Maricopa language

Maricopa or Piipaash is spoken by the Native American Maricopa people on two reservations in Arizona: the Salt River Pima-Maricopa Indian Community and the Gila River Indian Community. Most speakers live in Maricopa Colony. The language is considered severely endangered by UNESCO.

Although the Maricopa now live among the Pima, their language is completely unrelated. It is a Yuman language, related to other languages such as Mohave, Cocopah, Havasupai, Yavapai and Kumeyaay, while the Pima speak a Uto-Aztecan language.

According to the Ethnologue, language shift is occurring at Maricopa Colony: "The child-bearing generation can use the language among themselves, but it is not being transmitted to children." At Salt River, it is nearly extinct: "The only remaining users of the language are members of the grandparent generation or older who have little opportunity to use the language.

There are about 100 speakers out of an ethnic population of 800. Salt River's cultural resources department estimates that there are around 15 fluent native speakers remaining in the Salt River community. There are many more with varying degrees of fluency, including many who can understand but not speak Maricopa.

The modern Maricopa people are actually an amalgamation of five separate but related groups, with different dialects. There are now two dialects of Maricopa: Piipaash and Xalychidom. Most Piipaash reside at Maricopa Colony on the Gila River Indian Community, and most Xalychidom reside at Salt River. However, all remaining dialect differences are fairly minor. Xalychidom is the dialect spoken by the formerly distinct Xalychidom people.

There is a language revitalization program at Salt River, the O'odham Piipaash Language Program, offering immersion classes, language-based cultural arts classes, community language-based social activities, and assistance with translation, cultural information and language learning.

Phonology

All claims and examples in this section come from Gordon (1986) unless otherwise noted.

Consonants

Phonemes and occur only in loanwords like ''kafe'' "coffee" and ''narangk'' "orange," both from Spanish. also occurs as an allophone of .

Vowels

Maricopa has 10 phonemic vowels made up of 5 pairs of corresponding long and short vowels with the cross-linguistically common five-way quality contrast:

There are falling diphthongs that glide from one vowel sound into another. Diphthongs can also be long or short: and are both found.

Diphthongs are
:,
as in ''kwidui'' and ''mahai'' .

Stress and intonation

Stress within a word falls on the final root vowel (they are capitalized):

: →
: →
: →

Declarative sentences have a falling intonation toward the end of the sentence.

Interrogative sentences have a rising intonation toward the end of the sentence.

Epenthesis

Epenthesis of vowels to relieve consonant clusters is a major and complicated issue in Maricopa. It is not completely understood, but some general statement can be made.

Epenthetic vowels can have the quality of any other vowel as well as some reduced vowel qualities. However, the form is basically predictable from the local context:

* occur after palatal or alveolar consonants
* XX before the epenthetic
* occur elsewhere

Sequences of three non-syllabic consonants never surface without epenthesis. Sequences of two consonants sometimes cause epenthesis, depending on the consonants in question.

Nasals and liquids are least likely to accompany epenthesis, as they often syllabify instead, particularly in the following circumstances:

* An initial nasal before a homorganic stop optionally becomes syllabic.
* An initial liquid before a clitic boundary optionally becomes syllabic.
* In sequences, the first n syllabifies. (However, in sequences, epenthesis occurs instead, yielding .)

In most other initial two-consonant cluster, epenthesis occurs:

: →
: →

Some final clusters are allowed, but others are broken up. The distinction seems to rest partially on the number of syllables in the word as well as the particular sequence of consonants:

: →
: →

Assimilation and other phonological changes

Non-initial sequences of identical oral consonants, other than , geminate:

: →
: →

The sequence can surface as . Thus, may surface as or .

When follows any segment except and precedes any unstressed segment, it deaffricates to : surfaces as , but surfaces as .

For less conservative speakers, can surface as before any unstressed segment other than .

Unstressed high vowels can lower to the corresponding mid vowel.

is inserted between a rounded consonant and a round or labial consonant. A rounded consonant can delabialize before any other consonant.

assimilates to before a velar or post-velar consonant. After a morpheme boundary, is preceded by .

Between a back vowel and any following vowel, is inserted:

: →
: →

Between a front vowel and a background vowel, is inserted:

: →
: →

Morphology

Case marking

Maricopa has a subject marker ''-sh'' but no marker for the direct object.

:''mat-v-sh 'or'or-m''
:earth-DEMONSTRATIVE-SUBJECT round-REAL
:"The world (near) is round."Gordon 1986, p. 37

:iipaa-ny-sh qwaaq kyaa-m''
:man-DEMONSTRATIVE-SUBJECT deer shoot-REAL
:"The man shot the deer."Gordon 1986, p. 41

There are four other cases: comitative ("with, about"), adessive/ allative ("at, towards"), inessive/illative ("in, on, into"), and general locative or directional ("to, from").

''-m'': comitative ("with"), instrumental ("with, by means of").

:''Grace-sh Bonnie-m uudav-k''
:Grace-SUBJECT Bonnie-COMITATIVE be=with-REAL
:"Grace is with Bonnie."Gordon 1986, p. 43

''-ii'': locative with adessive ("at") and allative ("to, toward") meanings.

