations "vital to the
In the same year, the
Institute of Turkish Studies in Washington, D.C.
(ITS) was established by a $3 million grant from the Turkish
Israel Charny identifies the ITS and some of its foremost
deniers of the Armenian Genocide, such as Stanford Shaw, Heath W.
Lowry, and Justin McCarthy, as the Turkish government's principal
agency in the United States for promoting research on
Turkey and the
Ottoman Empire, but also denial of the Armenian Genocide.
A 1989 United States Senate proposal to recognize the Armenian
Genocide stoked the ire of Turkey. The proposal occurred in the
context of the publication of "The Slaughterhouse Province", the
eyewitness report by Leslie Davis, American diplomat and consul in
Kharpert from 1914-1917, who reported that "thousands and thousands of
Armenians, mostly innocent and helpless women and children, were
butchered" in the last days of the Ottoman Empire.
Turkey responded by
United States Navy
United States Navy visits to
Turkey and suspending some
United States military training facilities on Turkish territory. The
American scholar who assembled the United States archive documents for
publication, Susan K. Blair, went into hiding after a series of
anonymous threats. In 2007, a similar resolution passed the House
Foreign Affairs committee by a 27-21 vote, but Turkish lobbying
prevented it from reaching the House floor.
In 1990, psychologist
Robert Jay Lifton
Robert Jay Lifton received a letter from the
Turkish Ambassador to the United States, Nuzhet Kandemir, questioning
his inclusion of references to the Armenian
Genocide in one of his
books. The ambassador inadvertently included a draft of the letter,
written by scholar Heath W. Lowry, advising the ambassador on how to
prevent mention of the Armenian
Genocide in scholarly works. In
1996, Lowry was named to a chair at
Princeton University that had been
financed by the Turkish government, sparking a debate on ethics in
In 1993, Ragıp Zarakolu, a Turkish human rights activist, published
the Turkish translation of Yves Ternon's Armenians, History of a
Genocide. The book was the first to be published in
Turkey that openly
acknowledged the events of 1915 as genocide. Soon after its
publication, Zarakolu received threats and in 1994 his publishing
house was the target of a bomb attack.
Hrant Dink advocated Turkish–Armenian
reconciliation and human and minority rights in
Turkey and was
critical of Turkey's denial of the Armenian Genocide. He was
prosecuted three times for denigrating Turkishness while receiving
numerous death threats from Turkish nationalists. He was ultimately
assassinated in 2007.
Prosecutors acting on their own initiative have used Article 301 of
the Turkish Penal Code prohibiting "insulting Turkishness" to silence
a number of prominent Turkish intellectuals who spoke of atrocities
Armenians in the last days of the
Ottoman Empire (most of
these cases have been dismissed). During a February 2005
interview with Das Magazin, novelist
Orhan Pamuk made statements
Turkey in massacres against
Armenians and persecution of
the Kurds, declaring: "Thirty thousand
Kurds and a million Armenians
were killed in these lands and nobody but me dares to talk about it".
Subjected to a hate campaign, he left Turkey, before returning in 2005
to defend his right to freedom of speech: "What happened to the
Armenians in 1915 was a major thing that was hidden from the
Turkish nation; it was a taboo. But we have to be able to talk about
the past". Lawyers of two Turkish ultranationalist professional
associations led by
Kemal Kerinçsiz then brought criminal charges
against Pamuk. However, on 23 January 2006 the charges of
"insulting Turkishness" were dropped (for reasons not necessarily tied
to the case), a move welcomed by the EU.
These prosecutions have often been accompanied by hate campaigns and
threats, as was the case for Hrant Dink, who was prosecuted three
times for "insulting Turkishness", and murdered in 2007. Later,
photographs of the assassin being honored as a hero while in police
custody, posing in front of the
Turkish flag with grinning
policemen, gave the academic community still more cause for pause
with regard to engaging the Armenian issue. Kerinçsiz, the
leading lawyer behind the prosecutions, has been accused of plotting
to overthrow the government as a member of the alleged Ergenekon
After a meeting with then UK Prime Minister Gordon Brown in 2010,
Turkey's prime minister announced that the Turkish government might
order the expulsion of all illegal Armenian immigrants from Turkey.
The statement came after recent US House Committee and Swedish
Parliament resolutions over the Armenian
Genocide affirmation. He
repeated the statement in a BBC interview immediately afterwards,
declaring that there were 100,000 illegal Armenian citizens living in
Turkey and that: "If necessary, I may have to tell these 100,000 to go
back to their country because they are not my citizens. I don't have
to keep them in my country." Armenian Prime Minister Tigran
Sargsyan responded to Erdoğan's statement by saying that this kind of
Armenians of the Armenian
Genocide and that it did not
contribute to improve relations between the two countries. The
exact number of illegal
Turkey is estimated to be only
12,000–13,000, contrary to the figure used by Erdoğan.
The Republic of
Armenia and the Genocide
Nagorno-Karabakh War and Sumgait pogrom
Genocide Remembrance Day is a national holiday in
Armenia has been involved in a protracted ethnic-territorial conflict
with Azerbaijan, a Turkic state, since
Azerbaijan became independent
Soviet Union in 1991. The conflict has featured several
pogroms, massacres, and waves of ethnic cleansing, by both sides. Some
foreign policy observers and historians have suggested that Armenia
Armenian diaspora have sought to portray the modern conflict
as a continuation of the Armenian Genocide, in order to influence
modern policy-making in the region.:232–3 According to
Thomas Ambrosio, the Armenian
Genocide furnishes "a reserve of public
sympathy and moral legitimacy that translates into significant
political influence ... to elicit congressional support for
The rhetoric leading up to the onset of the conflict, which unfolded
in the context of several pogroms against Armenians, was dominated by
references to the Armenian Genocide, including fears that it would be,
or was in the course of being, repeated. During the conflict, the
Azeri and Armenian governments regularly accused each other of
genocidal intent, although these claims have been treated skeptically
by outside observers.:232–33
The worldwide recognition of the
Genocide is a core aspect of
Armenia's foreign policy.
Varagavank monastery in Van (1913), burned and destroyed by the
Turkish army in May 1915.
See also: Armenian cultural heritage in Turkey
The premeditated destruction of objects of Armenian cultural,
religious, historical and communal heritage was yet another key
purpose of both the genocide itself and the post-genocidal campaign of
denial. Armenian churches and monasteries were destroyed or changed
into mosques, Armenian cemeteries flattened, and, in several cities
(e.g., Van), Armenian quarters were demolished.
Aside from the deaths,
Armenians lost their wealth and property
without compensation. Businesses and farms were lost, and all
schools, churches, hospitals, orphanages, monasteries, and graveyards
became Turkish state property. In January 1916, the Ottoman
Minister of Commerce and Agriculture issued a decree ordering all
financial institutions operating within the empire's borders to turn
over Armenian assets to the government. It is recorded that as
much as six million Turkish gold pounds were seized along with real
property, cash, bank deposits, and jewelry. The assets were then
funneled to European banks, including Deutsche and Dresdner
After the end of World War I,
Genocide survivors tried to return and
reclaim their former homes and assets, but were driven out by the
In 1914, the Armenian Patriarch in Constantinople presented a list of
the Armenian holy sites under his supervision. The list contained
2,549 religious places of which 200 were monasteries while 1,600 were
churches. In 1974 UNESCO stated that after 1923, out of 913 Armenian
historical monuments left in Eastern Turkey, 464 have vanished
completely, 252 are in ruins, and 197 are in need of repair (in stable
Reparations to the victims
Main article: Armenian
Reparations on the grounds of international law
According to the President of IAGS, Henry Theriault, while current
members of Turkish society cannot be blamed morally for the
destruction of Armenians, present-day Republic of Turkey, as successor
state to the
Ottoman Empire and as beneficiary of the wealth and land
expropriations brought forth through the genocide, is responsible for
reparations. In 2007, The Armenian
Genocide Reparations Study
Group (AGRSG) was formed with Theriault as chair, along with several
other genocide scholars. In March 2015, the group released a final
report entitled Resolution with Justice — Reparations for the
Armenian Genocide. The report described the legal, historical,
political, and ethical aspects of Armenian
Genocide reparations and
proposed a comprehensive reparations package for the
The historian Alfred de Zayas has stated that, because of the
continuing character of the crime of genocide in factual and legal
terms, the remedy of restitution has not been foreclosed. Thus the
survivors of the genocide against the Armenians, both individually and
collectively, have standing to advance a claim for restitution.
