Adrian IV

Pope Adrian IV ( la, Adrianus IV; born Nicholas Breakspear (or Brekespear); 1 September 1159, also Hadrian IV), was head of the Catholic Church and ruler of the Papal States from 4 December 1154 to his death in 1159. He is the only Englishman to have been pope.

Adrian was born in Hertfordshire, England, but little is known of his early life. Although he does not appear to have received a great degree of schooling, while still a youth he travelled to France where he was schooled in Arles, studying law. He then travelled to Avignon, in the south, where he joined . There he became a canon regular and was eventually appointed abbot. He travelled to Rome several times, where he appears to have caught the attention of Pope Eugene III, and was sent on a mission to Catalonia where the Reconquista was attempting to reclaim land from the Muslim Al-Andalus. Around this time his abbey complained to Eugene that Breakspear was too heavy a disciplinarian, and in order to make use of him as a papal legate as well as to pacify his monks, he was appointed Bishop of Albano some time around 1149.

As bishop, Breakspear was soon sent on another diplomatic mission, this time to Scandinavia. In the middle of a civil war, Breakspear reorganised the Church in Norway and then moved on to Sweden. Here, he was very much acclaimed by the people, and when he left, chroniclers called him a saint. Breakspear returned to Rome in 1154; Eugene's successor Pope Anastasius IV had died only a few weeks previously. For reasons now unknown, but possibly at his predecessor's request, Breakspear was elected next pope by the cardinals. He was unable to complete his coronation service, however, because of the parlous state of politics in Rome, which at the time was a den of 'heresy' and republicanism. Adrian decisively restored the papal authority there, but his other major policy issue—relations with the newly crowned Holy Roman Emperor, Frederick I—started off badly and got progressively worse. Each party, as a result of a particular aggravating incident, found something to condemn the other for. As a result, Adrian entered into an alliance with the Byzantine emperor, Manuel I Komnenos who was keen to re-assert his authority in the south of Italy, but was unable to do so due to the Norman kings' occupation of the region, now under William I of Sicily.

Adrian's alliance with the Byzantine emperor came to nothing, as William decisively defeated Manuel and forced Adrian to come to terms at the Treaty of Benevento. This alienated Emperor Frederick even more, as he saw it as a repudiation of their existing treaty. Relations soured further when Frederick laid claim to a large swathe of territory in northern Italy. Adrian's relations with his country of birth, however, seem to have remained generally good. Certainly, he showered St Albans Abbey with privileges, and he appears to have forwarded King Henry II's policies where he could. Most famously, in 1158 Adrian is supposed to have granted Henry the papal bull ''Laudabiliter'', which is thought to have authorised Henry to invade Ireland. Henry did not do so, however, for another 14 years, and scholars are uncertain whether the bull ever existed.

Following Adrian's death at Anagni, there was uncertainty as to who to succeed him, with both pro- and anti-imperial cardinals voting for different candidates. Although Pope Alexander III officially took over, the subsequent election of an antipope led to a 22-year-long schism. Scholars have debated Adrian's pontificate widely. Much of a positive nature—his building programme and reorganisation of papal finances, for example—has been identified, particularly in the context of such a short reign. He was also up against powerful forces out of his control, which, while he never overcame them, he managed effectively.

Early life

The son of Richard Breakspear, his family was a relatively humble one. The exact year of his birth is unknown but he was probably around 55 years old on his election. Little is known of his background, and that which is, comments Brooke, "savour of gossip rather than sober history. He was probably born in or around the Hertfordshire town of St Albans. As a result, much of that that is thought to be known may well be mythological "tradition woven at the great abbey" there. It has been suggested that he was born in the hamlet of Bedmond in the parish of Abbots Langley. Much of what is known is brought to historians by the writings of Cardinal Boso and William of Newburgh, both of whom were, however, writing over 30 years after Breakspear's death. As a result, notes Poole, there is a dearth of information—and especially dates—for Breakspear's life until his election as pope, and "all that can be said is that the dates commonly given are in every instance wrong". The English chronicler Matthew Paris says he came from Abbots Langley, although Paris mistakenly ascribes to his father the name Robert de Camera. Robert may have been a clerk although Sayers suggests that Paris' claim that Robert was a priest is probably correct, as is the likelihood that he later became a monk. As such, there are grounds for believing Nicholas to have been illegitimate. Nicholas had a brother called either Ranulf or Randall, a clerk in Feering, Essex. Paris is also the source for Nicholas' surname being Breakspear.

Paris recounts a story that Nicholas was rejected by Abbot Robert de Gorron from taking his novitiate at the abbey, although as Poole points out, the story is demonstrably incorrect as Robert did not become abbot until 1151. Sayers, suggests that, true or not, during and after Breakspear's pontificate, "certainly St Albans fed upon the story of the local boy who had made good". William of Newburgh reports that Nicholas was too poor to receive anything more than a rudimentary education, and Brooke speculates that he travelled to France to learn the skills of a clerk. This was, he notes, a normal path to preferment in the 12th century, although it was more unusual for those that did so to have Breakspear's inauspicious background. He may have become a canon at the Augustinian priory in Merton, Surrey. Poole subscribes to this theory, citing a letter to Breakspear when pope in which he is reminded that "your worship was wont to speak" of Merton in conversation.