:''h'a-sh ha-s-ii v'aw-m''
:tree-SUBJECT water-DEMONSTRATIVE-LOCATIVE stand-REAL
:"The tree is by the water (distant, out of sight)."Gordon 1986, p. 45

''-ly'': locative with inessive ("in, on") and illative ("into, to") meanings.

:''iipaa-ny-sh Flagstaff-ly yem-k''
:man-DEMONSTRATIVE-SUBJECT Flagstaff-LOCATIVE go-REAL
:"The man went to Flagstaff."

''-k'': general locative and directional ("to, from").

:''Lynn-sh Yuma-k dii-k''
:Lynn-SUBJECT Yuma-LOCATIVE come-REAL
:"Lynn came from Yuma."Gordon 1986, p. 46

Case markers can be clitics in verbs as if they were applicative markers.

:''tdish mat ily-k-shvaw-k''
:corn earth LOCATIVE-IMPERATIVE-put-REAL
:"Plant the corn in the ground."Gordon 1986, p. 50

:ii hat ny-m-'-aham-m''
:wood dog DEMONSTRATIVE-INSTRUMENTAL-FIRSTPERSON-hit-REAL
:"I hit the dog with the stick."

Negative

Verbs are negated by adding the circumfix ''(w)aly-...-ma''.

:''chii-sh ha=han-ly aly-dik-ma-k''
:fish-SUBJECT river-LOCATIVE NEGATIVE-lie-NEGATIVE-REAL
:"(There) aren't (any) fish in the river."Gordon 1986, p. 72

:''waly-'-tpuy-ma-k''
:NEGATIVE-FIRSTPERSON-kill-NEGATIVE-REAL
:"I didn't kill him."

:''Heather-sh va aly-k-di-ma-k''
:Heather-SUBJECT house NEGATIVE-LOCATIVE-come-NEGATIVE-REAL
:"Heather didn't come from the house."Gordon 1986, p. 73

In copulative sentences (those with the verb "to be"), the negative element is placed on the predicate noun.

:iipaa-sh waly-'-do-ma-k''
:man-SUBJECT NEGATIVE-FIRSTPERSON-be-NEGATIVE-REAL
:"I am not a man."

:''aly-'iipaa-ma-sh (duu-m)''
:NEGATIVE-man-NEGATIVE-SUBJECT be-REAL
:"She is not a man."

The first element of the negative circumfix is sometimes omitted, such as a sentence with nominalization.

:''nyip '-ny-kwr'ak pakyer-ma-sh''
:me FIRSTPERSON-POSSESSIVE-old.man cowboy-NEGATIVE-SUBJECT
:"My husband is not a cowboy."

:''harav uusish-ma-sh hot-k''
:liquour drink+NOMINATIVE-NEGATIVE-SUBJECT good-REAL
:"Not drinking liquor is good."Gordon 1986, p. 74

There are constructions with a variable placement of the negative morpheme. In reflexives, the reflexive morpheme ''mat-'' can precede or follow the first part of the negative circumfix.

:''waly-mat-'-shoot-ma-ksh''
:NEGATIVE-REFLEXIVE-FIRSTPERSON-hurt-NEGATIVE-1PPERFECT
:"I didn't hurt myself."

:''mat-aly-'-shoot-ma-ksh''
:REFLEXIVE-NEGATIVE-FIRSTPERSON-hurt-NEGATIVE-1PPERFECT
:"I didn't hurt myself."

Maricopa has no unique word for "never." The language uses the verb ''aly-'aa-ma-k'' (NEGATIVE-hear-NEGATIVE-REAL) and the event that did not occur as a subordinate clause.

:''man-sh m-shmaa-m aly-m-'aa-ma-k''
:you-SUBJECT SECONDPERSON-sleep-m NEGATIVE-SECONDPERSON-hear-NEGATIVE-REAL
:"You never sleep."Gordon 1986, p. 81

:''Bonnie '-yuu-k waly-'aa-ma-k''
:Bonnie FIRSTPERSON-see-SAMESUBJECT NEGATIVE-hear-NEGATIVE-REAL
:"I never see Bonnie."

There is a special verb ''kuvar'', meaning "to be none," to express the meaning of "there isn't."

:''mash-sh kuvar-k''
:food-SUBJECT none-REAL
:"There is no food."

:''man-sh shyaal m-kuvar-k''
:you-SUBJECT money SECONDPERSON-none-REAL
:"You have no money."

Negative adverbs vary in scope depending on their position relative to the negative circumfix. For example, the adverb ''-haay'' "still, yet" is outside of the scope of the negation if the order of the morphemes is ''ma-haay''. On the other hand, "still" is inside of the scope of the negation if the order of the morphemes is ''haay-ma''.Gordon 1986, p. 142

:iikway dany aly-shveesh-ma-haay-k''
:cow DEMONSTRATIVE NEGATIVE-milk+DUAL.SUBJECT-NEGATIVE-yet-REAL
:"They haven't milked the cow yet."

:ayuu waly-m-evsh-haay-ma-k''
:something NEGATIVE-ASC-work+DUAL.SUBJECT-yet-NEGATIVE-REAL
:"They are not still working."