Whenever possible complete restitution or restoration to the previous
condition should be granted. Where it is not possible, relevant
compensation may be substituted as a remedy. De Zayas also states that
genocides are considered delicta juris gentium crimes in addition to
them being a crime against humanity. Therefore, statutes of limitation
do not apply, and the Turkish state is still criminally liable for the
genocide and is legally obligated to provide reparations for the
Another historian, Vahagn Avedian, has argued that, although the UN
Genocide Convention was not in force until 1951, the treaties in force
at the time of the genocide pertaining to the protection of civilian
population, such as the
Martens Clause of Hague Conventions of 1899
and 1907, mean that the actions of the Turkish governments (the
Ottoman, the insurgent nationalist movement as well as the succeeding
republic), should be viewed from the perspective of Internationally
Wrongful Acts. Avedian wrote that:
the Republic not only failed to stop doing the wrongful acts of its
predecessor, but it also continued the very internationally wrongful
acts committed by the
Young Turk government. Thus, the insurgent
National Movement, which later became the Republic, made itself
responsible for not only its own wrongful acts, but also those of its
predecessor, including the act of genocide committed in
Although there are different opinions on the legitimacy of the Treaty
of Sèvres and its relativity to reparation claims, there are
specialists who argue that some of its elements retain the force of
law.[need quotation to verify] In particular, the fixing of the
proper borders of an Armenian state was undertaken pursuant to the
treaty and determined by a binding arbitral award, regardless of
whether the treaty was ultimately ratified. The committee process
determining the arbitral award was agreed to by the parties and,
according to international law, the resulting determination has legal
force regardless of the ultimate fate of the treaty.
In July 2004, after the
California State Legislature
California State Legislature passed the
Genocide Insurance Act, descendants of Armenian Genocide
victims settled a case for about 2,400 life insurance policies from
New York Life
New York Life written on
Armenians living in the Ottoman Empire.
Around 1918, the Turkish government attempted to recover payments for
the people it had killed, with the argument that there were no
identifiable heirs to the policy holders. The settlement provided $20
million, of which $11 million was for heirs of the Genocide
Genocide Memorial on the hill of Tsitsernakaberd
See also: List of Armenian
Genocide memorials and List of visitors to
Over 135 memorials, spread across 25 countries, commemorate the
In 1965, the 50th anniversary of the genocide, a 24-hour mass protest
was initiated in
Yerevan demanding recognition of the Armenian
Genocide by Soviet authorities. A memorial was completed two years
Tsitsernakaberd above the
Hrazdan gorge in Yerevan. The
memorial contains a 44 metres (144 ft) stele which symbolizes the
national rebirth of Armenians. Twelve slabs are positioned in a
circle, representing 12 lost provinces in present-day Turkey. At
the center of the circle there is an eternal flame. Each 24 April,
hundreds of thousands of people walk to the monument, which is the
official memorial of the genocide, and lay flowers around the eternal
flame. The Armenian
Genocide Museum-Institute, situated in
Tsitsernakaberd, presents a rich collection of books and archival
materials (photographs, documents, demographic tables, documentaries)
about the history of the Armenian Genocide; it is also a research
institute and a library. The museum holds a permanent, online and
temporary exhibitions, which give a detailed and documented
description of that period and of the atrocities. Visits to the
museum are a part of the protocol of the Republic of Armenia. Many
foreign dignitaries have already visited the Museum, including Pope
John Paul II, Pope Francis, President of the Russian Federation
Vladimir Putin, Presidents of
France Jacques Chirac, Francois Hollande
and other well-known public and political figures. The museum is open
to the public for guided tours in Armenian, Russian, English, French,
Portrayal in the media
Main article: Armenian
Genocide in culture
"Ravished Armenia" (also called "Auction of Souls")
The first artwork known to have been influenced by the Armenian
Genocide was a medal struck in St. Petersburg while the massacres and
deportations of 1915 were at their height. It was issued as a token of
Russian sympathy for Armenian suffering. Since then, dozens of similar
medals have been commissioned in various countries.
Numerous eyewitness accounts of the atrocities were published, notably
those of Swedish missionary
Alma Johansson and U.S. Ambassador Henry
Morgenthau, Sr. German medic
Armin Wegner wrote several books about
the atrocities he witnessed while stationed in the Ottoman Empire.
Years later, having returned to Germany, Wegner was imprisoned for
opposing Nazism, and his books were burnt by the Nazis.
Probably the best known literary work on the Armenian
Franz Werfel's 1933 The Forty Days of Musa Dagh. This book was a
bestseller that became particularly popular among the youth in the
Jewish ghettos during the Nazi era.:302–4
Kurt Vonnegut's 1988 novel Bluebeard features the Armenian
an underlying theme. Other novels incorporating the Armenian
Genocide include Louis de Berniéres' Birds without Wings, Edgar
Hilsenrath's German-language The Story of the Last Thought, and Polish
Stefan Żeromski's 1925 The Spring to Come. A story in Edward
Saint-Ivan's 2006 anthology "The Black Knight's God" includes a
fictional survivor of the Armenian Genocide.
The first feature film about the Armenian Genocide, a Hollywood
production titled Ravished Armenia, was released in 1919. It was
produced by the
American Committee for Armenian and Syrian Relief
American Committee for Armenian and Syrian Relief and
based on the account of survivor Aurora Mardiganian, who played
herself. It resonated with acclaimed director Atom Egoyan, influencing
his 2002 Ararat. Several movies are based on the Armenian Genocide
including the 2014 drama film The Cut, 1915 The Movie, and
The Promise. There are also references to the
Genocide in Elia
America, America and Henri Verneuil's Mayrig. At the Berlin
International Film Festival of 2007 Italian directors Paolo and
Vittorio Taviani presented another film about the atrocities, based on
Antonia Arslan's book,
La Masseria Delle Allodole
La Masseria Delle Allodole (The Farm of the
The paintings of Armenian-American Arshile Gorky, a seminal figure of
Abstract Expressionism, are considered to have been influenced by the
suffering and loss of the period. In 1915, at age 10, Gorky fled
his native Van and escaped to Russian-
Armenia with his mother and
three sisters, only to have his mother die of starvation in
1919. His two The Artist and His Mother paintings are based on a
photograph with his mother taken in Van.
Arshile Gorky's The Artist and His Mother (ca. 1926–36)
Several musicians have dedicated songs to the Armenian Genocide. In
1975, famous French-Armenian singer
Charles Aznavour recorded the song
"Ils sont tombés" ("They Fell"), dedicated to the memory of Armenian
Genocide victims. The American band System of a Down, composed of
four descendants of Armenian
Genocide survivors, has promoted
awareness of the Armenian
Genocide through its lyrics, including
P.L.U.C.K. and in concerts. On 23 April 2015, the band performed
a free concert in the Republic Square,
Yerevan to commemorate the
100th anniversary of the genocide. In late 2003, Diamanda Galás
released the album Defixiones, Will and Testament: Orders from the
Dead, an 80-minute memorial tribute to the Armenian, Assyrian and
Greek victims of the genocide in Turkey. "The performance is an angry
meditation on genocide and the politically cooperative denial of it,
in particular the Turkish and American denial of the Armenian,
Assyrian, and Anatolian Greek genocides from 1914 to 1923". In
2008, Armenian-American composer
Andrey Kasparov premiered
Tsitsernakabert, an original work for modern dance and six musicians:
alto flute, bass/ contrabass flute, violin, two percussionists, and
mezzo-soprano. The work opens with eight dancers posed in a
circle—inclined toward the circle's centre—in a tableau
reminiscent of the eponymous memorial.
