Botorrita Plaque

The Botorrita plaques are four bronze plaques discovered in Botorrita (Roman ''Contrebia Belaisca''), near Zaragoza, Spain, dating to the late 2nd century BC, known as Botorrita I, II, III and IV.

Although Botorrita II is in the Latin language, Botorrita I, III and IV, inscribed in the Celtiberian script, constitute the main part of the Celtiberian corpus.

Botorrita I

Botorrita I was found in 1970. It is the longest inscription in Celtiberian consisting of a text in 11 lines, on the front face, continued by a list of names on the back side.

Side A

:A.1.
:A.2.
:A.3.
:A.4.
:A.5.
:A.6.
:A.7.
:A.8.
:A.9.
:A.10.
:A.11.

Side B

:B.1.
:B.2.
:B.3.
:B.4.
:B.5.
:B.6.
:B.7.
:B.8.
:B.9.

Translations

J. Eska (1988)

1. "Regarding a well-wrought boundary structure, the senators of Tocoitom and of Sarnicios ave agreed/decided thatt isnot permitted"

2. " hat itbe demolished or destroyed or broken apart by violence." (from ''soz'' to ''tamai'' remains untranslated, probably a tag on the preceding prohibition)

3-4. "and whoever carries out these things, he should give cut iecesof silver amely100 ''sanclistera'' of ''otanas'' at Tocoitom."
----
F. Villar (1990)

1. "In relation to the trescantos amedBerkuneteca of Tokoit and Sarnicia, this is the settlement/accord:"
----
W. Meid (1983)

1. "Concerning the hilly region of Togoit and of the Sanricii, the following has been decreed as not allowed"

2. "It is not allowed to do nything neither is it allowed to perform/carry out orks nor is it allowed to perpetrate breakage/harm" xcept by permission of the directors"
----
Rodriguez Adrados (1993)

1. "With regard to the place Tricanta ("the meeting of three roads" or "of three boundaries") of Togotus and of Sarnicius, the council as determinedthus--t isforbidden:"

Notes

Although the general contents of the inscription are known with some confidence--apparently a set of prohibitions ( "must neither...nor..." A.2 with ''litom'' < *''l(e)ik-to'', cf. Latin ''licitum'' < *''lik-e-to'') with specifications of punishments (including payment in silver = A.3) for violations (side A), and a list of guarantors on side B (though the list seems to start at the end of A.11 with )--there is as yet no unified, agreed-upon translation. It is still not clear, for example, whether the text presents sacred laws concerning a temple or municipal regulations.

On the first side, David Stifter (2001), for example, indicates that <> is an 'assembly of 300', similar to Gaulish , while <> according to Bayer (1994) means something like 'was (deemed) suitable (by the assembly)' (cf. Latin 'to please'). The sequences with and with infinitive in are clearly something like '(it is) not permitted to...', and mentions some kind of monetary and property fines for ignoring the prohibitions. F. Villar has
suggested that ''kombalkez'' in the first line is 3rd sing. of the perfect of a root*bh el- ' to speak'--"he has spoken."

In line 2, the form ''tizaunei'' is considered to come from *''di-dyāmnei'' (compare Greek δίζημαι "seek out, look for") by Jordán Cólera, though the Greek form is generally thought now to go back to a Proto-Indo-European root *''ieh₂''- ‘to pursue.' But Prósper takes the form ''tizaunei'' from *''d^hi-d^hh₁-mn-e'' "to place."

For in lines A.2-3, Prosper (2006) translates: " llthis (is) valid by order of the competent authority" based on the following analyses: : llthis (< *sod); : final, valid (< *''h₂eug-os'' 'strong, valid', cf. Latin ''augustus'' 'solemn'); : of the competent authority (gen. sing. < *''pr̥Hi-steh₂-lo-'' 'competent authority' < *''pr̥Hi-sto'' 'what is first, authority'); : by order (instrumental fem. sing. < *''dʰoh₁m-eh₂'' 'establish, dispose'). In lines 3 and 6, ''stena'' may be related to the word for "thunder" and the name of the Celtic storm god, ''Taranos'' (< *''Taran-''), forms also seen on Botorrita III below.

