imāla

Imāla (also transliterated '; ar, إمالة, lit. "inclination") is a phenomenon in Arabic comprising the fronting and raising of Old Arabic /ā/ toward /ī/, and the old short /a/ toward /i/. ''Imāla'' and the factors conditioning its occurrence were described for the first time by Sibawayh. According to as-Sirafi and Ibn Jinni (10th century), the vowel of the ''imāla'' was pronounced somewhere between /a/ and /i/, suggesting a realization of

Sibawayh primarily discusses ''imāla'' as a shift of /ā/ to /ē/ in the vicinity of /i/ or /ī/, an allophonic variation that can be characterized as umlaut or i-mutation. Additionally, Sibawayh’s ''imāla'' subsumes occurrences of a phonemic vowel /ē/ resulting from the collapse of Old Arabic triphthongs. For this reason, not all instances of ''imāla'' can be characterized as a vowel shift from an original /ā/ towards the /ī/.

''Imāla'' was not a general phenomenon, occurring only in some of the old dialects. Yet, the grammarians regarded it as a legitimate phenomenon from the normative point of view when it occurred in certain conditionings. In the context of Arabic dialectology, the term ''imāla'' is also used to describe a variety of phenomena involving mid-vowels in place of the Standard Arabic low-vowel. ''Imāla'' also features in several '' '' ("styles of recitation") of the Quran.

Imāla in the grammatical tradition

Sibawayh’s description of is based on the linguistic situation prevailing in his time and environment, mainly al-Basra and its surroundings in southern Iraq. This is confirmed by evidence in the ''Kitab''. The description of by all later grammarians is based on that of Sibawayh. Historically and anciently, was a feature in both verbs and inflected nouns. There are several processes which the term describes, of the most common are outlined below:

i-mutation

The type of which figures most prominently in Sibawayh’s discussion is the shift of /ā/ to /ē/ in the vicinity of /i/ or /ī/. The shift is blocked whenever there are emphatic or uvular consonants (ṣ, ḍ, ṭ, ẓ, ġ, q, x) adjacent to the /ā/ or following it, but is not blocked if the umlaut-triggering /i/ stands between the blocking consonant and a following /ā/. The blocking effect of emphatics is shown in the following examples:
* Reflexes of CāCiC: ''ʿēbid'' “worshipper” vs. ''ḍāmin'' “guarantor”
* Reflexes of CaCāCiC: ''masēǧid'' “mosques” vs. ''maʿāliq'' “pluck of animals”
* Reflexes of CaCāCīC: ''mafētīḥ'' “keys” vs. ''manāfīx'' “bellows”

III-w/y ''imāla''

Sibawayh says that nouns with final root consonant ''w'' (III-w) do not undergo ''imāla'', eg. ''qafā'' “back”, ''ʿaṣā'' “stick”. On the other hand, nouns with root-final ''y'' (III-y) and feminine nouns with suffix <-y> undergo ''imāla'', eg. ''miʿzē'' “goat”, ''ḥublē'' “pregnant”. Such ''imāla'' is not blocked by emphatic consonants, eg. ''muʿṭē'' “gifted”.

According to Sibawayh, a similar ''imāla'' applies to verbs regardless of the underlying root consonant: ''ġazē'' (III-w) “he raided”, ''ramē'' “he threw” (III-y). However other grammarians describe varieties in which ''imāla'' applies to III-y verbs, but not III-w verbs. Sibawayh also describes a system in which only III-y nouns and feminine nouns with suffix <-y> have ''imāla'', it being absent from verbs altogether.

II-w/y ''imāla''

According to Sibawayh, ''imāla'' is applied to hollow verbs (II-w or II-y) whose 1sg. has an /i/ vowel, such as ''xēfa'' (1sg. ''xiftu'') and ''ǧēʾa'' (1sg. ''ǧiʾtu''). Sibawayh says that this is the practice for some people of Hijaz. Additionally, al-Farra’ says that this is the practice of the common people of Najd, among Tamim, Asad, and Qays.

Imāla in Quranic recitation

Many of the Quran implement ''imāla'' at least once. Some, like those of Hafs or Qalun, use it only once, but in others, ''imāla'' affects hundreds of words because of a general rule of a specific or as a specific word prescribed to undergo ''imāla''.