100th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide
Aghet – Ein Völkermord, German documentary film on the Armenian
Anti-Oriental Orthodox sentiment
Armenian Orphan Rug
Effects of genocide on youth
Great Famine of Mount Lebanon
Historiography of the fall of the Ottoman Empire
Press coverage during the Armenian Genocide
Racism in Turkey
Rape during the Armenian Genocide
Witnesses and testimonies of the Armenian Genocide
^ The Armenian
Genocide is generally associated with 1915, the year
that most of the atrocities took place. The span varies from source to
source: 1915–1916, 1915–1917, 1915–1918, 1915–1923,
1894–1915, 1894–1923
^ a b 1.5 million is the most published number, however, estimates
vary from 800,000 to 1,800,000
^ Հայոց ցեղասպանութիւն in classical Armenian
^ The great powers at the
Congress of Berlin
Congress of Berlin were Russia, Great
Britain, France, Austria-Hungary, Italy and Germany
^ a b Schaller, Dominik J; Zimmerer, Jürgen (2008). "Late Ottoman
genocides: the dissolution of the
Ottoman Empire and Young Turkish
population and extermination policies – introduction". Journal
Genocide Research. 10 (1): 7–14.
^ a b Jones, Adam (2010). Genocide: A Comprehensive Introduction.
Taylor & Francis. pp. 171–72. ISBN 978-0-203-84696-4.
A resolution was placed before the IAGS membership to recognize the
Greek and Assyrian/Chaldean components of the Ottoman genocide against
Christians, alongside the Armenian strand of the genocide (which the
IAGS has already formally acknowledged). The result, passed
emphatically in December 2007 despite not inconsiderable opposition,
was a resolution which I co-drafted, reading as follows: ...
^ For example:
Derderian, K. (1 March 2005). "Common Fate, Different Experience:
Gender-Specific Aspects of the Armenian Genocide, 1915-1917".
Genocide Studies. 19 (1): 1–25.
doi:10.1093/hgs/dci001. ISSN 8756-6583. the figure of 1.5 million
people is generally accepted as a reasonable estimate
Tsitsernakaberd Memorial Complex". Armenian Genocide
Museum-Institute. Retrieved 17 June 2016.
Kifner, John (7 December 2007). "Armenian
Genocide of 1915: An
Overview". The New York Times.
^ Göçek, Fatma Müge (2015). Denial of violence : Ottoman past,
Turkish present and collective violence against the Armenians,
1789–2009. Oxford University Press. p. 1.
^ Auron, Yair (2000). The banality of indifference: Zionism & the
Armenian genocide. Transaction. p. 44.
^ Forsythe, David P. (11 August 2009). Encyclopedia of human rights
(Google Books). Oxford University Press. p. 98.
^ Chalk, Frank Robert; Jonassohn, Kurt (10 September 1990). The
history and sociology of genocide: analyses and case studies. Institut
montréalais des études sur le génocide. Yale University Press.
pp. 270–. ISBN 978-0-300-04446-1.
^ Hovannisian, Richard G. (1998). "Modern Turkish Identity and the
Armenian Genocide: From Prejudice to Racist Nationalism". Remembrance
and Denial: The Case of the Armenian Genocide. Wayne State University
Press. pp. 23–50. ISBN 081432777X.
^ Fisk, Robert (14 October 2006). "Let me denounce genocide from the
dock". The Independent. Archived from the original on 24 January 2014.
Retrieved 31 August 2016.
^ "8 facts about the Armenian genocide 100 years ago". CNN.com.
Retrieved 13 December 2015.
^ "100 Years Ago, 1.5 Million
Armenians Were Systematically Killed.
Today, It's Still Not A 'Genocide'". The Huffington Post. Retrieved 13
^ Kieser, Hans-Lukas; Schaller, Dominik J. (2002), Der Völkermord an
den Armeniern und die Shoah [The Armenian genocide and the Shoah] (in
German), Chronos, p. 114, ISBN 3-0340-0561-X
Walker, Christopher J. (1980), Armenia: The Survival of A Nation,
London: Croom Helm, pp. 200–03
Bryce, Viscount James; Toynbee, Arnold (2000), Sarafian, Ara, ed., The
Armenians in the Ottoman Empire, 1915–1916: Documents
Presented to Viscount Grey of Falloden (uncensored ed.), Princeton,
NJ: Gomidas, pp. 635–649, ISBN 0-9535191-5-5
^ "The Many Armenian Diasporas, Then and Now". GeoCurrents. Retrieved
13 December 2015.
^ Totally Unofficial: The Autobiography of Raphael Lemkin. New Haven
and London: Yale University Press. 2013. pp. 19–20.
Genocide (1915–16): Overview, United States Holocaust
^ a b "Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly Resolution". Armenian
National Institute. Retrieved 17 June 2016.
^ a b Ferguson, Niall (2006). The War of the World: Twentieth-Century
Conflict and the Descent of the West. New York: Penguin Press.
p. 177. ISBN 1-59420-100-5.
^ "A Letter from The International Association of
Genocide Watch. 13 June 2005.
^ a b Rummel, RJ (1 April 1998), "
The Holocaust in Comparative and
Historical Perspective", The Journal of Social Issues, 3 (2)
^ "For Turkey, denying an Armenian genocide is a question of
identity". america.aljazeera.com. Retrieved 13 December 2015.
^ Renwick Monroe, Kristen (2012). Ethics in an Age of Terror and
Genocide: Identity and Moral Choice.
Princeton University Press.
p. 13. ISBN 0-691-15143-1. Retrieved 17 June 2016.
Loytomaki, Stiina (2014). Law and the Politics of Memory: Confronting
the Past. Routledge. p. 31. ISBN 978-1-136-00736-1. To date,
more than 20 countries in the world have officially recognized the
events as genocide and most historians and genocide scholars accept
^ Frey, Rebecca Joyce (2009).
Genocide and International Justice.
Infobase Publishing. p. 83. ISBN 978-0-8160-7310-8.
Retrieved 15 April 2016.
^ Herzig, Edmund; Kurkchiyan, Marina (2004). The Armenians: Past and
Present in the Making of National Identity. Routledge. p. 47.
Khachaturian, Lisa (2011). Cultivating Nationhood in Imperial Russia:
The Periodical Press and the Formation of a Modern Armenian Identity.
Transaction Publishers. p. 1. ISBN 978-1-4128-1372-3.
^ Adalian, Rouben Paul (2010). Historical Dictionary of
ed.). Scarecrow Press. p. 337. ISBN 978-0-8108-7450-3.
^ Barsoumian, Hagop (1982), "The Dual Role of the Armenian Amira Class
within the Ottoman Government and the Armenian Millet (1750–1850)",
in Braude, Benjamin; Lewis, Bernard, Christians and Jews in the
Ottoman Empire: The Functioning of a Plural Society, I, New York:
Holmes & Meier
^ a b Barsoumian, Hagop (1997), "The Eastern Question and the Tanzimat
Era", in Hovannisian, Richard G, The Armenian People From Ancient to
Modern Times, II: Foreign Dominion to Statehood: The Fifteenth Century
to the Twentieth Century, New York: St. Martin's, pp. 175–201,
^ (in Armenian) Hambaryan, Azat S. (1981). "Հայաստանի
սոցիալ-տնտեսական և քաղաքական
դրությունը 1870–1900 թթ." [Armenia's social-economic and
political situation, 1870–1900] in Հայ Ժողովրդի
Պատմություն [History of the Armenian People], ed. Tsatur
Aghayan et al. Yerevan: Armenian Academy of Sciences, vol. 6, p. 22.
^ a b Gábor Ágoston; Bruce Alan Masters (21 May 2010). Encyclopedia
of the Ottoman Empire. Infobase Publishing. p. 185.
