Discovery
About the discovery of the Tablets there are two versions: the first one says that a farmer found them in a field near Scheggia in 1444. After his death, his son-in-law with his wife and his sister-in-law sold them to the city of Gubbio with a notarial deed on 25 August 1456 for two years' worth of farming rights.Paolucci (1965), p. 40-44 Since Scheggia was the site of the temple of Jupiter Apenninus, an importantDecipherment
The content of the tablets concerns the religions and ceremonies that were celebrated at Iguvium, the town's religious organization and its boundaries. The first attempt at deciphering their meaning was made by Bernardino Baldi in the beginning of the 17th century, and he was followed byEpigraphic note
The tablets are engraved on bronze. Analysis of the external appearance of the supporting material has led scholars to conclude that only tablets V, VI and VII were meant to be exposed in public. The other ones were cast as an archive document. They are inscribed in Italic alphabet derived from Etruscan (T. I to Vb 8) and in Latin alphabet (T. Vb 9 onwards, VI, VII).Date
The study of the ''ductus'' (writing style), conducted by comparing the tablets with other inscriptions from the area of Central Italy, has allowed scholars to conclude that they date from no later than the end of the 3rd century for T. III and IV to the first half of the 1st century for the latest T. VI and VII.Content
Tablets I to V present their topic in a concise, matter of fact manner. Tablets VI and VII repeat the same subject of Tablet I in a much more detailed and diluted way, with apparent literary and encomiastic intentions and overtones. The content of the tablets is given below, in their relative order of antiquity as established by Newman on the authority of Aufrecht and Kirchhoff, which is identical to that recently indicated by A. Maggiani.Tablets III and IV
Sacrifice to Puemonos Popricos and Vesuna. General prescriptions concerning the holding of the sacrifice, sacrifice of the ''ovis'' (lamb) to ''Puemonos'' and ''Vesuna'' near aTablet II
Side a (b of Lepsius) (Lacuna at the beginning of the text). Sacrifice of an ox to ''Iove Patre'', of a ram to ''Iovio''? (''Iuno'' according to Newman), of a lamb to ''Iovio'' (''Iuno'') and of a boar to ''Marte''. The Hondia (elements that pertain to ritual sacrifice to Hondus, an earth deity) Preparations made by the ''arfertur'': readying of the victim(s), grains, ''strues'', ''fertum''; incense or meal, wine; salt, ''mola''; ''mandraculum'' (white linen used to wrap the officiant's hand), vases; pure water; ignition of the fire at the ''ara''. Petronian Feast to ''Hontos Iovios'': sacrifice to ''Hontos Iovios'' of puppies, offers of wine, libation, partition of the meats and their exposition on a board. Holding and turning of the ''ara'' with the hands and offer of wine. Division of the wine, the strues and ferctum, the meats among the participants. Burning (or inhumation) of the puppies at the ''ara''. Side b (a of Lepsius) Sacrifice and feast of the Attidian Brotherhood: Sacrifice of a pig and a ram to ''Iove'' at the time of the ''decuriae'' of month ''Semonius'' by the ten sets of families of each of the 12 regions. Sacred ''Epulum'' (feast) in honour of ''Iove Patre'', started in town and profanated at the various ''fana'' with libations using the ''mandraculum''. Vocian (Buck: Lucian) Feast to ''Iupater'': Sacrifice of a calf to ''Iove Patre'' for the Vocian (Lucian?) '' gens'' of the Attidians. The sacrifice is conducted with the ''urfeta'' in one hand at the offering and the ''crencatro'' (augural implement comparable to the ''lituum'' but crossed (Newman), or toga wore slanted across the right shoulder (Buck)) in the right hand at the time of the slaughtering.Tablet I
