Bellum Jugurthinum

The ''Bellum Jugurthinum'' (English: ''The Jugurthine War'')''For other original language titles, see the Title and Narrative section.'' is a historical monograph by the Roman historian Sallust, published during or around 41 BC. It describes the events of the Jugurthine War (112–106 BC) between the Roman Republic and King Jugurtha of Numidia. Sallust alleges that Jugurtha was able to repeatedly bribe corrupt Roman officials during the war, which Sallust took as indicative of a broader moral decline in the late Republic. In this way, the ''Bellum Jugurthinum'' is thematically similar to Sallust's first monograph, the ''Bellum Catilinae.'' The ''Bellum Jugurthinum'' is the main historical source for the Jugurthine War.

Features

Title and narrative

The ''Bellum Jugurthinum'' was written and published around 40 B.C.,Sallust certainly began writing after 44 B.C., the year of Caesar's death, at a time when the first contrasts between Octavian and Antony were also emerging, destined to result in 33, two years after the historian's death, in a great civil war that would engage ethnic forces and impressive ideological currents. (Gaius Sallustius Crispus, Lidia Storoni Mazzolani (ed.). ''The Conspiracy of Catiline''. Biblioteca Universale Rizzoli (BUR), Milan 1997, p. 212, ISBN 88-17-12072-3). and was passed down by direct tradition through medieval codices.The manuscripts of the two Sallustian monographs are divided into ''integri'' and ''mutili''. The ''mutili'' are characterized by the presence of a long gap in the final part of the ''Bellum Jugurthinum'', from 103, 2 (''quinque delegit'') to 112, 3 (''ratam''), later filled by a reviser who had at his disposal a manuscript of the class of the ''integri''; both derive, nevertheless, from a common archetype. Discrepancies are due in most cases to insertions of lessons and corrections from different sources: numerous are the glosses added to the original text. Notable among the ''mutili'' are ''Codex Parisinus 16024'' and its descendants (''Bibliothèque nationale de France'', 9th century) and the 11th-century ''Basileensis''. The ''integri'' are greater in number but are also more recent; among them are the ''Leidensis'', ''Vossianus Latinus'', ''Lipsiensis'', ''Monacensis'' (11th century), and ''Palatinus'' (13th century). The most important printed edition is the ''Editio princeps'' published in Venice in 1470; among modern editions the one by A. W. Ahlberg, Gothenburg, 1911-15 and by A. Ernout, Paris 1946. Especially in Anglo-Saxon countries, it is also known under the title '' De Bello Iugurthino''.

The ''Bellum Jugurthinum'' is notably more varied in structure and content than Sallust’s earlier work, ''De Catilinae Coniuratione''. While the latter focuses on a brief conspiracy lasting approximately a year and a half (63–62 BCE), with events concentrated in Rome and Etruria, ''Bellum Jugurthinum'' spans a broader geographic and temporal scope. The narrative shifts between Rome and North Africa, and covers a conflict lasting seven years (111–105 BCE), including its antecedents. The work also presents a more complex cast of characters, including Roman figures such as Scipio, Metellus, Scaurus, Bestia, Marius, and Sulla, contrasted with Numidian leaders like Micipsa, Adherbal, Jugurtha, and Bocchus. The narrative is characterized by frequent developments and moral ambiguity, with central figures displaying nuanced and evolving motivations.

Although extended to 114 chapters, ''Bellum Jugurthinum'' maintains the same narrative technique found in ''Bellum Catilinae'', drawing on conventions of Hellenistic historiography. Following the proem, Sallust presents a character portrait of the protagonist and outlines historical antecedents ("archaeology") that connect the narrative to Rome’s broader past. The main events are then recounted, punctuated by digressions and inserted speeches that provide reflective pauses and serve as vehicles for rhetorical expression and historical commentary.