In line A 4, the second element in ''Togoitei eni'' 'in Togotis' is from *''h₁en-i'' (cf. Lat. ''in'', OIr. ''in'' 'into, in'). For ''Togoitei'' itself, Matasovic points to Proto-Celtic *''tonketo-'' ‘destiny’ with the cognate in OIr. ''tocad '' saying this form is in the dative/locative singular, and connected to the apparent theonymn ''TOGOTI'' in the dative singular, but adding that: "The attribution of the Celtiberian forms to this root is as uncertain as anything else in this language."

Later in the same line, ''bou-sto-mue'' probably contains in its first element a reflex of the PIE term for "cow": PIE *''g^wōw-'' > Lat. ''bōs'', OHG ''chuo'', Sanksrit ''gáu-'', Tokarian A ''ko'', Armenian ''kov''... through Proto-Celtic ''*bow-'' whence OIr. ''bó'', Middle Welsh ''bu,'' Middle Bretton ''bou-tig'' ‘stable’ and the Gaulish personal name ''Bo-marus.'' The meaning, therefore, may be "stable," like the Bretton form, but the form seems to be identical historically to Old Irish ''búas'' "riches, wealth (in cattle)" from Proto-Celtic *''bow-sto-''. The form at the end of line 4, ''kabizeti'', can be derived from ''*gabiyeti'', a third person singular present indicative (or subjunctive?), from the Proto-Indo-European root ''*g^hHb'' "take, hold" but here, possibly "give" (whence Latin ''habeo'' "hold" and possibly Gothic ''geben'' "give"), assuming that *''-(i)y-'' becomes ''-z-'' in Celtiberian, as seen also in *''nowyo-'' > CeltIb. ''nouiza''.

In line 6, is probably a subjunctive form of indeterminate meaning.

And in line 7, is probably a present third person plural indicative form meaning "they sow."

For (A.8-9), Jordán (2004) translates: "of these, he will give the tithe/tax inside of this territory, so ay itbe fenced as t shouldbe unfenced" based on the following analyses:
:: "of these" (< *''sa-ōm'')
:: "the tithes, the tax" << *-''dekam-etos < *-dkm-etos''; compare Gaulish ''decametos'' 'tenth', Welsh ''degfed'' 'tenth', O.Ir. ''dechmad'' 'tenth'
:: "he will pay, will give" (< PIE ''*deh₂-tо̄d'' 3rd person singular imperative)
:: "inside, in" (< ''*h₁en-i'')
::: of this (loc. sing. < *''so-sm-ei'' 'from this')
:: "territory" (loc. sing. < *''touzom'' 'territory' < *''tewt-yo-'')
:: "so (be) fenced"
:: "as (be) unfenced."

The first word of A.10, , may be the negative (''ne-'') of a verb meaning "strike, harm" in the 3rd person imperative middle, from Proto-Celtic *''bi-na-'' ‘strike, hit’—compare Old Irish ''benaid'' (same meaning), from PIE *''b^heyH-'' "strike"; whence Old Latin ''perfines'' "you should strike" and Old Church Slavonic ''biti''. And for in A.10, De Bernardo (2009) translates: "In Togotis, he who draws water either for the green or for the farmland, the tithe (of their yield) he shall give." The form in line 10 is the nominative singular masculine of the relative pronoun from Proto-Indo-European ''*yo-'' (Sanskrit ''ya-'', Greek ''hos''), which shows up in Irish only as the aspiration for leniting relative verb forms. Line 7 has the accusative singular and the dative singular of the same root.