Side a Six triplet sacrifices to the Grabovian triad and the minor triad: After observing the birds before and the behind, three oxen are sacrificed to ''Iove Grabovius'' before (without) the ''Trebulana Gate''. Behind (within) it three sows are sacrificed to ''Trebus Iovio''. Before the ''Tesenaca Gate'' three oxen are sacrificed to ''Marte Grabovie''. Behind it three pigs are sacrificed to ''Fisus Sancius''. A libation ensues. Before the ''Vehiia Gate'' three white fronted oxen are sacrificed to ''Vofione Grabovie''. Behind the Gate three ewe lambs are sacrificed to ''Tefre Iovie''. After the profanation of the lambs, the rump is offered in expiation and a libation for the ''tota'', local community, ensues, on the two sides separately starting with the right side. After the profanation of the rumps is over the backs shall be profanated. Side b Two more triplet sacrifices to ''Marte Hodie'' and ''Hondos Çerfios'' in atonement for the citadel: At the Jovian grove after the shearing of sheep three male calves shall be sacrificed to ''Marte Hodie'' for the Iguvine people and ''tota''. At the Coreties (Quiritius or Curiatius) grove three male calves shall be sacrificed to ''Hontos Çerfios''. Henceforth the citadel will be expiated. If any anything vicious happened in the discharge of the rite the birds shall be observed, the rite shall be reinstated once again after returning to the Trebulana Gate. Review of the city militia and expulsion (''exterminatio'') of the traditional enemies of Iguvium (Tadinates, Etruscans, Nahartes, Iapuzcoi) by the ''arfertur'' and the two ''prinovatus'' (''augures'' or their attendants): * Tadinates (''tařinate(m)''), refers to the Umbrians fromTablet V
Side a Duties of the ''arsfertur'': The ''arsfertur '' must provide whatever is essential for the ceremony and select the victims. Fees to be levied for the performance of the rites. Whenever the banquet of the brotherhood takes place, the ''fratreks'' or the ''cvestor'' must put to votes whether the banquet was properly arranged. If the majority of those present think it was not, a further vote must be taken to fix the penalty for the ''arsfertur''. Side b Contributions to be made by two ''gentes'' to the brethren, and portions of flesh to be awarded them by the brethren on the decurial festival.Tablet VI and VII
These two tablets repeat the content of tablet I while expanding it to include and expound the minutest details of the rituals. See below for a sample text and translation of part of tablet six. VI Side a Lustration of the ''arx'' Introductory auspices: as in I the sacrifice is to be preceded by the taking of the auspices. Formulae passed between the augur and the arfertur (legum dictio); warning against noises, interruptions, meddling; boundaries of the augural templum; formulae of announcement of the auspices (conspectio, nuntiatio); prescriptions applying to the ensuing sacrifice concerning the military rod (''pirsca arsmatia''), the disposition of the pots and the fire. 1. Sacrifice of three oxen to Iove Grabovios before the Trebulan gate. An opening prayer is followed by three long prayers in identical words for each of the three offerings to the three Grabovian gods and these by a general prayer in conclusion. Then follow prayers especially devoted to the rites connected with the sacrifice. 2. Sacrifice of three pregnant sows to Trebos Iovios behind the Trebulan gate: the prayers used in the first sacrifice are to be repeated. Side b 3. Sacrifice of three oxen to Marte Grabovios before the Tesenaca gate. The prayers of the first sacrifice are to be repeated. 4. Sacrifice of three suckling pigs to Fisus Sancius behind the Tesenaca gate. The prayers of the first sacrifice are to be repeated. Then an offering of cakes accompanied by specific prayers and ceremonies ensues (involving the use of the ''mandraculum'', white linen cloth wrapping the right hand of the officiant): special attention is given to Fisus Sancius, patron of the citadel (''ocre Fisia''). 5. Sacrifice of three oxen with a white forehead (''calersuf'') to Vofionos Grabovios before the Vehia gate. The prayers of the first sacrifice are to be repeated. 6. Sacrifice of three she lambs to Tefer Iovios behind the Vehia gate. The prayers of the first sacrifice are to be repeated. Then supplementary offerings follow, thereafter prayers and accompanying rites with vases on both sides of a trench. 