Lexically determined i-mutation

While i-mutation is non-phonemic in Sibawayh’s description, its occurrences in the Quranic reading traditions are highly lexically determined. For example, Hisham and Ibn Dhakwan apply i-mutation to CaCāCiC plural ''mašēribu'' “drinks” (Q36:73) but not ''al-ǧawāriḥi'' “the predators” (Q5:4) or ''manāzila'' “positions” (Q36:39).

III-w/y ''imāla''

Al-Kisaʾi and Hamza are known for having phonemic /ē/ as the realization of alif maqsura in III-y nouns and verbs, as well as in derived final-weak forms and forms having the feminine ending written with <-y>, such as ''ḥublē'' “pregnant”. Warsh, from the way of al-Azraq, realizes this extra phoneme as /ǟ/.

Other readers apply this ''imāla'' only sporadically: Hafs reads it only once in ''maǧrē-hā'' (Q11:41). Šubah only has it in ''reʾē'' “he saw”, ''ramē'' “he threw”, and ''ʾaʿmē'' ʿblindʾ in its two attestations in Q17:72.

II-w/y ''imāla''

Hamzah applies ''imāla'' to ''zēda'' “to increase”, ''šēʾa'' “to want”, ''ǧēʾa'' “to come”, ''xēba'' “to fail”, ''rēna'' “to seize”, ''xēfa'' “to fear”, ''zēġa'' “to wander”, ''ṭēba'' “to be good”, ''ḍēqa'' “to taste” and ''ḥēqa'' “to surround”. Some irregular lexical exceptions where Hamza does not apply it include ''māta'' “he died”, ''kālū-hum'' “they measured them”, ''zālat'' “cease”, and ''zāġat''.

Imāla in modern Arabic dialects

i-mutation

In the modern '' qeltu'' dialects of Iraq and Anatolia and in the modern dialect of Aleppo, the factors conditioning medial ''imāla'' (i-mutation) correspond to those described by Sibawayh in the 8th century. In these modern dialects, medial ''imāla'' occurs when the historical vowel of the syllable adjacent to /ā/ was /i/ or /ī/. For instance:
* *''kilāb'' > ''klēb'' “dogs” in Christian Baghdadi, Mosul, Anatolia, and Aleppo
* *''jāmiʿ'' > ''jēməʿ'' “mosque” in Christian Baghdadi and in Mosul and Anatolia
* *''sakākīn'' > ''sakēkīn'' “knives” in the Jewish dialect of Mosul

It does not occur in the proximity of ''ə'' < *''a'' or ''ə'' < *''u'', as in the examples ''xəbbāz'' (< *''xabbāz'') “baker” and ''səkkān'' (< *''sukkān'') “inhabitants” in Jewish Baghdadi.

III-w/y ''imāla''

Sibawayh’s description of the final ''imāla'' (III-w/y ''imāla'') is also, in general, similar to that that prevailing in the modern ''qəltu'' dialects and in the dialect of Aleppo. One of the most striking points of resemblance is that in some dialects in Sibawayh’s time, this final ''imāla'' occurred only in nouns and adjectives, and not in verbs; in the modern ''qəltu'' dialects and in Aleppo the situation is exactly the same, as illustrated by the examples ''sakāġi'' (< *''sakārē'') “drunk (pl.)” and ''aʿmi'' (< *''ʾaʿmē'') “blind” vs. ''bana'' (< *''banā'') “he built”.

Consonantally conditioned medial ''imāla''

Many modern dialects outside Iraq have an ''imāla'' completely conditioned by the consonantal environment of /ā/. This type of ''imāla'' does not correspond to any type mentioned by Sibawayh. It occurs in many Lebanese dialects, in the Druze dialects of Hauran and the Golan, in the dialects of the Syrian desert oases Qariten and Palmyra, in the Bedouin dialects of Sahil Maryut in Egypt, and in the Jabali dialect of Cyrenaica.

Effect on other languages

The accent of Andalusia in Moorish Spain had imāla, and many Arabic loan words and city names in Spanish still do so. Its largest city, Seville, has a name that is a notable example of imāla.

See also

*Tenseness
*Vowel height
*Andalusian Arabic
*North Levantine Arabic
*Tunisian Arabic
*North Mesopotamian Arabic

References

* Word-final imaala in contemporary Levantine Arabic : a case of language variation and change, Durand, Emilie Pénélope, University of Texas, Austin, 2011
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Phonetics
Arabic language
Arabic phonology
Lebanese Arabic

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