^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o Balakian, Peter (2003). The Burning
Tigris: The Armenian
Genocide and America's Response. New York:
HarperCollins. ISBN 0-06-019840-0.
^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q Akçam, Taner (2006). A Shameful
Act: The Armenian
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New York: Metropolitan Books. ISBN 0-8050-7932-7.
^ a b c d e f g h i j Dadrian, Vahakn N (1995). The History of the
Armenian Genocide: Ethnic Conflict from the
Anatolia to the
Caucasus. Oxford: Berghahn Books. ISBN 1-57181-666-6.
^ Suny, Ronald Grigor (1993). Looking toward Ararat
Armenia in modern
history. Bloomington: Indiana university press. p. 101.
^ "Article 16", Treaty of San Stefano, As the evacuation of the
Russian troops of the territory they occupy in Armenia ... might
give rise to conflicts and complications detrimental to the
maintenance of good relations between the two countries, the Sublime
Porte engaged to carry into effect, without further delay, the
improvements and reforms demanded by local requirements in the
provinces inhabited by
Armenians and to guarantee their security from
Kurds and Circassians.
^ Elik, Suleyman (2013). Iran-
Turkey Relations, 1979-2011:
Conceptualising the Dynamics of Politics, Religion and Security in
Middle-Power States. Routledge. p. 12.
^ Nalbandian, Louise (1963), The Armenian Revolutionary Movement: The
Development of Armenian Political Parties through the Nineteenth
Century, Berkeley: University of California Press,
Libaridian, Gerard (2011). "What was Revolutionary about Armenian
Revolutionary Parties in the Ottoman Empire?". In Suny, Ronald; et al.
A Question of Genocide:
Armenians and Turks at the End of the Ottoman
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^ "The Graphic". 7 December 1895. p. 35. Retrieved 5 February
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^ "Armenian Genocide". history.com. History.
The German Foreign Ministry operative, Ernst Jackh, estimated that
Armenians were killed and a further 50,000 expelled from the
provinces during the Hamidian unrest. French diplomats placed the
figures at 250,000 killed. The German pastor
Johannes Lepsius was more
meticulous in his calculations, counting the deaths of
Armenians and the destruction of 2,500 villages,
645 churches and monasteries, and the plundering of hundreds of
churches, of which 328 were converted into mosques.
Young Turk Revolution". matrix.msu.edu. Archived from the original
on 22 December 2015. Retrieved 13 December 2015.
^ "Details of Slaughter Received". New York Times. 5 May 1909.
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Genocide in the
Ottoman Empire: Armenians, Assyrians, and Greeks, 1913-1923. Berghahn
Books. p. 121. ISBN 9781785334337.
^ "30,000 Killed in massacres; Conservative estimate of victims of
Turkish fanaticism in
Adana Vilayet". The New York Times. 25 April
^ Walker, Christopher J. "
World War I
World War I and the Armenian Genocide". The
Armenian People from Ancient to Modern Times. II. p. 244.
^ "La Turchia in guerra " in "Pro Familia", Milanօ, 17 Geniano, 1915
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Jihad made in Germany, Ottoman and German Propaganda and
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Vahakn Dadrian, The History of the Armenian Genocide. Ethnic Conflict
Anatolia to eh Caucasus, Berghahn Books, Oxford,
1995, pp. 3-6
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Else": A History of the Armenian Genocide.
Princeton University Press.
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atrocities, the murder of a nation. University of California
Libraries. London, New York [etc.] : Hodder & Stoughton.
^ a b c d e f Morgenthau, Henry (2010) [First published 1918].
Ambassador Morgenthau's Story: A Personal Account of the Armenian
Genocide. Cosimo, Inc. ISBN 978-1-61640-396-6. Retrieved 15 April
^ Hinterhoff, Eugene. Persia: The Stepping Stone To India. Marshall
Cavendish Illustrated Encyclopedia of World War I. iv.
^ Ugur Ungor; Mehmet Polatel (9 June 2011). Confiscation and
Young Turk Seizure of Armenian Property. Bloomsbury
Publishing. p. 65. ISBN 978-1-4411-1020-6. ...were rounded
up and deported to the interior where most were murdered.
^ Heather Rae (15 August 2002). State Identities and the
Homogenisation of Peoples. Cambridge University Press. p. 160.
ISBN 978-0-521-79708-5. on the night of 23–24 April 1915 with
the arrest of hundreds of intellectuals and leaders of the Armenian
community in [...] They were deported to
Anatolia where they were put
^ Steven L. Jacobs (2009). Confronting Genocide: Judaism,
Christianity, Islam. Lexington Books. p. 130.
ISBN 978-0-7391-3589-1. On 24 April 1915 the Ministry of the
Interior ordered the arrest of Armenian parliamentary deputies, former
ministers, and some intellectuals. Thousands were arrested, including
2,345 in the capital, most of whom were subsequently executed
^ Alan Whitehorn (26 May 2015). The Armenian Genocide: The Essential
Reference Guide. ABC-CLIO. p. 139. ISBN 978-1-61069-688-3.
That particular date was chosen because on April 24, 1915, the Ottoman
Young Turk government began deporting hundreds of Armenian leaders and
intellectuals from Constantinople (Istanbul); most were later murdered
^ Emmanuel Sampath Nelson (2005). The Greenwood Encyclopedia of
Multiethnic American Literature: A - C. Greenwood Publishing Group.
p. 205. ISBN 978-0-313-33060-5. On the night of April 24,
1915, the brightest representatives of the Armenian intellectual elite
of Constantinople, including writers, musicians, politicians, and
scientists were arrested and brutally massacred.
^ Motta, Giuseppe (2014). Less Than Nations: Volume 1 and 2 :
Central-Eastern European minorities after WWI. Newcastle upon Tyne:
Cambridge Scholars Publishing. pp. 11–2.
^ "MILLION ARMENIANS KILLED OR IN EXILE; American Committee on Relief
Says Victims of Turks Are Steadily Increasing. POLICY OF EXTERMINATION
More Atrocities Detailed in Support of Charge That
Turkey Is Acting
Deliberately". The New York Times. 15 December 1915.
ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 31 January 2018.
^ a b c d e f g Fisk, Robert (2005). The Great War for Civilisation:
The Conquest of the Middle East. New York: Alfred A Knopf.
^ a b c Fromkin, David (1989). A Peace to End All Peace: The Fall of
Ottoman Empire and the Creation of the Modern Middle East. New
York: Avon Books. ISBN 0-8050-6884-8.
^ Theodore Roosevelt, Letters and Speeches, New York: Library of
America, 2004, p. 736. See Rosen, Ruth. "The hidden holocaust". San
Francisco Chronicle. 15 December 2003.
^ Kabacali, Alpay (1994). Talat Paşa'nın hatıraları [Talaat
Pasha's memoirs] (in Turksih). İletişim Yayınları.
ISBN 9789754700459. CS1 maint: Unrecognized language (link)
^ "Ermeni Meselesi" (PDF) (in Turkish). Hist.net. 11 March 2001.
^ Akçam, Taner (2004). From empire to republic: Turkish nationalism
and the Armenian genocide. Zed Books. p. 174.
^ Arango, Tim (22 April 2017). "'Sherlock Holmes of Armenian Genocide'
Uncovers Lost Evidence". The New York Times. United States. Retrieved
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2017. Retrieved 24 April 2017.
Mandell, Ariane (23 April 2017). "Lost Evidence of Armenian Genocide
Jerusalem Archive". The
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^ US Library of Congress, George Grantham Bain Collection Photo ID
Aleppo - Armenian woman kneeling beside dead
child in field "within sight of help and safety at Aleppo"
^ a b "Exiled
Armenians starve in the desert; Turks drive them like
slaves, American committee hears ;- Treatment raises death rate".
The New York Times. 8 August 1916. Archived from the original on 2
^ Danieli, Yael (1998). International Handbook of Multigenerational
Legacies of Trauma. Springer Science & Business Media. p. 23.