Move to France and promotion

The next point at which Breakspear can be positively identified is in the French town of Arles, where he continued his studies in canon law, and probably under the masters of Roman law also. On completion of his studies, he travelled south and became a canon regular at the priory of , Avignon. He was soon appointed prior and then abbot. While still a canon, in 1140 he appears to have written a charter in Barcelona. However, there appear to have been complaints that he was overly strict, and the monks rebelled. As a result, he was summoned to Rome; a temporary peace was established, but it was not long until the monks rebelled again. Breakspear may have visited Rome three times while at St Ruf—"each time with more conspicuous success"—and which would have consumed many months of his time.

Sayers suggests that it was while Breakspear was at St Ruf that he attracted the attention of Pope Eugenius III, who saw in him useful leadership qualities. It is known that in 1147, while Eugenius was in Vico he granted one "N. abbot of St Rufus". It was probably in 1148 that Breakspear met who would become his good friend, John of Salisbury, in Rheims, and soon after when Eugenius appointed him Cardinal-Bishop of Albano, making Adrian at the time only the second Englishman to have been promoted to that rank. in which capacity he attended the Council of Reims in November 1148. Poole suggests that Breakspear's promotion was Eugenius' method of alleviating the monks' complaints, as Eugenius told them to "go forth ndelect you a father with whom ye can or will live in peace; he reakspearshall no longer be a burthen to you". When Breakspear was later pope, however, he seemed to favour St Ruf well, for example authorising them to send a delegation to the chapter of Pisa Cathedral to cut stone and columns. The chapter was requested, says Egger, to "help them in every possible way to conduct their business".

Poole questions the reasoning for Breakspear's episcopal promotion. Not only was his abbey an obscure one, with little political value or great endowment, but Breakspear's reasons for attending the Papal court were unlikely to have enabled him to make a name for himself. Indeed, on at least one occasion it was in response to a summons concerning his behaviour. However, suggest Poole, a possible explanation may have its roots in Breakspear's residency at Merton. Duggan notes that the Cardinal Bishopric of Albino was part of the Pope's inner circle, which she suggests makes his rapid elevation to such a sensitive position all the more remarkable and indicative of the now-unrecognisable qualities that Eugenius saw in him.

Voyage to Catalonia

It was probably at the Council of Reims that Eugenius selected Breakspear for a mission to Catalonia, possibly as a kind of unofficial legate to the crusaders. Breakspear met Ramon Berenguer IV, Count of Barcelona who had been waging the latest campaign against the Moors since 1147. Although no records exist to show Breakspear was involved in the campaign itself, he was heavily involved in the reorganisation and administration of the Cistercian Order, as well as arbitrating disputes within its congregation. It is likely that he was present at the Siege of Lleida during the summer of 1149. He is less likely to have still been there in October, when it fell, as he had returned to Rome by December. However, he may well have brought news of another successful siege—that of Tortosa—which would have been particularly welcome to the "bruised and battered" papacy of Eugenius, says Damian Smith. Smith also notes that Breakspear's lengthy absence from St Ruf may have been a source of complaint by his monks, "but this was surely not of prime importance to the Pope". Egger suggests, however, that Breakspear's Catalonian mission was of great benefit to St Ruf, which became the blueprint for the religious houses created by Berenguer in the wake of the retreating Muslim empire.

Around mid-1152, he was despatched to Scandinavia as Papal legate.

Visit to Scandinavia, 1152

Former Canon residentiary of St Albans Abbey, Andes Bergquist has described Breakspear's journey to northern Europe as "one of the better documented" of his career. It is possible that Boso—from whom much of the information comes—was in his entourage, although this is not certain. On his arrival, Norway was in a state of civil war and the authority of the King, Inge I, was neither strong nor respected. Breakspear reconciled the warring factions—albeit temporarily—and restored the monarchy. although no official record of his instructions survives, Bergquist suggests that they can be inferred from his actions: to divide the existing Archbishopric of Lund—which covered both Norway and Sweden–into two distinct national metropolitans, to arrange payment of Peter's Pence and to generally reorganise the church along Italian and European lines.

Breakspear may have travelled to Norway via France and England—where, Sayers speculates, he could have recruited merchant contacts who knew the region. His mission may have been kept quiet, as Bergquist notes his arrival seems to have been unexpected: Archbishop Eskil of Lund had recently left to visit France, and the King of Norway was on a military campaign. His first stop was Norway. At some point, Breakspear presided over a council at Nidaros. This council, says Robinson, "strengthened the economic position of the church and the social status of the clergy". Its timing though is difficult to ascertain, says Bergquist: Autumn 1152 seems to allow too little time to organise such a major council following his arrival, yet much later and the depth of a Norwegian winter is even more unlikely.

