Waves of Canadian feminism
First wave
The first wave of feminism in Canada occurred in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. This early activism was focused on increasing women's role in public life, with goals including women's suffrage, increased property rights, increased access to education, and recognition as "persons" under the law. This early iteration of Canadian feminism was largely based in maternal feminism: the idea that women are natural caregivers and "mothers of the nation" who should participate in public life because of their perceived propensity for decisions that will result in good care of society. In this view, women were seen to be a civilizing force on society, which was a significant part of women's engagement in missionary work and in theEarly organizing and activism
Religion was an important factor in the early stages of the Canadian women's movement. Some of the earliest groups of organized women came together for a religious purpose. When women were rejected as missionaries by their Churches and missionary societies, they started their own missionary societies and raised funds to send female missionaries abroad. Some of them raised enough to train some of their missionaries as teachers or doctors. The first of these missionary societies was founded in Canso, Nova Scotia in 1870 by a group of Baptist women inspired by Hannah Norris, a teacher who wanted to be a missionary. Norris asked the women in her Church for help when her application to the Baptist Foreign Mission Board was rejected. They formed their own missionary society, and soon there were Presbyterian, Methodist, and Anglican women missionary societies forming across the western provinces, Quebec, Ontario, and the Maritimes. These new societies not only enabled women to work as missionaries, but they also gave women the opportunity to manage the funding, training, and employment of female missionaries in foreign countries. Women's religious organizing was also a means through which women could advocate social change. The Woman's Christian Temperance Union, for example, was formed in 1874 byWomen's right to vote in Canada
Organizing around women's suffrage in Canada peaked in the mid-1910s. Various franchise clubs were formed, and in Ontario, the Toronto Women's Literary Club was established in 1876 as a guise for suffrage activities, though by 1883 it was renamed the Toronto Women's Suffrage Association. Compared to other English speaking industrialized countries, Canada's suffrage movement gained success rather easily, and without violence. The tactics adopted by the movement in order to bring about reform included collecting petitions, staging mock parliaments and selling postcards. Widows and unmarried women were granted the right to vote in municipal elections inWomen ruled legally to be "persons"
The Famous Five were a group of five women from Alberta who wanted courts to determine women were considered to be "persons" for the purposes of being called to the Senate under section 24 of the British North America Act, 1867, the main provision of Canada's constitution. The Senate was the body which at that time approved divorces in some provinces of Canada, among other decisions important to women. The Famous Five petitioned the Federal Cabinet toEastview Birth Control Trial
The Eastview Birth Control Trial of 1936–1937 was the first successful legal challenge to the dissemination of information and the possession of materials relating to birth control being illegal in Canada, and it marked the beginning of a shift in Canadian society's acceptance of such practices. In September 1936, Dorothea Palmer was arrested in Eastview (now Vanier, Ontario), and charged with possessing materials and pamphlets related to birth control, then highly illegal under Canadian law. As she was working for the Kitchener-based Parents' Information Bureau (PIB), her arrest could have led to the collapse of the organization and as many as two years' imprisonment for Palmer. However, the PIB was the brainchild of industrialist A. R. Kaufman, a eugenically-minded industrialist whose support eventually saw Palmer's charges dropped. The trial lasted from September 1936 to March 1937. Ultimately, the case was dismissed by the presiding magistrate Lester Clayon, who ruled that, as Palmer's actions were "in the public good", no charges could be held against her. In his final ruling, he explained that:The mothers are in poor health, pregnant nine months of the year... What chance do these children have to be properly fed, clothed and educated? They are a burden on the taxpayer. They crowd the juvenile court. They glut the competitive labour market.