ISBN 9780306457388. [Victims] were often held without food for
days so they would be too weak to escape
^ a b Bartrop, Paul R.; Jacobs, Steven Leonard. Modern Genocide: The
Definitive Resource and Document Collection. ABC-CLIO. p. 64.
^ Horvitz, Leslie Alan; Catherwood, Christopher (2014). Encyclopedia
of War Crimes and Genocide. Infobase Publishing. p. 26.
Primary source: "
Armenians are sent to perish in desert; Turks accused
of plan to exterminate whole population; people of Karahissar
massacred". The New York Times. 18 August 1915.
^ "Génocide arménien: le scénario". l'Histoire (in French). 1 April
^ Von Joeden-Forgey, Elisa (2010). "Gender and Genocide". In Donald
Bloxham, A. Dirk Moses. The Oxford Handbook of
Oxford University Press. p. 72.
^ Akçam, Taner (2012). The Young Turks' Crime against Humanity: The
Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing in the Ottoman Empire.
Princeton University Press. pp. 312–15.
^ Gust, Wolfgang (2013). The Armenian Genocide: Evidence from the
German Foreign Office Archives, 1915–1916. Berghahn Books.
pp. 26–27. ISBN 978-1-78238-143-3.
^ "L'extermination des déportés Arméniens ottomans dans les camps
de concentration de Syrie-Mésopotamie (1915–1916)".
imprescriptible.fr (in French). Retrieved 17 June 2016.
^ Kotek, Joël; Rigoulot, Pierre (2000). Le siècle des camps (in
French). JC Lattès. ISBN 2-7096-4155-0.
^ Kaiser, Hilmar (2010). "18.
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Empire". In Donald Bloxham. The Oxford Handbook of
A. Dirk Moses. OUP Oxford. p. 35. ISBN 978-0-19-161361-6.
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^ Gust, Wolfgang (2013). The Armenian Genocide: Evidence from the
German Foreign Office Archives, 1915–191. Berghahn Books.
pp. 653–54. ISBN 978-1-78238-143-3.
^ "Fact sheet: The Plan for the Armenian Genocide". Knights of Vartan
Armenian Research Center, The University of Michigan-Dearborn.
Archived from the original on 21 August 2014.
^ Dadrian, Vahakn (November 1991). "The Documentation of the World War
I Armenian Massacres in the Proceedings of the Turkish Military
Tribunal". International Journal of Middle East Studies. 23 (4):
549–76 (560). doi:10.1017/S0020743800023412.
^ Kevorkian, Raymond (2011). The Armenian Genocide: A Complete
History. I.B.Tauris. p. 432. ISBN 0857730207.
^ Rummel, Rudolf J.
Genocide never again (book 5) (PDF). Llumina
Press. ISBN 1-59526-075-7. Retrieved 17 June 2016.
^ Guenter Lewy (Fall 2005). "Revisiting the Armenian Genocide". Middle
^ a b Auron, Yair (2000). "The Banality of Indifference: Zionism and
the Armenian Genocide". New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction
British Foreign Office
British Foreign Office 371/2781/264888, Appendices B., p. 6.
^ Takvimi Vekayi, No. 3540, 5 May 1919.
^ McClure, Samuel S. Obstacles to Peace. Boston, New York: Houghton
Mifflin Company, 1917, pp. 400–01.
^ a b Viscount Bryce (1916). "The Treatment of
Armenians in the
Ottoman Empire 1915–16: Documents presented to Viscount Grey of
Falloden, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs". New York and
London: GP Putnam's Sons, for His Majesty's Stationery Office.
"Death toll of the Armenian Massacres". Encyclopædia
^ a b c Charny,
Israel W.; Tutu, Desmond; Wiesenthal, Simon (2000).
Encyclopedia of genocide (Repr ed.). Oxford: ABC-Clio. p. 95.
^ Kiernan, Ben (2007). Blood and Soil: A World History of
Extermination from Sparta to Darfur. Yale University Press.
pp. 411–2. ISBN 0300100981.
^ Winter, Jay (2004). America and the Armenian
Genocide of 1915.
Cambridge University Press. p. 81.
^ "Turks Slay 14,000 In One Massacre". Toronto Globe. 26 August 1915.
^ 1945-, Shirinian, Lorne, (1999). Quest for closure : the
Armenian genocide and the search for justice in Canada. Kingston,
Ont.: Blue Heron Press. p. 63. ISBN 0920266169.
^ Takvimi Vekdyi, No. 3616, 6 August 1919, p. 2.
^ Akçam 2012, p. 312.
^ a b c Vahakn N. Dadrian, The Role of Turkish Physicians in the World
Genocide of Ottoman
The Holocaust and Genocide
Studies 1, no. 2 (1986), pp. 169–92. (via HeinOnline)
^ Dadrian, Vahakn N. "The Turkish Military Tribunal's Prosecution of
the Authors of the Armenian Genocide: Four Major Court-Martial
Series". Holocaust and
Genocide Studies, 11(1), 1997, pp. 28–59.
Genocide Study Project, HF Guggenheim Foundation, in
The Holocaust and
Genocide Studies, Volume 11, Number 1, Spring 1997.
^ Baron, Jeremy Hugh. "Genocidal Doctors". Journal of the Royal
Society of Medicine. November 1999, 92, pp. 590–93.
^ Bayur, Yusuf Hikmet, Türk İnkılabı Tarihi. Ankara: Türk Tarih
Kurumu Basımevi, 1983, vol. 3, pt. 3, as cited in Dadrian, History of
the Armenian Genocide, pp. 223–24.
^ Üngör & Polatel 2011, p. 74.
^ a b Avedian, Vahagn (August 2012). "State Identity, Continuity, and
Responsibility: The Ottoman Empire, the
Republic of Turkey
Republic of Turkey and the
Armenian Genocide" (PDF). European Journal of International Law.
United Kingdom: Oxford University Press. 23 (3): 797–820.
doi:10.1093/ejil/chs056. ISSN 0938-5428.
^ Baghdjian, Kevork K. (2010). A.B. Gureghian, ed. The Confiscation of
Armenian properties by the Turkish Government Said to be Abandoned.
Printing House of the Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia. p. 275.
^ Turabian, Hagop (1962). L'Arménie et le peuple arménien (PDF) (in
French). Paris, France: Katcherian. pp. 265–7.
^ Marashlian, Levon (1999). Richard G. Hovannisian, ed. Finishing the
Armenian Genocide: Cleansing
Turkey of Armenian survivors. Wayne State
University Press. p. 118. ISBN 978-0-8143-2777-7.
^ Winter, Jay, ed. (2003). America and the Armenian genocide of 1915.
New York: Cambridge University Press. p. 18.
^ Üngör & Polatel 2011, p. 59.
^ Üngör & Polatel 2011, p. 80.
^ Ungor, U. U. (2008). Seeing like a nation-state:
Young Turk social
engineering in Eastern Turkey, 1913–50. Journal of Genocide
Research, 10(1), 15–39.
^ Akçam, Taner (1996). Armenien und der Völkermord: Die Istanbuler
Prozesse und die Türkische Nationalbewegung (in German). Hamburg:
Hamburger Edition. p. 185.
^ Bedrosyan, Raffi (7 January 2016). "The Implications of Turkey's
Renewed War on the Kurds". Armenian Weekly.
^ Gunnar Heinsohn: Lexikon der Völkermorde. Reinbek 1998. Rowohlt
Verlag. p. 80 (German)
Recognizing the 81st Anniversary of the Armenian Genocide. United
States Government Printing Office. Retrieved 21 January 2013
Genocide Survivors Remember. Queens Gazette. Retrieved 21
^ Libaridian, Gerald J. (2007). Modern
Armenia people, nation, state.
New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers. pp. 134–35.
^ Public Record Office, Foreign Office, 371/4174/136069 in Dadrian
1995, p. 342
^ Grothusen, Klaus Detlev (1985). Türkei. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck
& Ruprecht. p. 35. ISBN 3525362048.