The focal point of the cult of St Olaf, Nidaros had until that point been only an episcopate. Adrian's council was intended to promulgate canons. To this end Breakspear made Nidaros a geographically extensive ecclesiastical province, covering the whole of Norway, Iceland and Greenland, as well as the Faroe, Orkney and Shetland Islands. Breakspear also authorised the expansion of what was to become Europe's most northerly medieval cathedral, and its largest. While in Norway he founded three cathedral schools, at Nidaros in 1152 and two more at Bergen and Hamar the following year. His work in Norway earned him the praise of contemporary Icelandic writer and politician, Snorri Sturluson.

If the Council of Nidaros was held in the early months of 1153, suggests Bergquist, then it appears that Breakspear sailed to Sweden as soon as it was concluded. His activities in Sweden followed a similar course to those in Norway. He called another council, this time at Linköping, which reorganised the Swedish church under the Archbishop of Lund (it had previously been subject to German patriarchy). He also received permission from the Swedish monarchy to introduce Peter's pence and to reduce the influence of the lay community on the church generally. His visit to Sweden was recorded by contemporary chroniclers and published in the 13th century. Similarly to what he had done in Norway with Trondheim, Adrian attempted to create an archepiscopal see for Sweden. This was opposed by one of the three provinces, Gothland, and the venture came to nothing. According to Bergquist, Breakspear ""was taken aback by this unseemly conflict, and declared that neither people deserved this highest ecclesiastical honour". Indeed, he suggests that it is possible that Breakspear's plans fell through thanks to the machinations of the recently returned Archbishop Eskil. Eskil, having discovered that he had lost half his archepiscopate in his absence, may have stirred up the Swedes' and Goths' rivalries to ensure against losing any more. In the event, Breakspear appears to have repaired relations with Eskil, assuring him that Eskil would receive far more than he had lost. As a result, he placed Eskil in charge of the new Swedish metropolitan.

Duggan describes Adrian's legation in the north has a "diplomatic triumph", being so successful, says Sayers, "that he was later seen as the apostle of Scandinavia". Boso later lauded how Breakspear brought "peace to the kingdoms, law to the barbarians, tranquillity to the monasteries, order to the churches, discipline to the clergy and a people pleasing to God, devoted to good works". He successfully introduced a new Scandinavian tythe—the ''denarium sancti Petri'', or payment to St Peter—a financial acknowledgement by the Scandinavian church of Papal primacy. Breakspear, argues the scholar Andrew Beck, "gave the Swedish church its hierarchy and its attachment to Rome". He left Scandinavia in autumn 1154; he seems to have left a generally good impression in the region: A later saga refers to Breakspear as "the good cardinal...now considered a saint". On his return to Rome he found Pope Eugenius had died the previous year, and that his successor had followed him only a few weeks before; the College of Cardinals was seeking a successor.

Political background

Discussing the broader political context of the time, the historian Anne Duggan argues that "the Pope was not master of his own house". Likewise, Walter Ullmann has argued that the age was a radical one, in which the temporal power—specifically, the "educated lay element"—was encroaching upon traditional spiritual realms.

Eugenius had died in July 1153. His successor, Anastasius IV, had been already elderly when elected to succeed him, and only ruled for a year. Comparing the two, the popular historian John Julius Norwich comments that the former "was old and ineffectual, concerned chiefly with his own self-glorification"; Adrian, though, was "a man of very different calibre". Anastasius died on 3 December 1154, and by which time, Breakspear had returned to Rome. Even before the death of Eugenius, argues Barber, "a new and formidable figure had appeared" on the political scene. The Hohenstaufen Frederick Barbarossa had been elected Holy Roman Emperor on 4 March 1152. Barbarossa and Eugenius had contracted, at the Treaty of Constance, to unite against both William of Sicily and the Roman Commune.

Ullmann has identified four major areas of concern for Adrian at the beginning of his pontificate: the city of Rome under Arnold of Brescia, the new emperor who was marching towards Rome for his coronation, his counterpart in the east whose army had recently invaded southern Italy, and restlessness among the Pope's own vassals in his patrimony. By the time of Adrian's consecration, the city of Rome was a major player in Papal-Aristocratic regional politics. Under the governance of a republican commune since 1144, Pope Eugenius had recognised it the following year. While the city was usually happy to acknowledge the feudal lordship of the Pope, it was—even compared to other Italian city states—both "unusually self-aware, and also unusually idiosyncratic" compared to others. The commune was hostile to the Papacy.
The Papacy was weak in the city of Rome. The heretic, Arnold of Brescia, had ruled since 1146 and was popular. He also had the support of the Roman Commune. The popularity of Arnold directly translated into hostility towards the popes. Chichele Professor Chris Wickham describes the relationship between the Pope and the lords of his Patrimony as one in which, because "their lords did not by any means all look to Rome heyhad to be coaxed back or brought back by force". Papal politics was beset by problems at home and abroad. The election of Adrian IV as Pope, comments the papal scholar Ian S. Robinson—and, indeed, the elections of his immediate predecessors—"took place in the shadow of the communal revolution in Rome".