Second wave
Though feminism in Canada continued after the work of the Famous Five, during the Depression and the Second World War, feminist activism in Canada was not as clear to see as it was during the fight for suffrage and thereafter. However, women's engagement in the workforce during the Second World War brought about a new consciousness in women with regards to their place in public life, which led to a public inquiry on the status of women, as well as new campaigns and organizing for equal rights. Whereas the first wave was organized around access to education and training, the second wave of Canadian feminism focused on women's role in the workforce, the need for equal pay for equal work, a desire to address violence against women, and concerns about women's reproductive rights.Canadian women during and after World War II
During the Second World War, Canadian women were actively pursued by the Canadian government to contribute to the war effort. One of the ways in which women contributed to the war effort was by joining the workforce. Prior to the war, some young and unmarried women had already joined the workforce; however, during the war an increased need for female workers arose in many industries due to the depleted pool of male workers who had largely been mobilized to fight in the war.Pierson, p. 23 Although women continued to work in their pre-war traditional fields of employment such as textile manufacturing, retail, nursing, and homecare services,Pierson, p. 10 as the demand for labour intensified in all industries, women became employed in many non-traditional fields including: manufacturing, trade, finance, transportation, communication, and construction. In response to the labour needs of many industries, the Canadian government created a special Women's Division of the National Selective Service to recruit women into the workforce. The first groups of women to be recruited were single women and childless married women. The National Selective Service then recruited women with home responsibilities and later women with children. By 1944, more than one million women worked full-time in Canada's paid labour force. The inclusion of women with children into the workforce led the federal government to develop a program known as the Dominion-Provincial Wartime Day Nurseries Agreement in order to assist working mothers with childcare during the duration of the war. Under the Agreement, the federal government offered to help the provinces subsidize childcare programs. Quebec and Ontario took advantage of the agreement and developed childcare facilities such as nurseries and after school programs. Women also contributed to the war effort by volunteering. As soon as the war broke out, many local women's volunteer societies quickly mobilized to contribute to the war effort. Women in these organizations engaged in a range of activities including: sewing clothes for theRoyal Commission on the Status of Women, 1970
The Royal Commission on the Status of Women was a Canadian Royal Commission that examined the status of women and recommended steps that might be taken by theThe National Union of Students and the Women's Movement in the 1970s
The National Union of Students (Canada) (NUS) formed in 1972 and became the__Violence_against_women_and_the_Battered_Women's_Movement_
The_Battered_ he_Canadian_Union_of_Students_and_its_predecessor,_the_National_Federation_of_Canadian_University_Students_stayed_consistent:_around_the_15–17_percent_mark."_Moses_(2010,_p._92,_note_34). The_link_between_women_students_and_late_1960s_women's_movements_has_been_widely_acknowledged._Yet,_as_Moses_points_out,_this_acknowledgement_stops_abruptly_after_1971;_the_activism_of_youth_and_students_was_widely_ignored_in_the_historiography_of_women's_movement_in_the_1970s._This_is_not_something_that_Moses_attempts_to_explain._It_would_seem_likely_that_the_gap_in_recognition_has_something_to_do_with_how_young_women_and_how_women_historiographers_of_the_1970s_identified;_that_is,_not_as_students_or_youth_per_se,_but_as_women._While_the_women's_movement_of_the_1970s_was_of_course,_multigenerational,_it_was_also_most_certainly_in_many_ways,_a_significant_youth_movement_and_this,_as_Moses_(2010)_suggests,_has_not_been_well_understood_and_acknowledged.__Violence_against_women_and_the_Battered_Women's_Movement_
