OverviewA creole is believed to arise when a , developed by adults for use as a second language, becomes the native and primary language of their children – a process known as . The -creole life cycle was studied by American linguist Robert Hall in the 1960s. Some linguists, such as Derek Bickerton, posit that creoles share more grammatical similarities with each other than with the languages from which they are phylogenetically derived. However, there is no widely accepted theory that would account for those perceived similarities. Moreover, no grammatical feature has been shown to be specific to creoles. Many of the creoles known today arose in the last 500 years, as a result of the worldwide expansion of European maritime power and trade in the , which led to extensive . Like most non-official and minority languages, creoles have generally been regarded in popular opinion as degenerate variants or s of their parent languages. Because of that prejudice, many of the creoles that arose in the European colonies, having been stigmatized, have become . However, political and academic changes in recent decades have improved the status of creoles, both as living languages and as object of linguistic study. Some creoles have even been granted the status of official or semi-official languages of particular political territories. Linguists now recognize that creole formation is a universal phenomenon, not limited to the European colonial period, and an important aspect of language evolution. For example, in 1933 Sigmund Feist postulated a creole origin for the . Other scholars, such as , argue that pidgins and creoles arise independently under different circumstances, and that a pidgin need not always precede a creole nor a creole evolve from a pidgin. Pidgins, according to Mufwene, emerged in trade colonies among "users who preserved their native vernaculars for their day-to-day interactions". Creoles, meanwhile, developed in settlement colonies in which speakers of a European language, often whose language would be far from the standard in the first place, interacted extensively with non-European s, absorbing certain words and features from the slaves' non-European native languages, resulting in a heavily alized version of the original language. These servants and slaves would come to use the creole as an everyday vernacular, rather than merely in situations in which contact with a speaker of the superstrate was necessary.
EtymologyThe English term ''creole'' comes from French , which is cognate with the Spanish term and , all descending from the verb ''criar'' ('to breed' or 'to raise'), all coming from Latin ('to produce, create'). The specific sense of the term was coined in the 16th and 17th century, during the great expansion in European maritime power and trade that led to the establishment of European colonies in other continents. The terms ''criollo'' and ''crioulo'' were originally qualifiers used throughout the Spanish and Portuguese colonies to distinguish the members of an ethnic group who were born and raised locally from those who immigrated as adults. They were most commonly applied to nationals of the colonial power, e.g. to distinguish '' españoles criollos'' (people born in the colonies from Spanish ancestors) from (those born in the Iberian Peninsula, i.e. Spain). However, in Brazil the term was also used to distinguish between ''negros crioulos'' (blacks born in Brazil from African slave ancestors) and ''negros africanos'' (born in Africa). Over time, the term and its derivatives (Creole, Kréol, Kreyol, Kreyòl, Kriol, Krio, etc.) lost the generic meaning and became the proper name of many distinct ethnic groups that developed locally from immigrant communities. Originally, therefore, the term "creole language" meant the speech of any of those .
Geographic distributionAs a consequence of colonial European trade patterns, most of the known European-based creole languages arose in coastal areas in the equatorial belt around the world, including the , western , along the west of , and along Southeast up to , , , , the , , , Reunion, and . Many of those creoles are now extinct, but others still survive in the , the north and east coasts of ( ), western , (see ), the (see ) and in the . languages are based on European languages with elements from African and possibly . Creole languages are based on European languages with elements from and possibly other Asian languages. There are, however, creoles like and Sango that are derived solely from non-European languages.
Social and political statusBecause of the generally low status of the Creole peoples in the eyes of prior European colonial powers, creole languages have generally been regarded as "degenerate" languages, or at best as rudimentary "dialects" of the politically dominant parent languages. Because of this, the word "creole" was generally used by linguists in opposition to "language", rather than as a qualifier for it.See . Another factor that may have contributed to the relative neglect of creole languages in linguistics is that they do not fit the 19th-century "tree model" for the evolution of languages, and its postulated regularity of sound changes (these critics including the earliest advocates of the , Johannes Schmidt and , the forerunners of modern ). This controversy of the late 19th century profoundly shaped modern approaches to the in and in creolistics. Because of social, political, and academic changes brought on by decolonization in the second half of the 20th century, creole languages have experienced revivals in the past few decades. They are increasingly being used in print and film, and in many cases, their community prestige has improved dramatically. In fact, some have been standardized, and are used in local schools and universities around the world. At the same time, linguists have begun to come to the realization that creole languages are in no way inferior to other languages. They now use the term "creole" or "creole language" for any language suspected to have undergone , terms that now imply no geographic restrictions nor ethnic prejudices. There is controversy about the extent to which creolization influenced the evolution of (AAVE). In the American education system, as well as in the past, the use of the word ''ebonics'' to refer to AAVE mirrors the historical negative connotation of the word ''creole''.