From Eugenius, Adrian inherited what Walter Ullmann has called a "mutual assistance pact" with the Emperor, the Treaty of Constance, signed the year of Eugenius' death. For the popes, its most important aspect was the stipulation that the crowning of the next emperor was contingent on expelling Arnold of Brescia from Rome. It also assured each party of the other's support against both King William in Sicily and the Byzantine Empire when necessary. The treaty was confirmed by Adrian in January 1155. Eugenius was a believer in the Gregorian doctrine of Papal supremacy, stating that Christ "gave to St Peter the keys of the kingdom of heaven, the power of both the earthly and the heavenly empire". From the beginning of his reign, Barbarossa sought to present himself as the heir to a long, established line of Roman Emperors, and likewise that his empire was a continuation of theirs. The historian Anne A. Latowsky explains how this was the cause of tension in the European polity:

Norwich argues that, by now, whatever the public statements of either Papal or Imperial party, they were mutually antagonistic, and had been for many years. Even before Adrian's pontificate, he says, no peace treaty was strong enough to unite them for long: "The days when it had been realistic to speak of the two swords of Christendom were gone—gone since Gregory VII and Henry IV had hurled depositions and anathemas at each other nearly a hundred years before". The situation, suggest Duggan, was "a minefield", for the Pope, and Adrian had to negotiate it.

It was the ambition of the Emperor of the Eastern Empire, Manuel I Kommenus, to reunite both Empires under one crown, and, as such, he wished to be crowned by the Pope in Rome, as Western emperors were. The death of Roger II presented Manuel with an opportunity he could not afford to let by, argues Professor Paul Magdalino. The Kingdom of Sicily had been recognised by Innocent II in 1143, notes the Italianist Graham Loud, but "relations with the Papacy remained fraught". The previous King of Sicily, Roger II, had ruled his kingdom with an iron fist, and his nobility chafed, particularly the large number he had effectively dispossessed. His son was less interested than his father in the minutiae of government, and when Roger died in 1154 they took advantage of the new king and rebelled. This was of interest to the Papacy as the rebels were willing to ally themselves with anyone for their purpose.

Election, 1154

It was Breakspear's being "in the right place at the right time", suggests the Papal librarian Bradford Lee Eden, that led to his election as pope on Saturday, 4 December 1154, although Duggan argues that he must also have had exceptional qualities, both to reach the rank he had and as seen in his Scandinavian trip—or as William of Newburgh later wrote, "raised as if from the dust to sit in the midst of princes. Events moved rapidly: the period was one of great crisis for the papacy. Adrian was enthroned on the 5th and crowned in St Peter's on the 6th. His election, said Boso, "happened—not without divine council—that they unanimously agreed" on Adrian. To date, Adrian has been the only English pope. He was one of the few popes of his era who did not need consecrating on his election, as he was already a bishop.

According to Boso, Breakspear had to be forced "against his will" into the Papal throne. He took the name Adrian IV, possibly in honour of Adrian I, who revered St Alban and first granted the abbey of that name its privileges. It was, suggests Julius Norwich, " wise choice, for energy and force were desperately needed". Although he had been elected unanimously from among the cardinals, the role of the Roman people was ignored. Thus relations between the Pope and his city were poor from the beginning, as were relations between Adrian and the King of Sicily, who controlled much of southern Italy. Relations with the commune were so bad that Adrian was forced to remain in the Leonine city and was thus unable to immediately complete the enthronement ceremony, as tradition dictated, by making his '' adventus'' into Rome itself. In the event, Adrian was required to remain there for the next four months. As a result, although he had been consecrated, he had not been crowned in the ceremony ''dies coronae'' at the Lateran which gave him not his title but gave him feudal title of the papal lands. It is probable that, due to problematic relations with the Romans, he did not receive his crown until the following Easter.

Neutralises Rome

Due to Arnold's presence in Rome, there were a number of acts of religious significance that it was impossible to perform, such as the ceremony of the '' sede stercoraria'', the physical claiming of the curule seats of Saints Peter and Paul. Soon after Adrian's election, a cardinal was badly beaten up by Roman republicans. Adrian was no more popular with the people or Commune of Rome than his immediate predecessors, so at Easter the next year he departed for Viterbo. His "primary task", argues Sayers, "was to control the Emperor" Frederick Barbarossa. Barbarossa had only recently been elected to the Imperial throne and for their own reasons, Pope and Emperor needed each other. Adrian needed Barbarossa's military support against William, (known as "The Bad") King of Sicily, who was threatening the Papal patrimony. For his part, the Emperor needed Adrian to perform the traditional imperial coronation service.