The second side clearly consists of names, presumably prominent members of the assembly. The names are in the Celtiberian formula, e.g. , is 'Lubo of the Kounesiko (people), onof Melnon'; for this reason, it has been suggested that <> is actually <>, i.e. // 'son', as this clearly fits the context (seen notes on plaque III below), but it may merely be a title of a kind of magistrate. Whether this means the sign can elsewhere be interpreted as indicating a velar—which would lead, for example, to new possible etymologies for as from *''ups-'' plus ''*ag-'' "drive" and from *''dhingh''- "shape, build"—in this text is still unclear. It is generally agreed that in A.5 means "path," a form also seen in Gaulish, borrowed into Late Latin as cammīnus, and from there into the modern Romance languages.

In B.7, the form ''useizu'' (considered equivalent to ''usizu'' .1.3, II-9, IV-23 is considered by Jordán Cólera to have come from an earlier nominative *''upsē̆-dyō(n)'', while in line B.5 we find the genitive of the same form: ''useizunos'' from *''upsē̆-dyōn-os''.

Botorrita II

This bronze plaque, also known as Tabula Contrebiensis, is inscribed in Latin and was discovered in an illegal excavation of the Contrebia Belaisca site, and was obtained in December 1979 by editor Guillermo Fatás Cabeza. The inscription is fully decipherable and relates how the senate of Contrebia Belaisca was called upon by neighboring towns for a decision concerning the right of the town of Salluia to build a canal through the territory of the Sosinestani, an initiative to which the neighboring Allauonenses objected. Based upon the names of Roman officials, the text has been dated to May 87 BC. English translation available at: https://droitromain.univ-grenoble-alpes.fr/Anglica/Contrebiensis_Richardson.htm

:1.
:2.
:3.
:4.
:5.

:6.
:7.
:8.
:9.
:10.
:11.

:12.
:13.
:14.

:15.
:16.
:17.
:18.
:19.
:20.

Summary

Based on Richardson (1983).

Botorrita III

Botorrita III, discovered in 1979, is inscribed in four columns on one side of a plaque, introduced by a heading of two lines. A part of the plaque is missing, but the inscribed portion is complete. It is heavily corroded, and the text was only legible by x-ray.

:01:
:02:

Notes

Basically this is a list of names, mostly following the formula seen on the first plaque: name plus tribal name in ''-um'' (probably genitive pl). In the mostly obscure first two lines (=title?), the form ''soisum'' seems to be a close parallel to the Sanskrit genitive plural pronominal form ''teśam'' < *''toisom'' "of them". If Lambert is correct in his determination that ''eskeninum'' is a genitive plural agreeing with the pronoun, and from *''eks-'' plus the cognate of Latin ''genuinus'', and that ''alba'' is a borrowing from Latin in the meaning "public list of names" (originally written on a white board), a partial translation of the second line might be: "... his isthe public list of the names of those very authentic uthorities/individuals.." In the first line, ''nouiz'' may be from ''*nowija-'' "new." Whether the list involved legal claims (like Botorrita II above) or had a religious or some other purpose remains, however, unclear. It is notable and rare for this region in this time period for such a public list to include so many female names and references—apparently nearly 30.

In lines 1.14, 1.45, 1.46, and 3.18 (always in second position), the form ''loukanikum'' may contain the Proto-Indo-European *''leukós'' "bright, shining" seen also in the Celtic tribal name Leuci. The same root can be seen elsewhere in Celtiberian inscriptions in ''loukaiteitubos'' .0., and ''loukio'' .18.2, -1

In lines 1.16, 3.13, 3.19, ''stena'' (also seen above in A.3) along with ''stenion'' in 4.2, may be related to the word for "thunder" and the name of the Celtic storm god, Taranis (< *''Taran-'' < Proto-Indo-European *''(s)tenh^2-''), with the "s mobile" preserved here uniquely in Celtic.

