Some basic examples and questions
The following sentences illustrate some basic facts of binding. The words that bear the index i should be construed as referring to the same person or thing. ::a. Fredi is impressed with himselfi. – Indicated reading obligatory ::b. *Fredi is impressed with himi. – Indicated reading impossible ::a. *Susani asked Arthur to help herselfi. – Indicated reading impossible, sentence ungrammatical ::b. Susani asked Arthur to help heri. – Indicated reading easily possible ::a. Suei said shei was tired. – Indicated reading easily possible ::b. *Shei said Suei was tired. – Indicated reading impossible ::a. Fred'si friends venerate himi. – Indicated reading easily possible ::b. ?Hisi friends venerate Fredi. – Indicated reading unlikely These sentences illustrate some aspects of the distribution of reflexive andBinding domains
The following three subsections consider the binding domains that are relevant for the distribution of pronouns and nouns in English. The discussion follows the outline provided by the traditional binding theory (see below), which divides nominals into three basic categories: reflexive and reciprocal pronouns, personal pronouns, and nouns ( common andReflexive and reciprocal pronouns ("anaphors")
When one examines the distribution ofPersonal pronouns
Personal pronouns have a distribution that is different from reflexive and reciprocal pronouns, a point that is evident with the first two b-sentences in the previous section. The local binding domain that is decisive for the distribution of reflexive and reciprocal pronouns is also decisive for personal pronouns, but in a different way. Personal pronouns seek their antecedent outside of the local binding domain containing them, e.g. ::a. Fredi asked whether Jim mentioned himi. – Indicated reading easily possible ::b. *Fred asked whether Jimi mentioned himi. – Indicated reading impossible ::a. Ginai hopes that Wilma will mention heri. – Indicated reading easily possible ::b. *Gina hopes that Wilmai will mention heri. – Indicated reading impossible In these cases, the pronoun has to look outside of the embedded clause containing it to the matrix clause to find its antecedent. Hence based on such data, the relevant binding domain appears to be the clause. Further data illustrate, however, that the clause is actually not the relevant domain: ::a. Fredi likes the picture of himi. – Indicated reading possible ::b. Ginai has heard the rumor about heri. – Indicated reading possible Since the pronouns appear within the same minimal clause containing their antecedents in these cases, one cannot argue that the relevant binding domain is the clause. The most one can say based on such data is that the domain is "clause-like".Nouns
The distribution of common and proper nouns is unlike that of reflexive, reciprocal, and personal pronouns. The relevant observation in this regard is that a noun is often reluctantly coreferential with another nominal that is within its binding domain or in a superordinate binding domain, e.g. ::a. Susani admires herselfi. – Indicated reading obligatory ::b. #Susani admires Susani. – Indicated reading possible, but special context necessary ::a. Fredi thinks that hei is the best. – Indicated reading easily possible ::b. #Fredi thinks that Fredi is the best. – Indicated reading possible, but special context necessary The readings indicated in the a-sentences are natural, whereas the b-sentences are very unusual. Indeed, sentences like these b-sentences were judged to be impossible in the traditional binding theory according to Condition C (see below). Given a contrastive context, however, the b-sentences can work, e.g. ''Susan does not admire Jane, but rather Susani admires Susani''. One can therefore conclude that nouns are not sensitive to binding domains in the same way that reflexive, reciprocal, and personal pronouns are.Linear order
The following subsections illustrate the extent to which pure linear order impacts the distribution of pronouns. While linear order is clearly important, it is not the only factor influencing where pronouns can appear.Linear order is a factor