7. Sacrifice of three bull calves to Marte Horse at the Iovian grove. The prayers of the first sacrifice are to be repeated. 8. Sacrifice of other three bull calves to Hondos Çerfios at the Coredian grove. The prayers of the first sacrifice are to be repeated. Rites for the lustration of the ''poplo'' (people, i. e. city militia) and execration of the enemies: The auspices are to be taken in the same way as for the lustration of the ''arx''. Holding the ''perca arsmatia'' (ritual staff) and the ''cringatro'' the ''arsfertur'' lights the fire then with the two assistants (''prinovatus''), who hold rods of pomegranate wood, marches with the victims along the Augural Way to the district of ''Acedonia''. Proclamation is made expelling the alien enemies. The Iguvines are ordered to form in companies. The ''arsfertur'' and the assistants march about them thrice with the victims and the fire. At the end a prayer is made invoking misfortune upon the aliens and blessings upon the Iguvinians. VII Side a Sacrifice of three boars to'' Çerfios Martios'' at the ''Fontuli'', accompanied by the prayers used at the Trebulan gate. Sacrifice of three sows to ''Praestita Çerfia'' at ''Rubinia'', with the prayers used at the Trebulan gate. Ceremonies with the black vessels and the white vessels, the former meant to bring misfortune to the aliens, the latter to avert it from the Iguvinians. Offering to Fisovius Sancius with the prayersw used behind the Tesenaca gate. Sacrifice of three female calves beyond the ''Sahata'' to ''Tursa Çerfia'' of the Çerfios of Marte. The prayers used at the Trebulan gate are to be repeated. The profanation of the offerings must take place where the ''nuntiatio'' happened: either in Rubinia or beyond the Sahata. After three days the holder of the ''perca arsmatia'' and the two assistants pray silently for the execration of the enemies and the safety of Iguvium from the shrine of Tursa. Then heifers are set free below the Forum of ''Sehemenia'': the first person who has caught any of the first three shall sacrifice them to ''Tursa Iovia'' at ''Aceronia'' for Iguvium. The prayers and rituals (offer of cereals, strues, fertum, ''persea'') used at the Trebulan gate are to be repeated. Side b Obligations of the ''fratrexs'' and entity of the fine he must pay in case of omissions (300 asses).The religion of the Umbrians as reflected in the Iguvine Tablets
The triad of the Grabovii
The triad of the ''Grabovii'' is the highest group of deities of the Iguvian pantheon and looks to be strictly aligned with the archaic triad of Roman religion. The epithet Grabovius seems to be related to Etruscan ''crapis'', ceremonial litter, which might derive from a word meaning oakwood. The triad is composed by ''Iove'' or ''Iove Patre'', ''Marte'' and ''Vofionos''. The identity of the last has been understood as corresponding to Roman gods ''Quirinus'' or ''Liber'', the latter from an IE root *h1leudh- meaning people, either directly from the Italic theonym ''Loifer'' or through the intermediary of the Italic or Etruscan interpretation of Greek god ''(Dionysos) Eleutheros'', recorded also in the Etruscan theonym ''Tin Luth'' (=Iuppiter Liber) of theThe minor triad
The gods of this triad receive sacrifices in correspondence with those of the major one but these gods are honoured within the town gates. ''Trebos Iovios'' corresponds to ''Iove Grabovios'', ''Fisus Sancius'' to ''Marte Grabovios'' and ''Tefer Iovios'' to ''Vofionos Grabovios''. They received sacrifices of three pregnant sows, three suckling pigs and three ewe lambs respectively. Only the identity of the second one is known with any degree of certainty from attestations of his existence in Rome and elsewhere in Italy. In Rome he is known as SemoOther deities
Hondos Iovios
Many scholars, from Bücheler to Prosdocimi, opine this deity is an underworld god of agricultural fertility and plenty on the grounds of the sacrifice of puppies he receives at his festival. Prosdocimi calls it the ''intermestruae cereales'': the declaration of the dog is set at the climax of the ''feriae''.Çerfos Martios, Praesta(o)ta Çerfia, Tursa Çerfia, Tursa Iovia