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The_National_Action_Committee_on_the_Status_of_Women">National_Action_Committee_(NAC)_was_formed_as_a_result_of_the_frustration_of_women_at_the_inaction_of_the_federal_government_in_regards_to_the_recommendations_of_the_Royal_Commission._Beginning_in_1972_as_a_coalition_of_23_women's_groups,_by_1986_it_had_350_organizational_members,_including_the_women's_caucuses_of_the_three_biggest_political_parties._Partly_funded_by_government_grants,_the_NAC_was_widely_regarded_as_the_official_expression_of_women's_interests_in_Canada,_and_received_a_lot_of_attention_from_the_media._In_1984_there_was_a_Leaders'_debate_on_women's_issues_during_the_1984_Canadian_federal_election_campaign.html" ;"title="National Federation of Canadian University Students stayed consistent: around the 15–17 percent mark." Moses (2010, p. 92, note 34). The link between women students and late 1960s women's movements has been widely acknowledged. Yet, as Moses points out, this acknowledgement stops abruptly after 1971; the activism of youth and students was widely ignored in the historiography of women's movement in the 1970s. This is not something that Moses attempts to explain. It would seem likely that the gap in recognition has something to do with how young women and how women historiographers of the 1970s identified; that is, not as students or youth per se, but as women. While the women's movement of the 1970s was of course, multigenerational, it was also most certainly in many ways, a significant youth movement and this, as Moses (2010) suggests, has not been well understood and acknowledged.Violence against women and the Battered Women's Movement
The Battered Women's_Shelter__National_Action_Committee_on_the_Status_of_Women_
The_National_Action_Committee_on_the_Status_of_Women">National_Action_Committee_(NAC)_was_formed_as_a_result_of_the_frustration_of_women_at_the_inaction_of_the_federal_government_in_regards_to_the_recommendations_of_the_Royal_Commission._Beginning_in_1972_as_a_coalition_of_23_women's_groups,_by_1986_it_had_350_organizational_members,_including_the_women's_caucuses_of_the_three_biggest_political_parties._Partly_funded_by_government_grants,_the_NAC_was_widely_regarded_as_the_official_expression_of_women's_interests_in_Canada,_and_received_a_lot_of_attention_from_the_media._In_1984_there_was_a_Leaders'_debate_on_women's_issues_during_the_1984_Canadian_federal_election_campaign">televised_debate_on_women's_issues_among_the_leaders_of_the_contending_political_parties_during_the_1984_Canadian_federal_election.html" ;"title="Women's shelter">Women's Shelter A women's shelter, also known as a women's refuge and battered women's shelter, is a place of temporary protection and support for women escaping domestic violence and intimate partner violence of all forms. The term is also frequently used to ...National Action Committee on the Status of Women
The National Action Committee on the Status of Women">National Action Committee (NAC) was formed as a result of the frustration of women at the inaction of the federal government in regards to the recommendations of the Royal Commission. Beginning in 1972 as a coalition of 23 women's groups, by 1986 it had 350 organizational members, including the women's caucuses of the three biggest political parties. Partly funded by government grants, the NAC was widely regarded as the official expression of women's interests in Canada, and received a lot of attention from the media. In 1984 there was a Leaders' debate on women's issues during the 1984 Canadian federal election campaign">televised debate on women's issues among the leaders of the contending political parties during the 1984 Canadian federal election">federal election campaign. The NAC and women's issues were receiving a lot of attention and the NAC was rapidly growing, although beginning in 1983 it had competition from REAL Women of Canada, a right-wing lobby group.Canadian Human Rights Act, 1977
Passed by prime minister of the time, Pierre Trudeau, the Canadian Human Rights Act gave basic rights to all humans. There was no discrimination based on sex, race, religion etc.... It specified that there must be " equal pay for work of equal value". There had been significant disparity between the pay received by women and by men. However, by the mid-1980s there was still disparity: full-time female employees earned on average only 72% of what men earned.The Charter of Rights and Freedoms
In 1980 Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau announced his plan repatriate the Canadian Constitution, and with it a new Charter of Rights and Freedoms to With so much division in Canada on what should be included in a bill of rights the federal government decided to hold a Special Joint Committee of the House of Commons and the Senate, which allowed the public to submit amendments to the constitution. Women's organizations saw this as an opportunity for Canadian women's rights to be legally and equally represented through entrenchment in the charter. On November 20 theAbortion