Historic classificationAccording to their external history, four types of creoles have been distinguished: plantation creoles, fort creoles, creoles, and creolized pidgins. By the very nature of a creole language, the classification of a particular creole usually is a matter of dispute; especially when the pidgin precursor and its parent tongues (which may have been other creoles or pidgins) have disappeared before they could be documented. Phylogenetic classification traditionally relies on inheritance of the lexicon, especially of "core" terms, and of the grammar structure. However, in creoles, the core lexicon often has mixed origin, and the grammar is largely original. For these reasons, the issue of which language is ''the'' parent of a creole – that is, whether a language should be classified as a "French creole", "Portuguese creole" or "English creole", etc. – often has no definitive answer, and can become the topic of long-lasting controversies, where social prejudices and political considerations may interfere with scientific discussion.
Substrate and superstrateThe terms and are often used when two languages interact. However, the meaning of these terms is reasonably well-defined only in or language replacement events, when the native speakers of a certain source language (the substrate) are somehow compelled to abandon it for another target language (the superstrate). The outcome of such an event is that erstwhile speakers of the substrate will use some version of the superstrate, at least in more formal contexts. The substrate may survive as a second language for informal conversation. As demonstrated by the fate of many replaced European languages (such as , , and Venetian), the influence of the substrate on the official speech is often limited to pronunciation and a modest number of loanwords. The substrate might even disappear altogether without leaving any trace. However, there is dispute over the extent to which the terms "substrate" and "superstrate" are applicable to the genesis or the description of creole languages. The language replacement model may not be appropriate in creole formation contexts, where the emerging language is derived from multiple languages without any one of them being imposed as a replacement for any other. The substratum-superstratum distinction becomes awkward when multiple superstrata must be assumed (such as in ), when the substratum cannot be identified, or when the presence or the survival of substratal evidence is inferred from mere typological analogies. On the other hand, the distinction may be meaningful when the contributions of each parent language to the resulting creole can be shown to be very unequal, in a scientifically meaningful way. In the literature on s, "superstrate" usually means European and "substrate" non-European or African.
DecreolizationSince creole languages rarely attain official status, the speakers of a fully formed creole may eventually feel compelled to conform their speech to one of the parent languages. This decreolization process typically brings about a post-creole speech continuum characterized by large-scale variation and in the language. It is generally acknowledged that creoles have a simpler grammar and more internal variability than older, more established languages. However, these notions are occasionally challenged. (See also .) Phylogenetic or typological comparisons of creole languages have led to divergent conclusions. Similarities are usually higher among creoles derived from related languages, such as the , than among broader groups that include also creoles based on non- (like Nubi or Sango). in turn are more similar to each other (and to varieties of French) than to other European-based creoles. It was observed, in particular, that s are mostly prenominal in and English whereas they are generally postnominal in French creoles and in the variety of French that was exported to what is now Quebec in the 17th and 18th century. Moreover, the European languages which gave rise to the creole languages of European colonies all belong to the same subgroup of Western and have highly convergent grammars; to the point that Whorf joined them into a single language group. French and English are particularly close, since English, through extensive borrowing, is typologically closer to French than to other Germanic languages. Thus the claimed similarities between creoles may be mere consequences of similar parentage, rather than characteristic features of all creoles.
Creole genesisThere are a variety of theories on the origin of creole languages, all of which attempt to explain the similarities among them. outline a fourfold classification of explanations regarding creole genesis: # Theories focusing on European input # Theories focusing on non-European input # Gradualist and developmental hypotheses # Universalist approaches In addition to the precise mechanism of creole genesis, a more general debate has developed whether creole languages are characterized by different mechanisms than traditional languages (which is McWhorter's 2018 main point) or whether in that regard creole languages develop by the same mechanisms as any other languages (e.g. DeGraff 2001).