Adrian took a hardline against the Roman commune. He threatened to place the city under interdict for protecting Arnold, whom the hierarchy condemned as a heretic. This strategy successfully drove a wedge between the commune and Arnold, who was expelled. He followed through with this threat following the beating of one of his cardinals Norwich has called this "an act of breath-taking courage", considering that Adrian was a foreign Pope of only a few weeks' tenure, who "knew the city and its increasingly xenophobic inhabitants hardly at all and was able to rely on little or no popular support". on the Via Sacra. Rome was forced to submit to the Pope, and Arnold of Brescia was expelled. Although he had managed to restore Papal authority in the city, he was unable to eradicate the principle of republicanism, and the commune remained as the governing body.

Neutralises Arnold

Adrian angled for the support of the Emperor in capturing the heretic Arnold. Arnold was captured by Imperial troops in summer 1155. Arrested and tried in a Papal court for rebellion rather than heresy, he was hanged and his body burnt. Adrian claimed that Arnold's execution had been on the initiative of the prefect of Rome, but some contemporary observers, such as Gerhoh of Reichersberg, suspected Adrian of ordering the execution himself. The Emperor's willingness to assist the Pope in his own city, and help him crush his enemies, was an explicit recognition from Barbarossa of the Pope's possession of Rome. Papal relations with the lords of Campania were already tense, as they, in the Pope's view, were little more than robber barons, who both fought among each other and robbed pilgrims from the south on their way to Rome.

Imperial trouble at Sutri, late 1155

Barbarossa had received the Iron Crown of Lombardy—as King of Italy—in Pavia, but also wished to receive his Imperial Crown from the Pope. Adrian originally saw the Emperor as protector and defender of the church. Both parties, notes Ullmann, were unpopular in Rome:

To this end, Adrian and Barbarossa met at Sutri in early June 1155. This soon, says Sayers, "turned out to be a spectacular contest between the two to gain propagandist supremacy". Adrian, reports an Imperial chronicler, was there "with the entire Roman Church, met us joyfully, paternally offered us holy consecration and complained to us of the injuries he had suffered at the hands of the Roman populace". Barbarossa later recalled the ceremony in a letter to the Eastern Emperor in 1189:

Adrian may have been caught off-balance by the Emperor's swift entry into Italy and the speed with which he approached Rome. The dispute was sparked by Barbarossa's unwillingness to act as the Pope's strator; lead the Pope's horse by the bridle—or to assist Adrian in dismounting—as was traditionally expected. In response, the Pope refused the Emperor the kiss of peace; the Emperor was still willing to perform the duty of kissing Adrian's feet, though. These were minor affronts at best, says Barber, "but in an age so highly conscious of symbolic acts", took on a greater political import.

The confusion at Sutri may have been accidental, but Frederick also took offence at a mural in the Lateran of his predecessor Luthar which described the Emperor as a liegeman of the Pope. The painting was inscribed with the verse

The king comes before the gates, first swearing to
uphold the rights of the city.
Then he becomes the liegeman of the pope;
he accepts the crown, which the pope gives.
Indignant, Barbarossa made a "friendly reproach" to the Pope. In a letter to a German bishop, he explained, "it began with a picture. The picture became an inscription. The inscription seeks to become an authoritative utterance. We shall not endure it, we shall not submit to it." Adrian told Barbarossa he would have it removed, "lest so trifling a matter might afford the greatest men in the world an occasion for dispute and discord. In the event, Adrian did not, and by 1158 Imperial commentators were describing the matter of the painting and its inscription as the fundamental cause of the dispute between Pope and Emperor. Adrian, says Freed, was "perplexed" at the Emperor's refusal to offer him squire service: he "dismounted and seated himself on a folding stool". Barbarossa, if he wished to be crowned, had limited options against the Pope. He took advice from councillors based on records of "the more ancient princes and especially those who had come with King Lothar to Pope Innocent". An entire day was spent inspecting both "old documents", and hearing from those of his entourage who had been present at the 1131 ceremony. The Pope's party saw this as a sign of aggression, and deserted Adrian for the security of a nearby castle.

Imperial coronation, 1155

The Emperor was, though, eventually persuaded, performed the necessary services. He was eventually crowned in Nepi on 18 June. Peace was maintained at Nepi, however, and both Pope and Emperor dined together, wearing their crowns in a joint celebration of the Feast of Saints Peter and Paul. There was much rejoicing, and contemporaries went so far as to proclaim that "a single state had been created from two princely courts". Ullmann, on the other hand, argues that, not only was the Emperor's power clearly derivative of the Pope but that Adrian himself had further diluted it in his rendition of the coronation ceremony. Nor was there an official enthronement for the new emperor.

This ceremony, says Sayers, was arguably a new version of the traditional one, which now "highlight dthe difference between the anointing of a mere layman and that of a priest". Previously, Emperors had been anointed on the head, as a priest was; this time, Adrian anointed Barbarossa between the shoulders. Further, the Pope invested him with a sword, which emphasised the Emperor's role—as Adrian saw it—as the defender of the Papacy and its privileges. Adrian, on the other hand, disallowed his chancery from addressing the Emperor by either of his preferred titles, ''augustus semper'' or ''semper augustus''. It may be that Adrian had been frightened by the Emperor's decisive approach on Rome—Duggan notes he "impos dobedience on recalcitrant cities and proclaim dthe resumption of Imperial rights" as he did. If so, that may have led him to over-reacting the face of a perceived slight, however small.