A significant concern of second wave feminists in Canada was access to abortion. Until 1969, abortion was a criminal offence under the Criminal Code, and women were dying from trying to procure abortions outside of the law. For these reasons, abortion was legalized by Parliament in 1969 under the Criminal Law Amendment Act, 1968–69. Abortion remained an offence, unless it was first approved by a Therapeutic Abortion Committee on the grounds that continuation of the pregnancy "would or would be likely to endanger her life or health". The abortion had to be performed in a hospital rather than in a clinic. Only one in five hospitals had the committee required to approve of the operation resulting in many women crossing the border to the United States to receive one. By 1970, women nationwide mobilized to organize a cross-countryConvention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women
Canada signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women in 1980, and ratified it in 1981.Third wave
The third wave of Canadian feminism, which is largely perceived to have started in the early 1990s, is closely tied to notions of anti-racism, anti-colonialism, and anti-capitalism. The notion of a sisterhood among women prevalent in the second wave, is critiqued by third-wave feminists, who have perceived this seeming universalism to be dismissive of women's diverse experiences, and the ways that women can discriminate against and dominate one another. Third-wave feminism is associated with decentralized, grassroots organizing, as opposed to the national feminist organizations prevalent in the second wave.Opposition to female genital mutilation
Canada recognizedFourth wave
Fourth-wave feminism refers to a resurgence of interest in feminism that began around 2012 and is associated with the use ofCritiques of the "waves" view of Canadian feminist history
Feminism in Quebec
Feminism inMarie-Claire Belleau on "L'intersectionnalité" and Feminisms in Quebec–Canada
Belleau applies a feminist methodology and research framework to the inter-woven issues of national and cultural identity (what she terms "nat-cult"), both within Quebec and between the province and the rest of Canada (ROC). These conceptions of self, be they feminist, Québécois, or Canadian, in turn affect the identity politics of the region. She deploys "strategic intersectionality" in order to analyze how feminism is represented in Canada's two main legal systems. She cautions against eternalizing differences (essentialism) or erasing them (universalism). Quebec is a unique case study because of the problematic private–public divide, which is reinforced by the parallel civil–common law split in the province's legal system. Furthermore, the Québécois are historically situated as both colonizers and as colonized peoples, further lending complexity to their identities. Belleau employs "tactical thinking" to negotiate among Québécois and ROC feminisms, engaging with identity politics and processes of subordination and dissolution in how Quebec feminists are represented in the legal world. She argues that Quebec feminism should (and does) have a "distinct face" (). This is manifest in the approach of intersectionality as embracing cultural distinctions, ensuring no fights for social justice are subordinate to each other, and the understanding of emancipatory confrontations as independent but still interrelated. "Distinct feminism" preserves this nat-cult individuality. The author also details the mythic "confrontational" portrayal of Anglo-Saxon feminism, and that much of Québécois feminist identity stands in contrast to this perceived antagonistic Anglo-Saxon feminism. Quebec men, similarly, struggle with their own conceptions of self, particularly amid historical confrontations with English-Canadian men. Conquest has led to hierarchy, exemplified through the past relationship of the Quebec matriarch and her male consort, ''l'homme rose'', or the "pink man". For women, many embrace their "Latin" heritage through an allegiance to their French past in order to assert their distinctiveness in a continent with competing cultural identities. Younger Québécois feminists wish to disassociate themselves from both Anglo-feminism and Latin-femininity to construct their own intersectional identity, and to remove themselves from the sexism inherent in some Latin cultures. In addition, as the author articulates, for First Nations women, this "French past" does not provide positive memories or cultural touchstones. Ultimately, Belleau urges women to see projection, dissociation, and distinction as strategies used by both Quebec and ROC feminists to create constructive dialogues and coalitions among women.Indigenous feminisms
Indigenous feminisms (Black women in feminism
Other women have also contested the mainstream feminist history of "waves". In the case ofSee also
*Notes
References
*Further reading
* * Marsden, Lorna R. ''Canadian Women and the Struggle for Equality'' (2008External links