Theories focusing on European input
Monogenetic theory of pidgins and creolesThe monogenetic theory of pidgins and creoles hypothesizes that all Atlantic creoles derived from a single Mediterranean Lingua Franca, via a West African Pidgin Portuguese of the seventeenth century, relexified in the so-called "slave factories" of Western Africa that were the source of the . This theory was originally formulated by in the late nineteenth century and popularized in the late 1950s and early 1960s by Taylor, Whinnom, Thompson, and Stewart. However, this hypothesis is now not widely accepted, since it relies on all creole-speaking slave populations being based on the same Portuguese-based creole, despite no to very little historical exposure to Portuguese for many of these populations, no strong direct evidence for this claim, and with Portuguese leaving almost no trace on the lexicon of most of them, with the similarities in grammar explainable by analogous processes of loss of inflection and grammatical forms not common to European and West African languages. For example, points out that relexification postulates too many improbabilities and that it is unlikely that a language "could be disseminated round the entire tropical zone, to peoples of widely differing language background, and still preserve a virtually complete identity in its grammatical structure wherever it took root, despite considerable changes in its phonology and virtually complete changes in its lexicon".
Domestic origin hypothesisProposed by for the origin of English-based creoles of the West Indies, the Domestic Origin Hypothesis argues that, towards the end of the 16th century, English-speaking traders began to settle in the Gambia and rivers as well as in neighboring areas such as the Bullom and Sherbro coasts. These settlers intermarried with the local population leading to mixed populations, and, as a result of this intermarriage, an English pidgin was created. This pidgin was learned by slaves in slave depots, who later on took it to the West Indies and formed one component of the emerging English creoles.
European dialect origin hypothesisThe French creoles are the foremost candidates to being the outcome of "normal" linguistic change and their creoleness to be sociohistoric in nature and relative to their colonial origin. Within this theoretical framework, a French creole is a language ally based on , more specifically on a 17th-century koiné French extant in , the French Atlantic harbours, and the nascent French colonies. Supporters of this hypothesis suggest that the non-Creole French dialects still spoken in many parts of the Americas share mutual descent from this single koiné. These dialects are found in (mostly in and in communities), , and as isolates in other parts of the Americas. Approaches under this hypothesis are compatible with in and models of imperfect language transmission in koiné genesis.
Foreigner talk and baby talkThe Foreigner Talk (FT) hypothesis argues that a pidgin or creole language forms when native speakers attempt to simplify their language in order to address speakers who do not know their language at all. Because of the similarities found in this type of speech and speech directed to a small child, it is also sometimes called . suggest that four different processes are involved in creating Foreigner Talk: * Accommodation * Imitation * Telegraphic condensation * Conventions This could explain why creole languages have much in common, while avoiding a monogenetic model. However, , in analyzing German Foreigner Talk, claims that it is too inconsistent and unpredictable to provide any model for language learning. While the simplification of input was supposed to account for creoles' simple grammar, commentators have raised a number of criticisms of this explanation: # There are a great many grammatical similarities amongst pidgins and creoles despite having very different languages. # Grammatical simplification can be explained by other processes, i.e. the innate grammar of Bickerton's language bioprogram theory. # Speakers of a creole's lexifier language often fail to understand, without learning the language, the grammar of a pidgin or creole. # Pidgins are more often used amongst speakers of different substrate languages than between such speakers and those of the lexifier language. Another problem with the FT explanation is its potential circularity. points out that FT is often based on the imitation of the incorrect speech of the non-natives, that is the pidgin. Therefore, one may be mistaken in assuming that the former gave rise to the latter.
Imperfect L2 learningThe imperfect L2 (second language) learning hypothesis claims that pidgins are primarily the result of the imperfect L2 learning of the dominant lexifier language by the slaves. Research on naturalistic L2 processes has revealed a number of features of "interlanguage systems" that are also seen in pidgins and creoles: * invariant verb forms derived from the infinitive or the least marked finite verb form; * loss of determiners or use of demonstrative pronouns, adjectives or adverbs as determiners; * placement of a negative particle in preverbal position; * use of adverbs to express modality (natural language), modality; * fixed single word order with no inversion in questions; * reduced or absent nominal plural marking. Imperfect L2 learning is compatible with other approaches, notably the European dialect origin hypothesis and the universalist models of language transmission.
Theories focusing on non-European inputTheories focusing on the substrate, or non-European, languages attribute similarities amongst creoles to the similarities of African substrate languages. These features are often assumed to be transferred from the substrate language to the creole or to be preserved invariant from the substrate language in the creole through a process of relexification: the substrate language replaces the native lexical items with lexical material from the superstrate language while retaining the native grammatical categories. The problem with this explanation is that the postulated substrate languages differ amongst themselves and with creoles in meaningful ways. argues that the number and diversity of African languages and the paucity of a historical record on creole genesis makes determining lexical correspondences a matter of chance. coined the term "cafeteria principle" to refer to the practice of arbitrarily attributing features of creoles to the influence of substrate African languages or assorted substandard dialects of European languages. For a representative debate on this issue, see the contributions to ; for a more recent view, . Because of the sociohistoric similarities amongst many (but by no means all) of the creoles, the and the plantation system of the European colonies have been emphasized as factors by linguists such as .