Interrogative words

The following is a summary of interrogative words:

:''Mki-sh m-ashham-m?''
:who-SUBJECT 3RDSUBJECT+2NDOBJECT-hit+DISTANCE+QUESTION
:"Who hit you?"Gordon 1986, p. 335

:''Mkip-sh v'aw-m duu?''
:which-SUBJECT stand-REAL be
:"Who is standing there?"Gordon 1986, p. 326

:''Mki-ny m-ashham-k?''
:who-OBJECT 2NDSUBJECT+3RDOBJECT-hit+DISTANCE-QUESTION
:"Who did you hit?"

:''Kawit-sh ka-do-t-uum?''
:what-SUBJECT QUESTION-be-EMPHATIC-INC
:"What would happen?"Gordon 1986, p. 204

Syntax

Gender

Maricopa does not make a grammatical gender distinction.

No word for ''and''

David Gil reports that the Maricopa managed quite well despite having no equivalent for ''and''. The various relevant relations are solved by using different linguistic structures. However, whether the absence of a lexeme constitutes a lexical gap depends on not a theory but the shared verbal habits of the people using the relevant conceptualization.

Accordingly, it is not valid to say that speakers of Maricopa lack the lexeme ''and''. Rather, it is speakers of, for example, English who would experience the lack.

Word order

The basic word order for transitive sentences is subject–object–verb. Intransitive sentences are subject-verb. Ditransitive sentences are subject-dative-object-verb.

:''mhay-ny-sh qwaaq tpuy-m''
:boy-DEMONSTRATIVE-SUBJECT deer kill-REAL
:"The boy killed a deer."

:''sny'ak-sh ashvar-k''
:woman-SUBJECT sing-REAL
:"The/A woman sang."

:''Heather-sh Pam kwnho aay-m''
:Heather-SUBJECT Pam basket give-REAL
:"Heather gave a basket to Pam."

Possessive words precede nouns. There are inalienable nouns such as clothing items, which must bear possessive markers.

:''Bonnie s'aw ime''
:Bonnie offspring leg
:"Bonnie's baby's leg."Gordon 1986, pg. 31

:''m-kpur''
:2NDPERSON-hat
:"Your hat."

:''Bonnie avhay''
:Bonnie dress
:"Bonnie's dress."

Determiners are expressed as suffixes or independent words following the noun.

:''posh-v-sh ii'ily-k''
:cat-DEMONSTRATIVE-SUBJECT be=infested-REAL
:"This cat (near, at hand) has fleas."

:''chyer vany-a shviily-sh hmaaly-m''
:bird DEMONSTRATIVE-EPENTHETICVOWEL feather-SUBJECT white-REAL
:"That bird's feathers are white."

No independent adjective category

The language has no independent adjective category: "Intransitive verbs in their unmarked forms (with no nominalizing morphemes) can be used as attributive adjectives with an NP."Gordon 1986, pg. 51 Furthermore, it appears that there is no difference between the attributive and the predicative form of adjectival forms.

:iipaa hmii sper-sh ny-wik-k''
:man tall strong-SUBJECT THIRD/FIRSTPERSON-help-REAL
:"A tall, strong man helped me."

:iipaa-ny-sh hmii-k''
:man-DEMONSTRATIVE-SUBJECT tall-REAL
:"The man is tall."Gordon 1986, pg. 53

Yes/no questions

Questions are marked by "rising intonation and by the structure of the verb"Gordon 1986, pg. 13Gordon 1986, pg. 331 For most verbs, the question suffix is ''-m'' or a zero morpheme.

:''M-mii?''
:2NDPERSON-cry
:"Did you cry?"Gordon 1986, pg. 332

:''M-mii-m?''
:2NDPERSON-cry-QUESTION
:"Did you cry?"

:Ayuu-'-maa-(m)?''
:something-1STPERSON-eat-QUESTION
:"Did I eat something?"Gordon 1986, pg. 333

:''Pam-sh 'ayuu-maa-(m)?''
:Pam-SUBJECT something-eat-QUESTION
:"Did Pam eat something?"

If a zero morpheme is used to mark the question and the root of the verb is consonant-final, an epenthetic ''-ii'' is added.

:''M-nmak-ii?''
:2NDPERSON-leave-EPENTHETICVOWEL
:"Did you leave it?"

:''M-nmak-m?''
:2NDPERSON-leave-QUESTION
:"Did you leave it?"

To form a question in the second person ("you"), some verbs can have a ''-k'' or ''-m'' for questions.

:''M-yoq-k?''
:2NDPERSON-vomit-QUESTION
:"Did you vomit?"Gordon 1986, pg. 334

:''M-yoq-m?''
:2NDPERSON-vomit-QUESTION
:"Did you vomit?"

Notes

References

*
*

See also

* Halchidhoma language

External links

Maricopa language
overview at the Survey of California and Other Indian Languages

{{Languages of Arizona

Indigenous languages of Arizona
Indigenous languages of the Southwestern United States
Indigenous languages of the North American Southwest
Languages of the United States