On the name ''mezu-kenos'' in lines 1.46, 1.60, 2.4, 2.12, 2.21, 3.11, 3.29, and 4.9 (always in first position, syntactically so in 3.11), Ranko Matasovic notes: "The root Celt. *''genan'' < *''genh₁-en'' > Old Irish ''gein'' a neuter -n stem meaning ‘birth, conception’is attested in Celtiberian as the second element of the compound PN ''Mezu-kenos'' (= OIr. ''Midgen'')." The first element seems to be from Proto-Celtic ''*medu-'' < PIE ''*med^hu-'' "mead", making the compound equivalent to the Gaulish personal name ''Medu-genos'', Ogam ''MEDDOGENI'', Old Irish ''Midgen'', and Old Welsh ''Medgen'' which allows the reconstruction of the Proto-Celtic personal name ''*Medu-genos.'' But Jordan Carlos suggests instead that the first element simply means 'middle' pointing to a straightforward compound *''med^hyo-genos'' meaning 'middle born.'

Matasovic says of ''kalmikom'' (2.26) that it may be related to Middle Irish ''calma'' "strong, brave; strength fortitude" and Old Welsh ''celmed'' "skilled" all going back to Proto-Celtic *''kalmiyo-'', a root with no clear Indo-European connections, so perhaps borrowed from a non-Indo-European source. In line 1.30 (and many other similar forms throughout), ''koitu'' may be a form of Latin ''Quintus'' and ''koitina'' may be its feminine equivalent. Note that the Greek transcription of the Latin name was Κοιντος. Possibly also connected is ''coeti-c'' from the Larzac tablet (1.b). The form *''tekos'' in 2.49 matches the Proto-Celtic root *''teg-os'' "house."

In lines 3.12 and 3.21, the form ''arkanta'' may derive from the PIE word for 'silver' cf Latin ''argentum''.

In 3.25 and 3.58, ''launi'' may mean "spouse", both times followed by ''-kue'', so "and iswife"; it also occurs in local fragmentary epigraphy. Similarly, ''kentis'' (2.3, 2.25, 3.4, 3.56, 4.3) "son" is also followed by ''-kue'' "and isson," and ''tuate.es-kue'' (2.40) likely means "and isdaughter(s?)". The two-line multiple genitives in 3.23-3.24 are unique in the text: ''retukeno : elkueikikum / kentisum : tuateros-kue'' "of the sons and of the daughter of the Re(x)-tu-genoi ('right born, lawful' < *h₃reg-tō-genos, Gaulish Rextugenos), the Elkueikikoi ("those with horses that have wheels/chariots" if from *ekue-kykloi; speaking against this interpretation are the many other forms that begin ''elk-'' in the list)." The conjunction ''-kue'' also seems to appear in line 1.34-35: ''sanion : baatokum/ niskekue : babokum'' "Sanion of the Baatoks nless this is a misreading or misspelling for "babokum" as in the next line and Niske ddly, the only form in the list starting with "n-"of the Baboks."

These suggest that ''akuia'' (1.42), ''munika'' (1.53, also 2.51), ''litu'' (1.57), ''elkua'' (2.51), ''ama'' (3.55; also ''amu'' 1.56?), ''koitana'' (3.5, also 1.4, 1.6, 2.15), ''turtunta'' (3.38), and ''abalos'' ("uncle"?)(3.47) may also express some relationship, since they fall in the same positions followed by ''-kue'' (though some or all may simply be names as well).

The names ''kalaitos'' in 2.33, 4.5, 4.12 and ''tur(r)o'' (1.60, 2.67 and as elements in many other names, probably "bull"—note also perhaps the name of the Celtic tribe Taurisci) are also found frequently carved in cave walls in the area. The former also resembles the form ''kaltaikikos'' from Luzaga's Bronze. On the same bronze, the form ''elazunom'' appears, probably a variant form (different case and/or gender?) ''elazuna'' on line 2.57 above.

The form ''burzu'' (1.23, 1.33...) may be connected to the ancient name for a town about 30 miles north of Botorrita: Bursau.