^ a b Bonello 2008.
^ Yarwood, Lisa (2011). "Armenian Massacre 1915". State accountability
under international law : holding states accountable for a breach
of "jus cogens" norms. Abingdon: Routledge.
^ Turkey's EU Minister, Judge
Giovanni Bonello And the Armenian
Genocide - 'Claim about Malta Trials is nonsense'. The Malta
Independent. 19 April 2012. Retrieved 10 August 2013
^ Lemkin, Raphael (April 1946). "Genocide". American Scholar. 15 (2):
227–30. Retrieved 20 April 2015.
^ a b c Bloxham, Donald (2005). "The Great Game of Genocide:
Imperialism, Nationalism, and the Destruction of the Ottoman
Armenians". Oxford: Oxford University Press.
^ Robert Marrus, Michael (2002). The Unwanted: European Refugees from
the First World War Through the Cold War. Temple University Press.
pp. 83–84. ISBN 1-4399-0551-7.
^ Morgenthau, Henry (2003). Balakian, Peter, ed. Ambassador
Morgenthau's story. Detroit, Mich.: Wayne State Univ. Press.
p. xxxi. ISBN 0814329799.
^ Oren, Michael B (2007). Power, Faith and Fantasy: America in the
Middle East 1776 to the Present. New York: WW Norton & Co.
Goldberg, Andrew. The Armenian Genocide. Two Cats Productions, 2006
^ Suzanne E. Moranian. "The Armenian
Genocide and American Missionary
Relief Efforts", in America and the Armenian
Genocide of 1915. Jay
Winter (ed.) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004.
^ John G. Heidenrich (2001). How to prevent genocide: a guide for
policymakers, scholars, and the concerned citizen. Greenwood
Publishing Group. p. 5. ISBN 978-0-275-96987-5.
^ "French in
Armenia 'genocide' row". BBC News. 12 October 2006.
Archived from the original on 7 April 2008.
^ Woods, Allan (6 May 2006). "
Turkey protests Harper's marking of
genocide". Ottawa Citizen. Archived from the original on 13 March
^ Melson, Robert (1996). Revolution and genocide: on the origins of
the Armenian genocide and the Holocaust (1st pbk. ed.). Chicago:
University of Chicago Press. p. 147.
^ Sarafian, Ara (13 March 2009). "Talaat Pasha's Black
his campaign of race extermination, 1915–17" (PDF). Armenian Cause
Foundation. The Armenian Reporter.
^ Tavernise, Sabrina "Nearly a Million
Genocide Victims, Covered in a
Cloak of Amnesia". The New York Times, 8 March 2009.
^ "94th Anniversary of the Armenian
Genocide at the desert of Der
Zor". Armenian Orthodox Church (official website). 17 April
^ El-Ghusein, Fà'iz (1917). Martyred Armenia. p. 7.
^ Levene, Mark (2013). The crisis of genocide. the European rimlands,
1912-1938 (First ed.). OUP Oxford. pp. 125–6.
Whitehorn, Alan (2015). The Armenian Genocide: The Essential Reference
Guide. ABC-CLIO. p. 78. ISBN 1610696883.
^ Fisk, Robert (2005), The Great War for Civilisation: The Conquest of
the Middle East, New York: Alfred A Knopf, ISBN 1-84115-007-X.
^ a b
Christopher J. Walker (1980). Armenia, the Survival of a Nation.
St. Martin's Press. ISBN 978-0-312-04944-7.
Akçam, Taner (2007). A Shameful Act: The Armenian
Genocide and the
Question of Turkish Responsibility.
^ These are according to the figures provided by Alexander Miasnikian,
the President of the Council of People's Commissars of Soviet Armenia,
in a telegram he sent to the Soviet Foreign Minister Georgy Chicherin
in 1921. Miasnikyan's figures were broken down as follows: of the
Armenians who were killed by the Turkish armies,
30,000 were men, 15,000 women, 5,000 children, and 10,000 young girls.
Of the 38,000 who were wounded, 20,000 were men, 10,000 women, 5,000
young girls, and 3,000 children. Instances of mass rape, murder and
violence were also reported against the Armenian populace of Kars and
Alexandropol: See Vahakn Dadrian. (2003). The History of the Armenian
Genocide: Ethnic Conflict from the
Anatolia to the
Caucasus. New York: Berghahn Books, pp. 360–61.
^ Original memo: "The Ambassador in
France (Sharp) to the Secretary of
Schabas, William A. (2000).
Genocide in international law : the
crimes of crimes (1 ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press.
pp. 15–16. ISBN 0521787904.
Crimes Against Humanity, 23 British Yearbook of International Law
(1946) p. 181
^ a b Horton, George (2008) . The Blight of Asia, An Account of
the Systematic Extermination of Christian Populations by Mohammedans
and of the Culpability of Certain Great Powers; with the True Story of
the Burning of Smyrna. London: Gomidas Institute (Sterndale Classics).
ISBN 978-1-903656-79-2. Foreword by
James W. Gerard
James W. Gerard (1926)
with a new introduction by James L. Marketos (2003 or 2008).
^ Winter, Jay, ed. (2003). America and the Armenian genocide of 1915.
New York: Cambridge University Press. p. 183.
^ D., Peterson, Merrill (2004). "Starving Armenians" : America
and the Armenian Genocide, 1915-1930 and after. Charlottesville:
University of Virginia Press. ISBN 9780813922676.
^ James L. Barton, Turkish Atrocities: Statements of American
Missionaries on the Destruction of Christian Communities in Ottoman
Turkey, 1915–1917. Gomidas Institute, 1998, ISBN 1-884630-04-9.
^ The Treatment of
Armenians in the Ottoman Empire, 1915–1916:
Documents Presented to Viscount Grey of Falloden by Viscount James
Bryce and Arnold Toynbee, Uncensored Edition.
Ara Sarafian (ed.)
Princeton, New Jersey: Gomidas Institute, 2000.
^ Auswärtiges Amt, West German Foreign Office Archives, K170, no.
4674, folio 63, in Balakian, The Burning Tigris, p. 186.
^ a b Dadrian, Vahakn N.; Akçam, Taner (2011). Judgment at Istanbul
the Armenian genocide trials (English ed.). New York: Berghahn Books.
p. 28. ISBN 0-85745-286-X.
^ Ambrosio, Thomas (2002). Ethnic identity groups and U.S. foreign
policy. Westport (Conn.): Praeger. pp. 155–6.
Israel (1994). The Widening Circle of Genocide. W. W.
Norton & Company. p. 107. ISBN 1-4128-3965-3.
^ Ye'or, Bat (1985). The Dhimmi: Jews and Christians Under Islam.
Fairleigh Dickinson University Press. p. 95.
^ a b c d Dabag, Mihran (2007). "The Decisive Generation:
Self-authorization and delegations in deciding a genocide". In
Kinloch, Graham C. Genocide : Approaches, Case Studies, And
Responses. New York: Algora Pub. pp. 113–135.
ISBN 0875863817. OCLC 437191890.
Robert Fisk (21 October 2012). "Photograph links Germans to 1915
Armenia genocide". London: The Independent.
Armin T. Wegner
Armin T. Wegner e gli Armeni in Anatolia, 1915: Immagini e
Armin T. Wegner
Armin T. Wegner and the
Armenians in Anatolia,
1915 : images and testimonies, Milan, Guerini, 1996. See also
Wegner. "Photo collection". Armenian Genocide.
^ Nazer, James (1968). The first genocide of the 20th century: the
story of the Armenian massacres in text and pictures. T & T
Publishing, inc. p. 123.
^ "Wegner Biographie" (in German). DE.
^ Der Mugrdechian, Barlow (May 2000). ""Destination Nowhere" Premieres
in Fresno". Hye Sharzhoom. Archived from the original on 20 September
^ a b c Dadrian, Vahakn N. (1991). Documentation of the Armenian
Genocide in Turkish Sources. Institute on the Holocaust and
^ Akçam, Taner (2004). From empire to republic: Turkish nationalism
and the Armenian genocide. Zed Books. p. 158.