Following the Imperial coronation, both sides appear to have taken extra care to ensure they abided by the Treaty of Constance. Barbarossa, for example, refused to entertain an embassy from the Roman commune. He did not, however, further perform as Adrian hoped, and did not defend the Papacy. Indeed, he stayed in Rome only enough time to be crowned, and then left immediately: "dubious protection" for the Pope, comments Barber. Before he left, however, his army was drawn into a bloody clash with Rome's citizens, incensed at what they saw as a display of Imperial authority in their city. Over 1,000 Romans died. The Senate continued revolting in Rome and William of Sicily remained entrenched in the Patrimony. Adrian was trapped between King and Emperor. Freed suggests that Barbarossa's failure to suppress the Roman commune for Adrian led the Pope to believe the Emperor had broken the Treaty of Constance. Further, on the Emperor's march north, his army sacked and razed the town of Spoleto. Adrian left Rome also, as his relations with the commune were still too fragile for him to be able to guarantee his safety following the Emperor's departure. As a result, the Pope was left in "virtual exile" in Viterbo, and relations between the two declined further.

Normans, Greeks and Apulians

Probably as a result, he responded positively to overtures from the Byzantine Emperor Manuel I, and also the native barons of Southern Italy, who saw in Adrian's support a chance for them to overthrow William, whom Adrian had recently excommunicated for invading the Papal patrimony. The rebellion had started off promisingly, with rebel victories at Bari, Trani and Andria. They had already found themselves a powerful ally in Manuel, the Byzantine Emperor, and welcomed anyone—including Adrian—who was hostile to William. Their leader, Count Robert of Loritello, had been charged with treason by William but had managed to escape north. William was temporarily struck down with an unknown illness, as the scholar Joshua C. Birk explains, "this brought the enemies of the kingdom of Sicily out of the woodwork"; among them, Adrian excommunicated William. By 1154, William had captured important towns in the Patrimony. In summer 1155 rebellion broke out in southern Italy by the native nobility against their lord, the King of Sicily. One group of rebels, having gained the support of Emperor Manuel, overran Ancona. By winter 1155, suggests Norwich, few contemporaries "would have held out much hope for the future of the Sicilian monarchy". According to Boso, the rebels asked Adrian to come to them as their feudal lord, to act as their spiritual advisor and bless them in their endeavours. Adrian, believing that William's kingdom would collapse imminently, tried to exploit William's weakness and allied with the rebels in September. As it turned out, this was a miscalculation. William had already asked Adrian for a peace conference, which the Pope had ("scornfully") rejected.

Alliance with Manuel I, 1156

Emperor Manuel I had launched his own military operation against William in southern Italy in 1154. He found Adrian a willing ally. The Russian historian Alexander Vasiliev notes that Adrian "expressed his desire 'to help in bringing all the brethren into one church' and compared the eastern church with lost ''drachma'', wandering sheep, and the dead Lazarus". Adrian's isolation led directly to his concordat with the Eastern Empire in 1156, although Duggan emphasises that he was reacting to external political pressures rather than deliberately initiating a new policy. As a result, says Barber, he "became involved in a fruitless Byzantine plan to overcome the Normans which ended, as so often before when the popes had ventured south in arms, in Norman victory". Adrian—as if, says Partner, "the unhappy experiences of at least three popes ha taught the papacy nothing"—organised a papal army comprising Roman and Campagnan nobility and crossed the border into Apulia in September 1155.

Although it has been suggested that Manuel offered to pay Adrian a large sum of money in return for ceding him certain Apulian cities, it seems unlikely that this was ever actioned; certainly, notes Duggan, Adrian was wholly against the creation of a Byzantine kingdom on his own doorstep. This was in spite of Manuel deliberately not pressing his ancestor's historical claim to south Italy as a whole, and was interested primarily in the coastal areas. Initially, his campaign succeeded, and by 1155 he had occupied the area from Ancona to Taranto. Byzantine funding enabled Adrian to temporarily restore his vassal Robert, Count of Loritello, although on one occasion William was able to capture of gold from Manuel that had been destined for the Pope's war chest. There was some discussion of an alliance between Roman Pope and Eastern Emperor, and Adrian despatched Anselm of Havelberg east to arrange it, although in the event negotiations came to nothing. Magdalino argues that Adrian would not have been interested in an alliance "without the lure of Byzantine gold". Although the Byzantine Emperor had sent his army to support the Pope in Italy—and indeed, had subdued the troublesome region of the Balkans—Adrian, argues Sayers, "could not accept any power for the emperor that was not dependent on the pope". Ullmann argues that although Adrian was receptive to Manuel's ambition of uniting the Eastern and Western Roman Empires, he did not appreciate the manner in which the offer was made. He was particularly averse to Manuel's suggestion that the pope's sword was merely a spiritual force, and, suggests Ullmann, "received Manuel's overtures with that scepticism which they deserved". Adrian, though, while agreeing on the basic tenet of a single emperor and a single church, believed that it was not a case of the Western church joining that of the East, but the latter returning to the former with the "obedience due to a mother", as he put it in a letter to Manuel. In other words, all Christians, East or West, should be subjugated to the church of St Peter.