The element ''mel-'' in 1.18, 3.3, 4.3...may be from the proto-Celtic root *''mello'' "hill", perhaps as part of a place name; or the short forms may be clippings of the longer forms at 3.42 ''mel-man-tama'' and at 4.3 ''mel-man-zos'' which seem to be personal names meaning 'gifted with mind' < *''men-mn̥-tyo-'' (with dissimilation of the first -n- to -l-). Compare the Gaulish (dative plural) theonym ''Menman-dutis''.

The element ''ebur-'' in ''ebur-sunos'' (3.52) probably means "yew tree"; compare Old Irish ''ibar'' "yew-tree," Welsh ''efwr'' "alder buckthorn", Breton ''evor'' "alder buckthorn."Xavier Delamarre, ''Dictionnaire de la langue gauloise'', éditions errance 2003, p. 159.

Xavier Delamarre and John T. Koch argue that the term ''uiroku'' (''< *wiro-kū'') in 1.5, 1.51 and 3.26 means 'man-dog' (i.e. werewolf). It would be cognate to ''Viroconium'' (< *''wiroconion'', 'place of man-dogs')'','' the ancient name of the English village of Wroxeter, the Old Irish ''ferchu'' ('male dog, fierce dog'), and the Brittonic personal names ''Guurci'' (Old Welsh) and ''Gurki'' (Old Breton).It has been observed that nearly every line in this text has a form ending in ''-kum,'' and this is generally taken to be a genitive plural ending ''-um'' on a (maybe generalized) ''-k-'' stem, a common feature of Celtic place names (such as Brittonic ''Ebor-ak-on'' > ''York''); this observation doesn't take account of the type and position of the names that appear with the ''k-um'' stem , all of them located in the second place of each formula, nor it is able to explain the lack of final ''-m'' in the term ''uiroku'' throughout all of the text.

Blanca María Prósper interprets the word ''letontu'' as pertaining to the semantic field of Proto-Indo-European ''*pléth₂us'' ('flat, vast, broad'). It is also suggested that ''Toutinokum'' refers to a family name and derives from the widespread Celtic (and Indo-European) stem ''*teut/tout-'' ('people, tribe').

Jürgen Untermann notes that some of the names may be of Latin origin: ''markos'' (3.43), ''titos'' (2.9), ''lukinos'', ''balakos sekonzos'' (4.18) = Flaccus Secundus, ''sekontios'' (3.16), ''bolora'' = Flora, ''bubilibor'' = Publipor; while others may be of Greek origin: ''antiokos'' (4.13) = Antiochus, ''bilonikos'' (3.28, 3.51) Philonicus, ''tais'' (2.31) Thais. Note that in 3.16, the name Secundus seems to be spelled ''sekontios'', suggesting that the palatalization of medial /d/ to was still in progress.

In 1.15, ''anu'' may be compared to Gaulish ''Anauus'' "prosperous, wealthy" < Proto-Celtic ''*anawo-'' ‘wealth, profit’ (compare OIr. ''anae'' and Middle Welsh ''anaw'' both ‘wealth’ < Proto-Indo-European ''*h3enh2-'' ‘enjoy, use’; cognates Gr. ''onínēmi'' ‘use’, Go. ''ansts'' ‘mercy, benevolence’). In 1.59 and 3.17, ''branai'' may be compared to Gaulish ''barnaunom'' "judge(-ment)" (?) from Proto-Celtic ''*bar-na-'', whence also Middle Welsh ''barnu'' ‘judge, proclaim.’ The forms not derived from Greek or Latin that have the element ''bil'' in 1.20, 1.40, 3.38, and 4.34 may be derived from Proto-Celtic ''*bel-yo-'' "tree" (whence Old Irish ''bile'' "tree"), seen in the Gaulish place name ''Billio-magus'' (>French ''Billom''), perhaps also seen in reduplicated form in the name of the local town Bilbilis "having many trees."

Names with claimed Iberian elements include ''biurtilaur'' (1.37), ''anieskor'' (4.27), ''bilosban'' (4.34), and ''bartiltun : ekarbilos'' (2.50), ''karbilikum'' (3.39). In 1.55, ''kortikos'' may mean "public," and ''kontusos'' (1.2) may either refer to a group of clients under patronage of someone, or a group of slaves.