Gradualist and developmental hypothesesOne class of creoles might start as s, rudimentary second languages improvised for use between speakers of two or more non-intelligible native languages. Keith Whinnom (in ) suggests that pidgins need three languages to form, with one (the superstrate) being clearly dominant over the others. The lexicon of a pidgin is usually small and drawn from the vocabularies of its speakers, in varying proportions. Morphological details like word inflections, which usually take years to learn, are omitted; the syntax is kept very simple, usually based on strict word order. In this initial stage, all aspects of the speech – syntax, lexicon, and pronunciation – tend to be quite variable, especially with regard to the speaker's background. If a pidgin manages to be learned by the children of a community as a native language, it may become fixed and acquire a more complex grammar, with fixed phonology, syntax, morphology, and syntactic embedding. Pidgins can become full languages in only a single generation. "Creolization" is this second stage where the pidgin language develops into a fully developed native language. The vocabulary, too, will develop to contain more and more items according to a rationale of lexical enrichment.
Universalist approacheslinguistic universal, Universalist models stress the intervention of specific general processes during the transmission of language from generation to generation and from speaker to speaker. The process invoked varies: a general tendency towards transparency (linguistic), transparency, first-language learning driven by universal process, or a general process of discourse organization. Bickerton's language bioprogram theory, proposed in the 1980s, remains the main universalist theory. Bickerton claims that creoles are inventions of the children growing up on newly founded plantations. Around them, they only heard pidgins spoken, without enough structure to function as s; and the children used their own innate linguistic capacities to transform the pidgin input into a full-fledged language. The alleged common features of all creoles would then stem from those innate abilities being universal.
Recent studiesThe last decades have seen the emergence of some new questions about the nature of creoles: in particular, the question of how complex creoles are and the question of whether creoles are indeed "exceptional" languages.
Creole prototypeSome features that distinguish creole languages from noncreoles have been proposed (by Bickerton, for example). John McWhorter has proposed the following list of features to indicate a creole prototype: * a lack of inflectional morphology (other than at most two or three inflectional affixes), * a lack of tone on monosyllabic words, and * a lack of semantically opaque word formation. McWhorter hypothesizes that these three properties exactly characterize a creole. However, the creole prototype hypothesis has been disputed: * Henri Wittmann (1999) and David argue that languages such as Manding languages, Manding, Soninke language, Soninke, Magoua, Magoua French and Riau Indonesian language, Indonesian have all these three features but show none of the sociohistoric traits of creole languages. * Others (see overview in ) have demonstrated creoles that serve as counterexamples to McWhorter's hypothesis – the existence of inflectional morphology in Berbice Dutch Creole, for example, or Tone (linguistics), tone in Papiamentu.
ExceptionalismBuilding up on this discussion, McWhorter proposed that "the world's simplest grammars are Creole grammars", claiming that every noncreole language's grammar is at least as complex as any creole language's grammar. Gil has replied that Riau Indonesian has a simpler grammar than Saramaccan, the language McWhorter uses as a showcase for his theory. The same objections were raised by Wittmann in his 1999 debate with McWhorter. The lack of progress made in defining creoles in terms of their morphology and syntax has led scholars such as Robert Chaudenson, , Michel DeGraff, and Henri Wittmann to question the value of ''creole'' as a typological class; they argue that creoles are structurally no different from any other language, and that ''creole'' is a sociohistoric concept – not a linguistic one – encompassing displaced populations and slavery. spell out the idea of creole exceptionalism, claiming that creole languages are an instance of nongenetic language change due to language shift with abnormal transmission. Gradualists question the abnormal transmission of languages in a creole setting and argue that the processes which created today's creole languages are no different from universal patterns of language change. Given these objections to ''creole'' as a concept, DeGraff and others question the idea that creoles are exceptional in any meaningful way. Additionally, argues that some Romance languages are potential creoles but that they are not considered as such by linguists because of a historical bias against such a view.
ControversyCreolistics investigates the relative creoleness of languages suspected to be creole (language), creoles, what calls "the cline (linguistics), cline of creoleness." No consensus exists among creolists as to whether the nature of creoleness is prototypical or merely evidence indicative of a set of recognizable phenomena seen in association with little inherent unity and no underlying single cause.