These deities are invoked and receive sacrifices aimed at obtaining their favour for the protection of the ''arx'' itself, of the community and of the fields in connexion to the lustration rites of the Iguvian citadel at different locations of augural relevance. The rites concerning the ''Praestota'' and the two ''Tursae'' involve a complex of libations aimed at obtaining a twofold action: the safety for the Iguvine community and the offsetting and expulsion of its traditional enemies. The debated points are few as far as the ''Praestota'' and ''Tursa'' are concerned. The two theonyms correspond to the Latin ''Iuppiter Praestes'', ''Iuppiter Praestitus'', ''Iuppiter Praestabilis'' and the ''Marte Hodie; Hondos Çerfios
Marte and Hondos appear also under these epithets. Here too the only certain indication is from Roman ''Heres'' (or ''Here'') ''Martea'', connected with ''heres'', he who inherits and also ''dominus'', the position of master of the house. Some scholars though connect the epithet to Latin adjective ''fodius'', he who destroys. The two gods both receive sacrifices of male calves in the rites for the lustration of the citadel at the Iovian and Coredian groves respectively; theirs are the last in the series of sacrifices after the two triads and before the execration of the enemies. God Hondos receives the epithet ''Iovios'' in II and that of ''Çerfios'' in VI. This fact raises the question of whether these epithets were used alternatively in connexion with local or temporal constraints. Another similar instance is that of ''Tursa Çerfia'' and ''Tursa Iovia'', who are found without and within the ''pomerium'' respectively.Puemonos Pupricos and Vesuna of Puemonos Pupricos
This divine couple appears only in tablets III and IV, the most ancient ones. Puemonos's name seems to be related with Roman goddess Pomona; moreover both the name itself and the epithet ''Popricos'' (''Publicus'') hint towards a universal fertility god, similar to Latin god Liber. Vesuna is also found on a coin from Marsian territory.General remarks on Iguvinian theonyms
O. de Cazanove observes Iguvinian theonyms appear to be compound formations of two, three and four terms: they may consist of a substantive plus an epithet (e. g. Hondos Iovios, Tursa Iovia, Puemonos Podpricos), of a substantive plus a possessive phrase plus epithet (e. g. Vesuna of Puemonos Podpricos) and of a substantive plus epithet plus possessive phrase plus epithet (e. g. Prestota Çerfia of Çerfios Martios, Tursa Çerfia of Çerfios Martios). In his view this situation is comparable to that of Rome where are recorded purely functional deities in the pontifical books. These divinities were invoked in the prayers according to the Roman rite as mentioned byOther theonyms
Some other deities are known just because they are mentioned occasionally in specifying the limits of augural observation (included those of the town). These theonyms are for the most part known in Roman religion. They are Tursa and (possibly) Hulos in IV 17 and 19 respectively, Vestisios (Libasius) apparently god of libations (possibly related to Latin Vesta ), Hoios (cf. Latin Holus, Helus, Roman grove of Helernus inPriesthoods
The Attidian brethren had an ''arsfertur'' (literally the Umbrian equivalent of Latin ''adfertor'', i. e. "he who carries something to somewhere", clearly referring to a role in the ceremonies, holder of the ''pirca arsmatia'', ceremonial rod). Other mentioned offices include the ''fratrecs'' interpreted as ''curator arcae'', the ''cvestor'' and the ''prinovatus'', probably agrimensors, attendants of the person who takes the auspices. An ''ohtor'' (''auctor'') is mentioned in T. III and IV: the term denotes the person responsible for the ceremony.Rites