A simple hypothesis concerning the distribution of many anaphoric elements, of personal pronouns in particular, is that linear order plays a role. In most cases, a pronoun follows its antecedent, and in many cases, the coreferential reading is impossible if the pronoun precedes its antecedent. The following sentences suggest that pure linear can indeed be important for the distribution of pronouns: ::a. Jim'si grade upsets himi. – Indicated reading easily possible ::b. ?Hisi grade upsets Jimi. – Indicated reading unlikely ::a. Larry'si family avoids himi. – Indicated reading easily possible ::b. ?Hisi family avoids Larryi. – Indicated reading unlikely ::a. We spoke to Tina'si mother about heri. – Indicated reading easily possible ::b. ?We spoke to heri mother about Tinai. – Indicated reading unlikely While the coreferential readings indicated in these b-sentences are possible, they are unlikely. The order presented in the a-sentences is strongly preferred. The following, more extensive data sets further illustrate that linear order is important: ::a. Sami mentioned twice that hei was hungry. – Indicated reading easily possible ::b. *Hei mentioned twice that Sami was hungry. – Indicated reading impossible ::c. That Sami was hungry, hei mentioned twice. – Indicated reading possible ::d. ?That hei was hungry, Sami mentioned twice. – Indicated reading unlikely ::a. You asked Fredi twice when hei would study. – Indicated reading easily possible ::b. *You asked himi twice when Fredi would study. – Indicated reading impossible ::c. When Fredi would study, you asked himi twice. – Indicated reading possible ::d. ?When hei would study, you asked Fredi twice. – Indicated reading unlikely While the acceptability judgements here are nuanced, one can make a strong case that pure linear order is at least in part predictive of when the indicated reading is available. The a- and c-sentences allow the coreferential reading more easily than their b- and d-counterparts.Linear order is not the only factor
While linear order is an important factor influencing the distribution of pronouns, it is not the only factor. The following sentences are similar to the c- and d-sentences in the previous section insofar as an embedded clause is present. ::a. When the boysi are at home, theyi play video games. – Indicated reading easily possible ::b. When theyi are at home, the boysi play video games. – Indicated reading possible ::a. If Susani tries, shei will succeed. – Indicated reading easily possible ::b. If shei tries, Susani will succeed. – Indicated reading possible While there may be a mild preference for the order in the a-sentences here, the indicated reading in the b-sentences is also available. Hence linear order is hardly playing a role in such cases. The relevant difference between these sentences and the c- and d-sentences in the previous section is that the embedded clauses here are adjunct clauses, whereas they are argument clauses above. The following examples involve adjunct phrases: ::a. Rosai found a scratch in Ben's picture of heri. – Indicated reading easily possible ::b. *Shei found a scratch in Ben's picture of Rosai. – Indicated reading impossible ::c. ?In Ben's picture of Rosai, shei found a scratch. – Indicated reading unlikely ::d. In Ben's picture of heri, Rosai found a scratch. – Indicated reading possible ::a. Zeldai spent her sweetest hours in heri bed.– Indicated reading easily possible ::b. *Shei spent her sweetest hours in Zelda'si bed. – Indicated reading impossible ::c. ??In Zelda'si bed, shei spent her sweetest hours. – Indicated reading very unlikely ::d. In heri bed, Zeldai spent her sweetest hours. – Indicated reading possible The fact that the c-sentences marginally allow the indicated reading whereas the b-sentences do not at all allow this reading further demonstrates that linear order is important. But in this regard, the d-sentences are telling, since if linear order were the entire story, one would expect the d-sentences to be less acceptable than they are. The conclusion that one can draw from such data is that there are one or more other factors beyond linear order that are impacting the distribution of pronouns.Configuration vs. function
Given that linear order is not the only factor influencing the distribution of pronouns, the question is what other factor or factors might also be playing a role. The traditional binding theory (see below) tookConfiguration (c-command)
C-command is a configurational notion that acknowledges the syntactic configuration as primitive. Basic subject- object asymmetries, which are numerous in many languages, are explained by the fact that the subject appears outside of the finite verb phrase (VP) constituent, whereas the object appears inside it. Subjects therefore c-command objects, but not vice versa. C-command is defined as follows: ::C-command ::Node A c-commands node B if every node dominating A also dominates B, and neither A nor B dominates the other. Given the binary division of the clause (S → NP + VP) associated with mostFunction (rank)