^ Karakachian, Vahakn (2 April 2015). "Interview With Ara Sarafian,
Director of the Gomidas Institute". Horizon Weekly.
^ Ahmet Refik (transcribed by Hamide Koyukan), Kafkas Yolunda İki
Komite İki Kıtal, Ankara, Kebikeç Yayınları, 1994,
ISBN 975-7981-00-1, p. 27.
^ Insel, Ahmet (February 2009). "'This Conduct Was a Crime Against
Humanity': An Evaluation of the Initiative to Apologize to the
Armenians". Birikim. Retrieved 10 June 2017.
"Eye Witnesses Tell The Story". Greek America. Cosmos Communications
Group. 4 (1–7): 36. 1998.
^ a b Najmuddin; Najmuddin, Dilshad; Shahzad (2006). Armenia: A Resume
with Notes on Seth's
Armenians in India. Trafford Publishing.
^ Fisk, Robert (2008). The age of the warrior selected essays. New
York: Nation Books. p. 57. ISBN 0-7867-3180-X.
Rettman, Andrew (22 December 2011). "Franco-Turkish relations hit new
low on genocide bill". EUobserver.
Jerjian, George (2003). The truth will set us free:
Turks reconciled. GJ Communication. p. 46.
^ "Allies Reject Turkey's Plea". The New York Times. 26 June
^ "Turkish Statesman Denounces Atrocities: Cherif Pasha Says Young
Turks Long Planned to Exterminate the Armenians" (PDF). The New York
Times. 10 October 1915. Retrieved 15 April 2016. II-19:3,4 [dead
^ "Türk Schindler'i: Vali Celal Bey". NTVMSNBC (in Turkish). 4 August
^ a b Akçam 2012, p. 425.
^ a b c Derogy, Jacques (1990). Resistance and Revenge: The Armenian
Assassination of the Turkish Leaders Responsible for the 1915
Massacres and Deportations. Transaction Publishers. p. 32.
^ "Halep Valisi Celal'in Anılar", Vakit, 12 December 1918, Turkish
text: Nehirde su yerine kan akıyor ve binlerce masum çocuk,
kabahatsız ihtiyar, aciz kadınlar, kuvvetli gençler bu kan
cereyanı içinde ademe doğru akıp gidiyorlardı.
^ Bedrosyan, Raffi (29 July 2013). "The Real Turkish Heroes of 1915".
The Armenian Weekly.
^ Hull, Isabel V. (2013). Absolute Destruction: Military Culture and
the Practices of War in Imperial Germany. Cornell University Press.
p. 273. ISBN 0-8014-6708-X.
^ Kévorkian, Raymond H. (2010). The Armenian genocide : a
complete history (Reprinted. ed.). London: I. B. Tauris. p. 417.
^ Kieser, Hans-Lukas (2006).
Turkey Beyond Nationalism Towards
Post-Nationalist Identities. London:
I.B. Tauris & Co.
p. 119. ISBN 978-0-85771-757-3.
^ Akçam, Taner (2004). From empire to republic : Turkish
nationalism and the Armenian genocide (2. impr. ed.). New York: Zed
Books. p. 200. ISBN 1-84277-526-X.
^ Babikian, Aris (3 June 1998). "Wall of silence built around Armenian
genocide". The Ottawa Citizen. p. A14.
Babikian, Aris (16 January 2001). "Clear evidence of Turkish
responsibility for Armenian genocide". The Daily Telegraph. London
(UK). p. 27.
^ "Kemal Promises More Hangings of Political Antagonists in Turkey".
Los Angeles Examiner. 1 August 1926. Archived from the original on 11
^ Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi Gizli Celse Zabıtları, Vol. I,
Ankara, Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, 1985, p. 177,
Turkish text: Tehcir meselesi, biliyorsunuz ki dünyayı velveleye
veren ve hepimizi katil telâkki ettiren bir vaka idi. Bu yapılmazdan
evvel âlem-i nasraniyetin bunu hazmetmeyeceği ve bunun için bütün
gayz ve kinini bize tevcih edeceklerini biliyorduk. Neden katillik
ünvanını nefsimize izafe ettik? Neden o kadar azim, müşkül bir
dava içine girdik? Sırf canımızdan daha aziz ve daha mukaddes
bildiğimiz vatanımızın istikbalini taht-ı emniyete almak için
Special Cable to
The New York Times
The New York Times (23 February 1915). "Massacre By
Armenians Led Out into the Streets and Shot
or Drowned – Old Friends Not Spared". Select.nytimes.com.
New York Times
New York Times Dispatch. Russians Slaughter Turkish IIIrd Army: Give
No Quarter to Men Held Responsible for the Massacre of Armenians. The
New York Times, 6 March 1916.
^ a b c d e Avedian, Vahagn (21 May 2008). "The Armenian Genocide
1915: From a Neutral Small State's Perspective: Sweden" (PDF). Uppsala
University. Retrieved 17 June 2016.
^ "Armenia". Norwegian State Archive. Retrieved 17 June 2016.
^ a b "Danish Photo Exhibit Documents Armenian Life In Ottoman Harpoot
and Mezreh; Diaries of
Maria Jacobsen to Be Issued". Armenian
Reporter. 34 (2): 22. 13 October 2001. ISSN 1074-1453.
^ a b Naguib, edited by Nefissa; Okkenhaug, Inger Marie (2008).
Interpreting welfare and relief in the Middle East ([Online-Ausg.].
ed.). Leiden: Brill. ISBN 90-04-16436-7. CS1 maint: Extra
text: authors list (link)
^ Sarafian (2001). Jacobsen, Maria, ed. Diaries of a Danish
missionary : Harpoot, 1907–1919. introd. by Ara. Transl. by
Kirsten Vind. Princeton, NJ [u.a.]: Gomidas Inst.
^ Bjørnlund, Matthias (2008). "Karen Jeppe, Aage Meyer Benedictsen,
and the Ottoman Armenians: National survival in imperial and colonial
settings". Haigazian Armenological Review. 28: 9–43.
^ Bjørnlund, Matthias (Fall 2006). "'When the Cannons Talk, the
Diplomats Must be Silent' – A Danish diplomat in Constantinople
during the Armenian genocide".
Genocide Studies and Prevention. 1 (2):
^ Østrup, Johannes (1938). Erindringer (in Danish). H. Hirsch-sprungs
forlag. p. 118.
Jihad Rampant in Persia by Rev. Robert M. Labree-reporting from
Tabriz, Persia". Cilicia.com. July 1915. Retrieved 17 June 2016.
^ a b "Jamalzadeh, Mohammad-Ali". Encyclopædia Iranica. Retrieved 17
^ "International Association of
Genocide Scholars Officially
Recognizes Ottoman Genocides Against the Armenians, Assyrians, and
Hellenics". 11 March 2008.
^ Yair Auron. The Banality of Denial:
Israel and the Armenian
Genocide. Transaction Publishers, 2004. p. 9: "...when Raphael Lemkin
coined the word genocide in 1944 he cited the 1915 annihilation of
Armenians as a seminal example of genocide"
^ William Schabas.
Genocide in international law: the crimes of
crimes. Cambridge University Press, 2000. p. 25: "Lemkin's interest in
the subject dates to his days as a student at Lvov University, when he
intently followed attempts to prosecute the perpetration of the
massacres of the Armenians"
^ Dirk Moses, A. (2004).
Genocide and Settler Society: Frontier
Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian History.
Berghahn Books. p. 21. ISBN 978-1-57181-410-4. Retrieved 15
April 2016. Indignant that the perpetrators of the Armenian genocide
had largely escaped prosecution, Lemkin, who was a young state
prosecutor in Poland, began lobbying in the early 1930s for
international law to criminalize the destruction of such groups.