The tablets record different sets of rites held on different festive occasions: the main and recorded in greatest detail one is the annual lustration of the citadel (''ocre'', Latin ''arx'') of Iguvium (Tablets I, VI and VII). This rite includes sacrifices to the ''Grabovian'' (major) triad and the minor one near the gates of the town, sacrifices to ''Marte Hodie'' and ''Hondos Çerfios'' at the two sacred groves of ''Iove'' and ''Coredios'' (interpreted as ''Quiritius'' or ''Curiatius'') respectively, the lustral review of the people of Iguvium in arms, i. e. the city militia, the execration and ritual expulsion (''exterminatio'') of the traditional enemies of Iguvium and final sacrifices to ''Çerfios Marti(os)'', the ''Praestita Çerfia'' and the two ''Tursae'', ''Çerfia and Iovia'', at various locations without and within theTreatment of the offerings
Latin sources concerning the cooking of the ''viscera'' underline the difference between the Etruscan and Roman customs distinguishing the ''exta aulicocta'' boiled in the ''olla extaris'' before the offering to the god, from the Tuscan ''exta'' roasted ''in veru'' and partly eaten during the sacrificial rite. At Iguvium the description of some sacrificial rites documents both the use of spits for the viscera and the presence of ''prosiciae'' displayed on the table of the offerings beside the fire and perhaps consecrated and burnt to the gods.Augury
Augural practices are presented in the tablets, most notably in the last two ones. They include the ''praeire verba'', i.e. the uttering of the words to be repeated by the ''arfertur'', the ''legum dictio'', the rules for the taking of the auspices such as silence (''silentium'') and the avoidance of other incidents, the definition of the boundaries of the augural ''templum'', the ''nuntiatio'', announcement of the appearance of the expected signs from birds, the circumambulation of the army with fire. Tablet VIa begins with an augural song. Here below is the text (VIa 1-5) with Poultney's translation of the passage: Rules for the observation of bird signs are given in VIa 15-18: below a certain boundary line (''hondra esto tudero'' VIa 15) defined previously, the augur must see and hear the verse of a ''parfa'' (''parrha'') and a crow; above that line (''supu'') he must see and hear a woodpecker ''peiqu'' and a magpie ''peica''.Augural terminology
''Aveis asseriates'' Ia 1; ''aves asseriates'' VIa 1: ''avibus observatis'', "having observed the birds." ''persnaies'', ''pusnaies'' Ia 1: ''antici, postici'', "(in the part) before and behind. ''dersua'' VIa 1: ''dextera'', "right hand, prosperous." The right hand was apparently seen as auspicious in Umbria as in Greece. Newman (Appendix II) cites the position of the augur in the inauguration of Numa, in which he faced east while Numa faced south. Right and left have both an auspicious and inauspicious meaning in Latin. One problem with this enticing analysis is that there is a distinct and separate word that means 'right (hand)' in Umbrian: destre/''testre'' which is in the expected phonological form for a cognate of Latin ''dexter/dextra''. Poultney suggests a possible relationship of Umbrian ''dersua'' to Latin ''dorsum'' 'back' since when ''oriented'' toward the rising sun, the west is to ones back. ''merstu'' VIa 1: ''iustissimus'', "rightest, most correct, propitious," superlative of ''mersos''. Adjective ''mersos'', from ''meḍos'' (literally ''medius''), means ''iustus'' (cf. Oscan ''meddix'': supreme magistrate, ''iudex''). Both words in Latin and Osco-Umbrian have a broader meaning than just, lawful: they may mean augurally correct, favourable, in agreement with the divine forces. But here again, the Umbrian word that fits this analysis: ''mers'' "law, right, custom" which is likely from the PIE root *med- as in Greek medomai "to think on". Also, Umbrian formed superlatives with -emo-/-temo-, not with -sto. The context seems to call for a direction that contrasts with ''destrua'' above. As Poultney points out, the most probable source here is PIE *merk- "spark" with cognates in Germanic meaning 'morning' (including that word itself). The semantic shift for words for "morning/sunrise" to words for "east" is, of