The alternative to a c-command approach posits a ranking of syntactic functions (SUBJECT > FIRST OBJECT > SECOND OBJECT > PREPOSITIONAL OBJECT). Subject-object asymmetries are addressed in terms of this ranking. Since subjects are ranked higher than objects, an object can have the subject as its antecedent, but not vice versa. With basic cases, this approach makes the same prediction as the c-command approach. The first two sentences from the previous section are repeated here: ::a. Larryi promoted himselfi. – Indicated reading obligatory ::b. *Himselfi promoted Larryi. – Indicated reading impossible; sentence ungrammatical Since the subject outranks the object, sentence a is predictably acceptable, the subject ''Larry'' outranking the object ''himself''. Sentence b, in contrast, is bad because the subject reflexive pronoun ''himself'' outranks its postcedent ''Larry''. In other words, this approach in terms of rank is assuming that within its binding domain, a reflexive pronoun may not outrank its antecedent (or postcedent). Consider the third example sentence from the previous section in this regard: ::The picture of himselfi upset Larryi. – Indicated reading possible The approach based on rank does not require a particular configurational relationship to hold between a reflexive pronoun and its antecedent. In other words, it makes no prediction in this case, and hence does not make an incorrect prediction. The reflexive pronoun ''himself'' is embedded within the subject noun phrase, which means that it is not the subject and hence does not outrank the object ''Larry''. A theory of binding that acknowledges both linear order and rank can at least begin to predict many of the marginal readings. When both linear order and rank combine, acceptability judgments are robust, e.g. ::a. Barbarai hopes that shei will be promoted. – Linear order and rank combine to make the indicated reading easily possible. ::b. *Shei hopes that Barbarai will be promoted. – Linear order and rank combine to make the indicated reading impossible. ::a. Bill'si grade upset himi. – Linear order alone makes the indicated reading possible; rank is not involved. ::b. ?Hisi grade upset Billi. – Linear order alone makes the indicated reading unlikely; rank is not involved. This ability to address marginal readings is something that an approach combining linear order and rank can accomplish, whereas an approach that acknowledges only c-command cannot do the same.The traditional binding theory: Conditions A, B, and C
The exploration of binding phenomena got started in the 1970s and interest peaked in the 1980s withSee also
* * * * * * *Notes
References
*Bresnan, Joan. 2001. Lexical–Functional Syntax. Oxford: Blackwell. *Bruening, B. 2014. Precede-and-command revisited. Language 90(1). *Carnie, C. 2013. Syntax: A generative introduction, 3rd edition. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell. *Langacker, R. 1969. On pronominalization and the chain of command. Modern Studies in English, eds. D. Reibel & S. Schane, 160-186. Engelwood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. *Pollard, C. and I. Sag. 1992. Reflexives in English and the scope of binding theory. Linguistic Inquiry 23, 261-303. *Pollard, C. and I. Sag. 1994. Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar. University of Chicago Press. * Radford, A. (2004) English syntax: An introduction. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. *Reinhart, T. 1983. Anaphora and semantic interpretation. London: Croom Helm.Further reading
*Büring, D. 2005. Binding Theory. New York: Cambridge University Press. *Chomsky, N.1981. Lectures on Government and Binding. Dordrecht: Foris Publications. *Crystal, D. 1997. A dictionary of linguistics and phonetics. 4th edition. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishers. *Heim, I., and A. Kratzer. 1988. Semantics in Generative Grammar. Malden, MA: Blackwell. *Hornstein, N. Nunes, J. Grohmann, K. 2005. Understanding Minimalism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. *Reinhart, T. and E. Reuland. 1993. Reflexivity. Linguistic Inquiry 24, 657-720. {{Formal semantics Generative syntax Semantics Formal semantics (natural language) Syntactic relationships Syntax–semantics interface