"Creole", a sociohistoric concept''Creoleness'' is at the heart of the controversy with John McWhorter and Mikael Parkvall opposing Henri Wittmann (1999) and Michel DeGraff. In McWhorter's definition, creoleness is a matter of degree, in that prototypical creoles exhibit all of the three traits he proposes to diagnose creoleness: little or no inflection, little or no Tone (linguistics), tone, and Transparency (linguistic), transparent derivation (linguistics), derivation. In McWhorter's view, less prototypical creoles depart somewhat from this prototype. Along these lines, McWhorter defines , exhibiting all three traits, as "the most creole of creoles." A creole like Palenquero, on the other hand, would be less prototypical, given the presence of inflection to mark plural, past, gerund, and participle forms. Objections to the McWhorter-Parkvall hypotheses point out that these typological parameters of creoleness can be found in languages such as Manding languages, Manding, Soninke language, Sooninke, and Magoua which are not considered creoles. Wittmann and DeGraff come to the conclusion that efforts to conceive a yardstick for measuring creoleness in any scientifically meaningful way have failed so far. comes to the same conclusion for Riau Indonesian language, Indonesian. have adduced evidence as to creole languages which respond unexpectedly to one of McWhorter's three features (for example, inflectional morphology in Berbice Dutch Creole, Tone (linguistics), tone in Papiamentu). and have argued further that Creole languages are structurally no different from any other language, and that Creole is in fact a sociohistoric concept (and not a linguistic one), encompassing displaced population and slavery. discuss creolistics in relation to colonialism, colonialist ideologies, rejecting the notion that Creoles can be responsibly defined in terms of specific grammatical characteristics. They discuss the history of linguistics and nineteenth-century work that argues for the consideration of the sociohistorical contexts in which Creole languages emerged.
"Creole", a genuine linguistic conceptOn the other hand, McWhorter points out that in languages such as Bambara, essentially a dialect of Manding, there is ample non-transparent derivation, and that there is no reason to suppose that this would be absent in close relatives such as Mandinka itself. Moreover, he also observes that Soninke has what all linguists would analyze as inflections, and that current lexicography of Soninke is too elementary for it to be stated with authority that it does not have non-transparent derivation. Meanwhile, Magoua French, as described by Henri Wittmann, retains some indication of grammatical gender, which qualifies as inflection, and it also retains non-transparent derivation. Michel DeGraff's argument has been that retains non-transparent derivation from French. To the defense of DeGraff and Wittmann it must be said that McWhorter's 2005 book is a collection of previously published papers and that it contains nothing on "defining creole", Manding, Sooninke or Magoua that wasn't already known when DeGraff and Wittmann published their critiques as can be seen from their published debate. As it is, McWhorter's book does not offer anything new by the way of analysis of Manding, Soninke, or Magoua that wasn't already debated on in his exchange with Wittmann on Creolist. The issues in question are, at this point, unresolved as to sustaining McWhorter's hypotheses in any significant way though DeGraff's 2005 contribution addresses their weaknesses as far as Haitian Creole is concerned adding new evidence against. The only conclusion possibly so far as the typological differences between Manding, Soninke, Magoua and Haitian are concerned is that their comparative data do not confirm McWhorter's yardstick approach to defining creole.
Additional resourcescritically assesses the proposal that creole languages exist as a homogeneous structural type with shared and/ or peculiar origins. groups creole genesis theories into four categories: :* ''Theories focusing on the European input'' :* ''Theories focusing on the non-European input'' :* ''Gradualist and Developmental linguistics, developmental hypotheses'' :* ''Universalist approaches'' The authors also confine Pidgins and mixed languages into separate chapters outside this scheme whether or not relexification come into the picture.
See also* Chimwiini * Diglossia * Language contact * Kiswahili * Lingua franca * List of creole languages * Macaronic language * Middle English creole hypothesis * Nation language * Nicaraguan Sign Language * Post-creole continuum
Creoles by parent language* Arabic-based creole languages * Assamese language, Assamese-based: Nagamese Creole, Nagamese * Chinese language, Chinese-based: Tangwang language, Tangwang * Dutch-based creole languages * * * German language, German-based: Unserdeutsch language, Unserdeutsch * Hindi-based: Andaman Creole Hindi * Japanese language, Japanese-based: Yilan Creole Japanese, Kanbun, Kanbun Kundoku * Kongo language, Kongo-based: Kituba language, Kituba * Malay-based creole languages * Ngbandi language, Ngbandi-based: Sango * Portuguese-based creole languages * Spanish-based creole languages * Sinhala language, Sinhala-based: Vedda language
Bibliography* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *Wittmann, Henri (2001). "Lexical diffusion and the glottogenetics of creole French.
Further reading* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * Wittmann, Henri (1999)