^ "Coining a Word and Championing a Cause: The Story of Raphael
United States Holocaust Memorial Museum
United States Holocaust Memorial Museum (USHMM), Holocaust
Encyclopedia. Archived from the original on 15 June 2010. Lemkin's
memoirs detail early exposure to the history of Ottoman attacks
Armenians (which most scholars believe constitute genocide),
antisemitic pogroms, and other histories of group-targeted violence as
key to forming his beliefs about the need for legal protection of
Jewish World Watch. The Armenian genocide
(1915–1923) was the first of the 20th century to capture world-wide
attention; in fact,
Raphael Lemkin coined his term "genocide" in
reference to the mass murder of ethnic
Armenians by the Young Turk
government of the Ottoman Empire.
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Hamidian massacres (1894–96)
Ottoman Bank (1896)
Young Turk Revolution
Young Turk Revolution (1908)
Congress at Erzurum
Foreign aid and relief
Near East Foundation
National Armenian Relief Committee
Committee of Union and Progress
"I Apologize" campaign
Witnesses and testimonies
Contemporaneous press coverage
Prominent visitors to Tsitsernakaberd
Genocide Memorial bombings
Assassination of Hrant Dink
Kingdom of Urartu
Satrapy of Armenia
Kingdom of Armenia
Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia
1508–1828 Persian Armenia
Treaty of Turkmenchay
First Republic of Armenia
Armenian national liberation movement
Rivers and lakes
Shikahogh State Reserve
National Security Service
President of the National Assembly
more on government
Armex (stock exchange)
Armenian Apostolic Church
Armenian Catholic Church
Armenian Evangelical Church
Armenian Brotherhood Church
Armenian eternity sign
Coat of arms
World War I
Sinai and Palestine
Asian and Pacific
German New Guinea and Samoa
North Atlantic U-boat campaign
Indian, Pacific and South Atlantic Oceans
Más a Tierra
Scramble for Africa
Scramble for Africa (1880–1914)
Russo-Japanese War (1905)
First Moroccan (Tangier) Crisis (1905–06)
Agadir Crisis (1911)
Italo-Turkish War (1911–12)
French conquest of Morocco
French conquest of Morocco (1911–12)
First Balkan War
First Balkan War (1912–13)
Second Balkan War
Second Balkan War (1913)
Anti-Serb riots in Sarajevo
Battle of the Frontiers
Battle of Cer
First Battle of the Marne
Siege of Tsingtao
Battle of Tannenberg
Battle of Galicia
Battle of the Masurian Lakes
Battle of Kolubara
Battle of Sarikamish
Race to the Sea
First Battle of Ypres
Second Battle of the Masurian Lakes
Second Battle of Ypres
Battle of Gallipoli
Second Battle of Artois
Battles of the Isonzo
Second Battle of Champagne
Siege of Kut
Battle of Loos
Battle of Verdun
Lake Naroch Offensive
Battle of Asiago
Battle of Jutland
Battle of the Somme
Battle of Romani
Battle of Transylvania
Capture of Baghdad
First Battle of Gaza
Second Battle of Arras
Second Battle of the Aisne
Third Battle of Ypres (Passchendaele)
Battle of Mărășești
Battle of Caporetto
Southern Palestine Offensive
Battle of Cambrai
Armistice of Erzincan
Treaty of Brest-Litovsk
Second Battle of the Marne
Battle of Baku
Hundred Days Offensive
Battle of Megiddo
Third Transjordan attack
Battle of Vittorio Veneto
Battle of Aleppo
Armistice of Salonica
Armistice of Mudros
Armistice of Villa Giusti
Armistice with Germany
Mexican Revolution (1910–20)
Somaliland Campaign (1910–20)
Libyan resistance movement (1911–43)
Maritz Rebellion (1914–15)
Zaian War (1914–21)
Indo-German Conspiracy (1914–19)
Senussi Campaign (1915–16)
Volta-Bani War (1915–17)
Easter Rising (1916)
Anglo-Egyptian Darfur Expedition
Anglo-Egyptian Darfur Expedition (1916)
Kaocen Revolt (1916–17)
Central Asian Revolt (1916-17)
Russian Revolution (1917)
Finnish Civil War
Finnish Civil War (1918)
Russian Civil War
Russian Civil War (1917–21)
Ukrainian–Soviet War (1917–21)
Armenian–Azerbaijani War (1918–20)
Georgian–Armenian War (1918)
German Revolution (1918–19)
Revolutions and interventions in Hungary (1918–20)
Hungarian–Romanian War (1918–19)
Greater Poland Uprising (1918–19)
Estonian War of Independence
Estonian War of Independence (1918–20)
Latvian War of Independence
Latvian War of Independence (1918–20)
Lithuanian Wars of Independence
Lithuanian Wars of Independence (1918–20)
Third Anglo-Afghan War
Third Anglo-Afghan War (1919)
Egyptian Revolution (1919)
Polish–Ukrainian War (1918–19)
Polish–Soviet War (1919–21)
Irish War of Independence
Irish War of Independence (1919–21)
Turkish War of Independence
Greco-Turkish War (1919–22)
Turkish–Armenian War (1920)
Iraqi revolt (1920)
Polish–Lithuanian War (1920)
Vlora War (1920)
Franco-Syrian War (1920)
Soviet–Georgian War (1921)
Irish Civil War
Irish Civil War (1922–23)
Schlieffen Plan (German)
Plan XVII (French)
Last surviving veterans
1918 flu pandemic
Destruction of Kalisz
Rape of Belgium
German occupation of Belgium
German occupation of Luxembourg
German occupation of northeastern France
Pontic Greek genocide
Blockade of Germany
German prisoners of war in the United States
Partition of the Ottoman Empire
Agreement of Saint-Jean-de-Maurienne
Paris Peace Conference
Treaty of Brest-Litovsk
Treaty of Lausanne
Treaty of London
Treaty of Neuilly
Treaty of St. Germain
Treaty of Sèvres
Treaty of Trianon
Treaty of Versailles
League of Nations
World War I
World War I memorials
Sun Language Theory
Atatürk personality cult
Youth Union of Turkey
Turkish Revenge Brigade
Turkish Resistance Organisation
Young Turks (Ottoman Empire)
Committee of Union and Progress
Committee of Union and Progress (Ottoman Empire)
Republican People's Party (1923–1944)
Nation Party (1948)
Republican Villagers Nation Party
Nation Party (1962)
Nationalist Movement Party
Nation Party (1992)
Workers' Party (left-wing)
Great Union Party
People's Ascent Party
Nationalist and Conservative Party
Rights and Equality Party
Patriotic Party (left-wing)
Ötüken Union Party
Mehmet Emin Yurdakul
Zeki Velidi Togan
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
Gökçe Fırat Çulhaoğlu
1934 Thrace pogroms
Elza Niego affair
2005 exhibition assault
Assassination of Kemal Türkler
Assassination of Hrant Dink
Genocide Memorial Bombings
Murder of Sevag Balıkçı
Geographical name changes
Animal name changes
1934 Resettlement Law
The Twenty Classes
Citizen, speak Turkish!
Confiscation of Armenian property
Ne mutlu Türküm diyene
Sovereignty unconditionally belongs to the Nation
(list by death toll)
Dzungar Mongols (1750s)
Circassian genocide (1860s)
Herero and Namaqua (1904–1907)
The Holocaust (1941–1945)
East Timor (1974–1999)
Guatemalan Maya (1981–1983)
Kurds in Iraq (1986–1989)
Partition of India
Partition of India (1947)
Polish genocide(s) in the USSR
Great Purge Era (1937–1938
Occupation of Poland (1939–1945)
Katyn massacre (1940)
Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia (1943–1944)
Burundian genocides (1972 & 1993)
Selk'nam genocide (1890s–1900s)
Bosnian genocide (1992–1995)
Srebrenica massacre (1995)
ISIL Genocides (2014–)
Genocide of indigenous peoples
Effects on young survivors
Lothar von Trotha
Efraín Ríos Montt
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