course, ubiquitous. ''anglaf'' VIa 1: ''oscines'', "giving signs through their voice." < ''*an-kla:-'', compare Latin ''cla-mo'' "I cry (out)", ''cla-rus'' "famous" ''stiplo'', ''anstiplatu'' VIa 2, 3: ''stipulare'', ''leges dicere'', "stipulate." ''mersta auei, mersta angla, esona'' VIa 3: "most propitious birds (auspices), most propitious singing, divine igns or more likely "birds in the east, messengers in the east, divine igns The last of these may refer to lightening, according to Poultney. ''stahmei stahmeitei'' VIa 5: ''statio statuta'', ''templum designatum'', "augural templum," the designated space of augural observation. ''neip mugatu'' VIa 6: ''ne mugito, muttito'', "that nobody shall make utterances, murmur." Silence is essential in augural practises, ''nep arsir andersistu'' VIa 6: ''ne divis intersistito'', "that nobody shall come in between, barge in," between the divine (signs) and the augur. ''disleralinsust'' VIa 7: ''alteravit'' (''eṛali, erali''=''alter'') "render irritual, impair the auspice"; ''attero'' VII a 11, 27: "bad, unlucky." ''verfale'' VIa 8: ''formula'' of the templum. According to a new etymology, de Vaan connects this noun to Latin cognate ''urbs'', both having the meaning of defined space for augural observation, from a PIE root ''*u(o)rb(h)'' plus /d(h)-h(2) enclosure, enclosed area. ''stahmito'' VIa 8: ''statutum'', "designated, established." ''tuderato'' VIa 8: ''finitum'', "defined, provided with boundaries." From noun ''tuder'' boundary, Etruscan ''tular''. ''vapersus auiehcleir'' VIa 9: ''lapididibus auguralibus'' (ablative), "(near) by the augural stones, rocks." Note the change from ''*l-'' to ''v-'' in Umbrian, also seen in Umbrian ''vuco'' versus Latin ''locus'' ''tuder'' VIa 9: "boundary, limit." ''anclar'' VIa 16: ''oscines'' "songbirds, messengers", literally "those who call out" < *''an-kla:-'' compare Latin ''clamo'' "I cry (out)" ''combifiatu'' VIa 17: ''conspectum capito'', ''nuntiato'', "(the augur) shall announce the appearance of the auspices." Literally ''confidato'' "confide". ''popler anferener'' VIa 19: ''populi recensendi, lustrandi'', "review of the levied army." Buck cites the parallel instance of the ritual circumambulation holding a lit torch performed by king Tullus Hostilius in Dionysius of Halicarnassus ''Roman Antiquities'' IV 22. ''perca arsmatia'' VIa 19: ''virga ritualis'', "ritual (and/or military) rod." ''perne postne sepse sarsite uouse auie esone'' VIb 11: ''antice postice septe sarcte voce (et) ave (i. e. auspicio) divina'', "from before and behind, clear and cut (fully, wholly) voice and bird sacred." Or ''...voto, augurio, sacrificio'' "by vow, auspice and sacrifice." ''peiqu'': ''picus'' "woodpecker"; ''peica'' perhaps "magpie;" ''parfa'': ''parrha'', perhaps ''oxifraga'' or "upupa/hoopoe"; ''curnace'': ''cornix'', "crow" (VIa 1 etc.). ''prinovatus'': ''legatus'', assistant to the ''arsfertur'', possibly ''agrimensor'', land-surveyor: probably from Greek πρινος, Celtic ''prinni'' oakwood. ''percaf poniçate'' Ib 15; ''perca poniçiater'' VIb 51: ''virgas Punicae-mali'' "rods," wands of pomegranate wood. ''fato fito'' VIb 11: it looks ''fito'' had an active meaning in Umbrian, i.e. "(having) become"; ''fato'' has been interpreted as a passive past participle of a verb corresponding to Latin ''fateor'', thence ''fato fito'': having become defined by utterance.Topography
Studies have been devoted recently to identifying the location of the rituals described in the tablets, particularly of the ''Fisian Arx'', which has been placed with certainty on Monte Ingino, to the southwest of Gubbio.Text samples
From Tablet VII