Norman victory

Strategically, King William's position was not looking good, and he offered Adrian large sums in financial compensation for the Pope to withdraw his forces. However, the majority of Adrian's curia were averse to holding negotiations with the Sicilians, and the King's offer was rejected somewhat haughtily. This turned out to be a bad mistake. William soon won decisive victories over both Greek and Apulian armies in mid-1156, culminating in the final defeat of the Eastern Empire at the Battle of Brindisi. When William soundly defeated the rebels, Adrian—who was by now, even more, bogged down in the problem of Rome and without allies—had to sue for peace on the King's terms. This was yet another external event—indeed, probably the single most important event of the pontificate she argues—that Adrian had had no way of influencing but had to deal with its consequences, notes Duggan. He was effectively captured and forced to come to terms at Benevento three weeks later. This one event, says Duggan, changed Adrian's policy for good, whether or not he liked it. As a result, at the Concordat of Benevento, Adrian had to invest William with the lands he claimed in southern Italy, symbolised by the presentation of the Pope's own pennoned lances and the kiss of peace. The Pope was accepted as William's feudal overlord, while being forbidden from entering Sicily without an invitation from the King, thereby granting William effectively Legatine authority over the church in his own land. For his part, William gave the Pope his homage and contracted to pay an annual tribute and provide military support on request. The treaty conferred extended powers on the Kings of Sicily that they would enjoy for at least the next 40 years, and included powers over ecclesiastical appointments traditionally held by the Popes as the region's feudal lord. Adrian's treaty with William angered the Emperor, who took it as a personal slight that Adrian had treated with the two Imperial rivals to Italy and confirmed his view of Adrian's Papal arrogance. This, suggests Robinson, sowed the seeds of the disputed election following Adrian's death.

The defeat of Manuel's army left the Pope vulnerable, and in June 1156 Adrian was forced to come to terms with the Sicilian King. This was, however, suggests Robinson, on generous terms, including "homage and fealty, reparation for the recent encroachments on the papal patrimony, help against the Romans, freedom from royal control for the Sicilian church". Adrian's new alliance with William exacerbated relations with Barbarossa, who believed that Adrian had broken the Treaty of Constance twice over, by allying with both King William and the Byzantine Emperor. Relations between Pope and Emperor were, argues Latowsky, "irreparably damaged. Adrian probably acted as mediator the following year in concluding a peace treaty between William and Manuel. The Emperor attempted to prevent the treaty by sending his most experienced diplomat, Abbot Wibald to intervene, as he probably saw a Sicilian–Byzantine alliance as being directed against him.

The alliance with William had probably been strengthened by the Pope's belief that Barbarossa had already broken the Treaty of Constance. At the Treaty of Benevento, Adrian was represented by the Cardinals Ubald, Julius and Roland; the Papacy was forced to cede much valuable land, rights and income to William. The Emperor felt personally betrayed: according to the contemporary chronicler Geoffrey of Viterbo, the Pope, "wish dto be an enemy of Caesar". Duggan, however, suggests that the Imperial alliance with the papacy had only ever been a flag of convenience, "ready to be discarded when it had served its purpose". Bolton, meanwhile, suggests that, as Benevento was an Imperial town, the fact that following the treaty he stayed there for eight more months indicates that Adrian was asserting his power.

Problems in translation, 1157

By 1157, suggests Whalen, having secured the border with the south (by his alliance with Sicily) and the commune as peaceful as it had been for some time, Adrian was able to reside in Rome again and "stood in a more secure position than any of his predecessors had for decades". They were made worse in 1157 when, in a letter to the Emperor, Adrian referred to the Empire by the Latin term ''beneficium'', which some of Barbarossa's councillors translated as fief, rather than benefice. This, they claimed, implied that the Pope saw the Empire as subordinate to the Papacy. The Emperor had to personally hold back Otto of Wittelsbach from assaulting the Pope's messengers. Ullmann, however, argues that Adrian's use of the word was "harmless enough...that he conferred the Imperial crown as a favour". Duggan too describes the incident as "at best a diplomatic incident—a ''faux pas''—which suggests carelessness on the part of the drafter". Historians have disagreed as to the degree of deliberation behind the use of the word. Peter Munz, for example, believes it to have been a deliberate provocation, engineered by an anti-Imperial faction within the curia, designed to justify Adrian's treaty with King William. Anne Duggan, on the other hand, suggests this view is "scarcely credible": not only was Adrian in no position of strength from which to threaten Frederick, but he was also aware that the Emperor was planning a campaign against Milan for the following year, and would hardly wish to provoke him into marching on towards the Papal States.