Botorrita IV

Botorrita IV, discovered in 1994, consists of 18 lines on both faces of the plaque. The text is fragmentary.

:A.1. '' ..am:tirikantam:entorkue:toutam ..'
:A.2. '' ..sua kombal :bouitos:ozeum: ..'
:A.3. '' ..:turuntas:tirikantos:kustai:bize ..'
:A.4. '' ..:karalom:aranti:otenei:ambi ..'
:A.5. '' ..om:atibion:taskue:.a.s ..'
:A.6. '' ..ue:usimounei: ..'
:A.7. '' ..aralom:ios:lu.e.s ..'
:A.8. '' ..i.u..ti:esta ..'
:A.9. '' ..ta:...kue ..'
:A.10. '' ..i.. n.e ..'
:B.1. '' .. .. i ..'
:B.2. '' ..tuz:uta:e ..'
:B.3. '' ..sum:..ti: ..'
:B.4. '' ..lo...:iom:u ..'
:B.5. '' ..oke...ta:.ue:tizatuz ..'
:B.6. '' ....lez.l.toioan ..'
:B.7. '' ..oruonti:stoteroi:tas ..'
:B.8. '' ..o..esusiomo..o ..'

Notes

The form ' ("territory"? or "(group of) 300"?) at the beginning of Botorrita I reappears in line A.1 here, and as ' in A.3; and note ' in A.2 versus ' in B.I, A.1. The form in line 2 is likely from *''g^wou-i-tos-s'' "cow path."

In A3, ''turuntas'' is probably an -a- stem genitive singular, possibly a place name, or perhaps a form meaning "spring."

The form ' occurs in both A.4 and A.7, and it may refer to the demonym ''Gralliensis'' mentioned by Pliny the Elder. Also in line A.4, the form may refer to a town that issues coinage bearing the legends and , a town name also seen in ''Arandis'' in Lusitania

In B.4, ''tizatuz'' may be from PIE ''*di-d^hh₁-tōd'', which would make Gr. τῐ́θέτω "he must put" its exact cognate. In B.7, the form ''stoteroi'' may be from ''*stā-tér-oi'', from the root ''*stā-'' "to be standing, to remain, to be," but here a nominal form in the nominative plural "those standing..."Cólera, Carlos Jordán (2007) "Celtiberian," e-Keltoi: Journal of Interdisciplinary Celtic Studies: Vol. 6, Article 17. p. 757
Available at: https://dc.uwm.edu/ekeltoi/vol6/iss1/17 retrieved June 18, 2023