Here is a sample of their language and content, from Tablet VI a 26 ff. (note that there is no punctuation in the original texts): Here is the fuller text of Tablet VI a 22-34, being the first of three very repetitive and formulaic prayers that the head/officiating priest (arsfertur = "the one who carries he sacred fireto he altar is instructed to say during the libation (line numbers in parentheses): (The chiastic--AB...BA--envelope construction, beginning with "Thee I invoke ... JG," and ending "JG, Thee I invoke" probably was a stylistic way to clearly mark that this was the end of the complete first prayer, to be followed by the second (below, ll. 35-44) and third (ll. 45-55) essentially identical prayers, both capping with the same phrase, and notably with the verb separated from the phrase at the opening of each of the next two prayers.) Note that ''veiro pequo...salua seritu'' "the men and cattle...keep safe" in lines 32-33 matches Latin ''pastores pecua salua seruassis'' "the herdsmen and cattle...keep safe" (in Varro, ''Rerum Rusticarum'' 2.1.12), and further afield, Avestan θrāθrāi pasuuå: viraiiå: "for the protection of cattle ndmen" (''Yasht'' 13.10), suggesting that some form of the formula goes back to Proto-Indo-European. [ "Jupiter Grabovius, thee--with this perfect ox as a second propitiatory offering for the Fisian Mount, for the state of Iguvium, for the name of the mount, for the name of the state--I invoke. Jupiter Grabovius, by the effect of this ox bring it to pass, if on the Fisian Mount fire hath occurred or in the state of Iguvium the due rites have been omitted, that it be as not intended. Jupiter Grabovius, if in thy sacrifice there hath been any omission, any sin, any transgression, any damage, any delinquency, if in thy sacrifice there be any seen or unseen fault, Jupiter Grabovius, if it be right, with this perfect ox as a second propitiatory offering may purification be made. Jupiter Grabovius, purify the Fisian Mount, purify the state of Iguvium. Jupiter Grabovius, purify the name of the Fisian Mount, of the state of Iguvium, (40) purify the magistrates, the priesthoods, the lives of men and of beasts, the fruits. Be favourable and propitious with thy peace to the Fisian Mount, to the state of Iguvium, to the name of the mount, to the name of the state. Jupiter Grabovius, keep safe the Fisian Mount, keep safe the state of Iguvium. Jupiter Grabovius, keep safe the name of the Fisian Mount, of the state of Iguvium, keep safe the magistrates, the priesthoods, the lives of men and of beasts, the fruits. Be favourable and propitious with thy peace to the Fisian Mount, to the state of Iguvium, to the name of the mount, to the name of the state. Jupiter Grabovius, thee with this perfect ox as a second propitiatory offering for the Fisian Mount, for the state of Iguvium, for the name of the mount, for the name of the state, Jupiter Grabovius, thee I invoke. ] "J. W. Poultney ''The Bronze Tables of Iguvium'' 1959 pp. 242 ff. https://archive.org/details/bronzetablesofig00poul/page/n5/mode/2upFrom Tablets III and IV
References
Sources
* *Simon Theodor Aufrecht and Adolf Kirchhof, ''Die umbrische Sprachdenkmäler : ein Versuch zur Deutung derselben'', Berlin, 1849 and 1851 (2 voll.) *Friedrich Panzerbieter, ''Questiones Umbricae'', Meiningen, 1851 *Eduard Huschke, ''Die iguvischen Tafeln nebst den kleineren umbrischen Inschriften : mit Hinzufügung einer Grammatik und eines Glossars der umbrischen Sprache'', Leipzig, 1859 *Francis William Newman, ''The Iguvine Tablets'', London, 1863. *Michel Bréal, ''Les Tables eugubines : texte, traduction et commentaire, avec une grammaire et une introduction historique'', Paris, 1875 (2 voll.) *Hermann Osthoff, "Umbrica" in ''Studien zur Griechische und Lateinische Grammatik'', 9, 1876, pp. 273–284 *Franz Bücheler, ''Umbrica'', Bonn, 1883. *Luigi Ceci, ''Tabulae Iguvinae in usum academicum'', Turin, 1892 * Robert von Planta, ''Grammatik der oskisch-umbrischen Dialekte'', Strassburg, 1892-1897 (2 voll.) *Robert S. Conway, ''The Italic dialects'', Cambridge, 1897 *Roland G. Kent, "Studies in the Iguvine Tables" in ''Classical Philology'', 15, 1920, p. 353-369 *Carl Darling Buck, ''A grammar of Oscan and Umbrian'', Boston, 1928 (2nd ed.) *Albrecht von Blumenthal, ''Die iguvinische Tafeln : Text, Übersetzung, Untersuchungen'', Stuttgart, 1931 *Irene Rosenzweig, ''Ritual and cults in pre-Roman Iguvium : with an appendix giving the text of the Iguvine Tablets'', London, 1937 *Giacomo Devoto, ''Tabulae Iguvinae'', Rome, 1940 (2nd ed.; reprinted in 1954) *Giacomo Devoto, ''Le Tavole di Gubbio'', Florence, 1948 *Giovanni Battista Pighi, ''Umbrica. 