In October 1157, Barbarossa was celebrating his wedding in Besançon with an Imperial Diet, when he was visited by Papal legates Roland and Bernard. Theirs was an important mission bringing personal letters from Adrian, and they were met "with honour and kindness, claiming (as they did) to be the bearers of good tidings". The Pope complained about the lack of activity in discovering who attacked Eskil, Archbishop of Lund while he travelled through Imperial territory. Eskil, complained Adrian, had been captured somewhere "in the German lands...by certain godless and infamous men", and Frederick had made no attempt to secure his release. Adrian's letter, suggests Godman, both upbraids the Emperor for "dissimulation" and "negligence" while accusing Rainald of Dassel of being a "wicked counsellor ", although Duggan describes it more as a "mild rebuke". Barber comments that "the tone is that of one who is surprised and a little hurt that, having treated Frederick so affectionately and honourably, he had not had a better response, but the actual words used to express these sentiments gave rise to immediate offence". Adrian's defence of Eskil of Lund contributed further to the decline in his relationship with Barbarossa. Adrian's choice of occasion on which to rebuke the Emperor was bound to offend him, argues Norwich. But even if unintentional, argues Freed, the Pope should have instructed his delegates to meet with Barbarossa privately rather than in the open. Equally provocative, Freed suggests, was Adrian's later assertion that letters which criticised the Emperor's behaviour were somehow to his advantage. Adrian's "sharp" words also contributed to the Emperor's advisors increasing discontent with his messengers. The Pope had also ordered that, before any negotiations took place, the Emperor's council would accept Adrian's letters "without any hesitation...as though proceeding from our mouth". The cardinals appear to have worsened their reception by calling Frederick "brother".

The Emperor was also exasperated to find, on ordering the legates' quarters searched, blank parchments with the Papal seal attached. This he understood to mean that the legates had intended to present supposedly direct instructions from the Pope when they felt it necessary. Barbarossa claimed that he held his crowns directly from God and that Adrian "did not understand his Petrine commission if he thought otherwise". Following promulgation of Adrian' letter, says Godman, "there was uproar". Worse, says Barbarossa's contemporary chronicler Otto of Freising, the legates compounded the insult by asking those present "from whom the does he have the empire, if not from our lord the pope?" The two ecclesiasts were then nearly beaten up, but the Emperor enabled their swift escape.

Retranslation

In June 1158, representatives of both sides met in the Imperial town of Augsburg. Adrian attempted to pacify the Emperor and claimed that he meant, not "fief", but "good deed": "Among us ''beneficium'' means not a fief but a good deed", he wrote. Barber suggests, though, that "his explanation was far from convincing". On the other hand, notes the Emperor's biographer John Freed, Barbarossa was illiterate, and required everything translated. He was thus in constant danger of relying on mistranslations, and it is possible that this happened at Besançon. Taken at face value, this phrase appeared to assert that Adrian was the Emperor's feudal overlord.
Latowsky argues that the mistranslation was a deliberate ploy by Barbarossa's Archchancellor Rainald of Dassel—whom she describes as a "multilingual provocateur"—whose Chancery was waging a propaganda war against Adrian. The Pope had earlier condemned Reinauld's election as Archbishop of Cologne believed Rainauld to be nothing less than the Devil's agent.
Latowsky suggests that Rainauld had intended to cause trouble between Emperor and Pope. If this was the case, he succeeded, as Barbarossa was only just restrained from sending an army against Adrian. The Emperor did make a public declaration against Adrian, though, calling for his deposition on the grounds that, as the son of a priest, he was an uncanonical pope. Ullmann notes that canonicity "was indubitably a double-edged weapon; if Adrian was an uncanonical pope, then Frederick was an uncanonical emperor, and that seems the only reason why this point was not pressed further". Duggan summarises Adrian's Augsburg letter as being concomitant to one's interpretation of the original offence, noting that "the context...determines everything". While Munz views the Augsburg outcome as a "humiliating" retreat by Adrian, Duggan argues that, if one does not view the Besançon letter as deliberately provocative, "then there was no withdrawal from that provocation".

Adrian's choice of words may also have been a "calculated ambiguity", suggests Abulafia, and in the event, Adrian never publicly acknowledged which of the interpretations he had actually intended. This would have allowed him to suggest the Emperor has misunderstood him while allowing the Pope to intimate to his own church that the Emperor was indeed a Papal vassal. Adrian "trivialised" Barbarossa's anger with irony, commenting that "this should not have vexed the heart of even one in lowly station, to say nothing of so great a man". The Augsburg meeting seems to have improved relations between Pope and Emperor. As Freed notes, though, "the fundamental question...remained unresolved", and any improvement in relations was temporary, as they fell out again later that year over the appointment of the next Archbishop of Ravenna

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