References

Further reading

* Bayer, Walter (1994) "Zur Inschrift von Botorrita: keltiberisch bintiś, kombalkes, kombalkoŕeś, aleiteś und ikueś". In: ''Etudes Celtiques''. vol. 30 pp. 191–203. DOI: https://doi.org/10.3406/ecelt.1994.2040
* Beltrán, A. y A. Tovar (1982) ''Contrebia Belaisca (Botorrita, Zaragoza). I. El bronce con alfabeto ‘ibérico’ de Botorrita,'' Zaragoza.
* Beltrán, A. (19830 “Epigrafía ibérica de Contrebia Belaisca (Botorrita, Zaragoza): inscripciones menores”, en ''Homenaje al prof. Martín Almagro Basch''. III, Madrid, pp. 99–107.
* Beltrán Lloris, Francisco (1996): «Useisu aiankum tauro no era bintis. Una nota de lectura sobre la cara B de Botorrita 1», '' La Hispania prerromana'', pp. 51–63.
* Beltrán Lloris, Francisco (2002): (Review of F. Villar, Mª. A. Díaz, M. Mª. Medrano y C. Jordán, ''El IV bronce de Botorrita (Contrebia Belaisca): arqueología y lingüística'', Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, Salamanca 2001, 226 pp.) in ''Palaeohispanica'' (revista sobre lengua y culturas de la Hispania antigua), vol. 2, Zaragoza, pp. 381–393. .
* Beltrán Lloris, Francisco - de Hoz, Javier - Untermann, Jürgen (1996): ''El tercer bronce de Botorrita (Contrebia Belaisca)'', Zaragoza.
* Francisco Beltrán Lloris and Carlos Jordán Cólera (2020) "Celtiberian" ''PALAEOHISPANICA: revista sobre lenguas y culturas de la Hispania antigua'' pp. 631–690. I.S.S.N. 1578-5386 DOI: 10.36707/palaeohispanica.v0i20.395
* Bernardo Stempel, Patrizia de. "Il celtibérico Pi.n.Ti.ś come antico composto indoeuropeo". In: ''Etudes Celtiques''. vol. 32, 1996. pp. 117–124. DOI: https://doi.org/10.3406/ecelt.1996.2090
* De Bernardo, Patrizia (2009) "La Gramática Celtibérica Del Primer Bronce De Botorrita: Nuevos Resultados" In ''Acta Palaeohispanica X. Palaeohispanica'' 9 p. 694.
* Eichner, Heiner (1989) "Damals und heute: Probleme der Erschliessung des Altkentischen zu Zeussens Zeit und in der Gegenwart" in ''Erlanger Gedenkfeier für Johann Kasper Zeuss'' (ed. B. Forssman) Erlangen p. 45 ff.
* Eska, Joseph F. (1988) ''Towards an interpretation of the Hispano-Celtic inscription of Botorrita''University of Toronto (Canada) ProQuest Dissertations Publishing NL43452.
*de Hoz, J. and L. Michelena (1974) ''La inscripción celtiberica de Botorrita''; Acta Salmanticensia. Filosofía y letras; 80. Salamanca : Universidad de Salamanca; no:80
* Jordán, Carlos (2004): ''Celtibérico'', Zaragoza.
* Lambert, Pierre-Yves (1996) (review of Beltran, Hoz and Untermann, 1996) ''Études celtiques'' 32 pp. 268–274.https://www.persee.fr/doc/ecelt_0373-1928_1996_num_32_1_2261_t1_0268_0000_3.
* Lambert, Pierre-Yves (2012) (Review of Prósper, Blanca María ''El bronce celtibérico de Botorrita I''. Pisa-Roma, Fabrizio Serra editore, 2008 (Ricerche sulle lingue di frammentaria attestazione, 6) ) in ''Études celtiques'' 38 pp. 301–302.
* Lejeune, Michel (1973) "La grande inscription celtibère de Botorrita", ''Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres'' pp. 622–648. https://www.persee.fr/doc/crai_0065-0536_1973_num_117_4_12946
* Lejeune, Michel (1990) (Review of Eska, Joseph F. (1988) ''Towards an interpretation of the Hispano-Celtic inscription of Botorrita''University of Toronto (Canada) ProQuest Dissertations Publishing NL43452.) ''Études celtiques'' 27 pp. 380–381.
* Meid, Wolfgang (1993) ''Die erste Botorrita-Inschrift: Interpretation eines keltiberischen Sprachdenkmals''. Institut für Sprachwissenschaften der Universität, Innsbruck (Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft; Band 76).
* Prósper, Blanca María ''El bronce celtibérico de Botorrita I''. Pisa-Roma, Fabrizio Serra editore, 2008 (Ricerche sulle lingue di frammentaria attestazione, 6)
* Richardson, J. S. (1983) "The Tabula Contrebiensis: Roman Law in Spain in the Early First Century B.C." ''The Journal of Roman Studies'', Vol. 73, pp. 33–41 https://doi.org/10.2307/300071.
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{{DEFAULTSORT:Botorrita Plaque
Paleohispanic languages
Archaeological discoveries in Spain
Celtiberian inscriptions
Bronze objects
Province of Zaragoza
History of Aragon
20th-century archaeological discoveries
Latin inscriptions
2nd century BC in Hispania