1, La composizione del libro rituale di Gubbio ; 2, L'auspicio'', Bologna, 1953 *Gino Bottiglioni, ''Manuale dei dialetti italici'', Bologna, 1954 * Poultney, James W. "The Two Boar-Sacrifices in the Iguvine Tables." The American Journal of Philology 77, no. 2 (1956): 177-80. Accessed May 5, 2020. doi:10.2307/292478. *Ugo Coli, ''Il diritto pubblico degli Umbri e le Tavole eugubine'', Milan, 1958 *James W. Poultney, ''The Bronze Tablets of Iguvium'', Baltimore, 1959 *Alfred Ernout, ''Le dialecte ombrien : lexique du vocabulaire des "Tables eugubines" et des inscriptions'', Paris, 1961 *Giacomo Devoto, ''Tabulae Iguvinae. Pars quinta : appendix'', Rome, 1962 *Ambros J. Pfiffig, ''Religio Iguvina : philologische und religionsgeschichtliche Studien zu den Tabulae Iguvinae : mit Text und Übersetzung'', Vienna, 1964 * *Aldo Luigi Prosdocimi, ''Studi iguvini'', Florence, 1969 *Willy Alfred Borgeaud, ''Fasti Umbrici : études sur le vocabulaire et le rituel des Tables eugubines'', Ottawa, 1982 *Aldo Luigi Prosdocimi, ''Le Tavole iguvine. 1'', Florence, 1984 (2 voll.) *Gerhard Meiser, ''Lautgeschichte der umbrischen Sprache'', Innsbruck, 1986 * Williamson, Callie. "Monuments of Bronze: Roman Legal Documents on Bronze Tablets." Classical Antiquity 6, no. 1 (1987): 160-83. Accessed May 5, 2020. doi:10.2307/25010862. *Augusto Ancellotti and Romolo Cerri, ''Le Tavole di Gubbio e la civiltà degli Umbri'', Perugia, 1996 *J. B. Wilkins, "The Iguvine Tables: problems in the interpretation of ritual text," in Malone/Stoddart (eds) 1994, 152-177. *Franco Benucci, ''Studi di sintassi umbra : il verbo nelle Tavole iguvine e nelle iscrizioni minori'', Padua, 1996 *Augusto Ancillotti and Romolo Cerri, ''Le Tavole iguvine : fotografie a colori, facsimili, testo traslitterato, traduzione e commento'', Perugia, 1997 *Brigitte Schirmer, ''Studien zum Wortschatz der Iguvinischen Tafeln : die Verben des Betens und Sprechens'', Frankfurt, 1998 *Jürgen Untermann, ''Wörterbuch des Oskisch-Umbrischen''. Indogermanische Bibliothek. Erste Reihe, Lehr- und Handbücher. Heidelberg: C. Winter, 2000. *Simone Sisani, ''Tuta Ikuvina : sviluppo e ideologia della forma urbana a Gubbio'', Rome, 2001 *Helmut Rix, ''Sabellische Texte: die Texte des Oskischen, Umbrischen und Südpikenischen,'' Heidelberg 2002. *Carlo D'Adamo, ''Il dio Grabo, il divino Augusto, e le Tavole iguvine riprodotte, traslitterate, tradotte e commentate'', San Giovanni in Persiceto, 2004 *Maria Luisa Porzio Gernia, ''Offerta rituale e mondo divino : contributo all'interpretazione delle Tavole di Gubbio'', Alessandria, 2005 *Maria Luisa Porzio Gernia, ''La pax divina : tra storia e preistoria linguistica : la testimonianza delle Tavole di Gubbio'', Alessandria, 2007 *Rex Wallace, ''The Sabellic Languages of Ancient Italy'', Lincom, 2007 *Michael L. Weiss, ''Language and ritual in Sabellic Italy : the ritual complex of the third and the fourth Tabulae Iguvinae'', Leiden, 2010 *Patrizia Castelli and Salvatore Geruzzi (edd.), ''Prima e dopo le Tavole eugubine : falsi e copie fra tradizione antiquaria e rivisitazioni dell’antico'', Pisa, 2010 *Lacam, J.-C. (2010). Vestiça and vestikatu: New comments on two related terms in the Iguvine Tablets. Revue de philologie, de littérature et d'histoire anciennes. 84. 251-263. *Nagy, Gregory, (2020) "The fire ritual of the Iguvine Tables: Facing a central problem in the study of ritual language" ''Classical World'' 100:151–157 https://chs.harvard.edu/curated-article/gregory-nagy-the-fire-ritual-of-the-iguvine-tables-facing-a-central-problem-in-the-study-of-ritual-language/Further reading
* Dupraz, Emmanuel. "Ampentu dans les Tables Eugubines: «immoler» ?". In: ''L'antiquité classique'', Tome 84, 2015. pp. 75–97. OI: https://doi.org/10.3406/antiq.2015.3866 www.persee.fr/doc/antiq_0770-2817_2015_num_84_1_3866External links
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