Historical background

The subject of Sallust’s second monograph is the protracted war fought by Rome in North Africa between 111 and 105 BCE against Jugurtha, king of Numidia. The conflict, which concluded with a Roman victory, took place approximately seventy years prior to the work’s publication. Unlike other military campaigns driven by the greed (''avaritia'') of the ''nobilitas,On the contrary, the protraction of the war, like the crisis situation of the state as it unfolded in the first century BCE, would both have been caused by greed on the part of the senatorial class.'' Sallust presents this war as one in which the Roman Senate had little direct interest. The Senate favored a policy of non-intervention in Africa,The alliance with Numidia became, in fact, the real key to Rome's African policy: the presence of a friendly king allowed Rome to avoid direct military intervention, but, at the same time, also to contain any new Carthaginian expansionism. seeing limited strategic or economic gain, and was concerned about leaving the northern frontier exposed—a vulnerability that would soon be exploited by the Cimbri and Teutons during their incursion into Italy, ultimately repelled by Gaius Marius.After repeatedly defeating Roman consular armies, the Cimbri and Teutons decided to invade Italy in 102 BC. The consul Gaius Marius was sent to counter them, who defeated the Teutons at ''Aquae Sextiae'', and the following year routed the numerically superior forces of the Cimbri at the ''Campi Raudii'', near Vercelli.

The groups most invested in the African campaign were the ''equites'' (knights), who supported expanding Rome’s commercial influence in the Mediterranean Basin. Among them were wealthy ''mercatores'' (merchants) from Italy, including the ''negotiatores'' killed by Jugurtha in 112 BCE, who derived significant income from provincial trade and stood to benefit from strengthened Roman control in Africa. Additionally, segments of the Roman and Italic ''plebs'' viewed the conflict as an opportunity to gain land, recalling the precedent set by Gaius Gracchus a decade earlier with the establishment of the first overseas Roman colony on the site of Carthage.The territories of the colonies were inhabited by Roman citizens, often members of the city plebs, or by soldiers on leave.

Within this context, it becomes clear why, after years of ineffective and inconclusive guerrilla warfare, the so-called "Jugurthian problem" was ultimately resolved not by aristocratic generals—whom Sallust criticizes for corruption, incompetence, and arrogance—but by ''homo novus'' Gaius Marius, a representative of the social groups that favored territorial expansion and conquest, and who stood apart from the senatorial ''nobilitas''.

Summary

Chapters 1 - 4 (proem)

Like ''De Catilinae coniuratione'', the ''Bellum Jugurthinum'' opens with a proem that is outside the historical events narrated in the work, but which highlights the author's ideology regarding human nature: indeed, the human being consists of body and soul, but only the solid possession of virtue is a guarantee of eternal glory. Man must therefore exercise the soul more than the body, since the goods of the body are ephemeral and destined to disappear, while those of the soul allow one to have real control over one's life, and lead to immortal greatness.

The universally valid Sallustian message takes on particular relevance in the context of the crisis of the ''res publica'', when it is precisely attachment to ''virtus'' that seems to be the only path capable of restoring peace and stability.

Sallust, therefore, openly criticizes the political system, which allows those who do not deserve it to attain power;Exemplary is the case of Marcus Porcius Cato Uticensis, who, on the other hand, although deserving election to the consulship, could never obtain it, despite being even then a symbol of total morality and honesty (''De Catilinae coniuratione'', 54): the political system thus rejects those who fully exercise ''virtus''. in such a situation, fundamental is the importance played by the historian's activity, which instead risks being regarded as ''otium''. Through the proem, then, Sallust can also ennoble his activity, as he does, similarly, in ''De coniuratione Catilinae''.The praise of historiographic activity constitutes a real ''topos'' in historical proems: Polybius (1:1-2) argues that historians have always used praise, saying that the teaching of history is the best education and exercise for political activities.

Chapters 5 - 16

After introducing the actual historical narrative, Sallust recounts, so that the whole of the events may be clearer and more understandable, the history of the kingdom of Numidia: during the Second Punic War, the Numidian king Masinissa helped Publius Cornelius Scipio against the Carthaginian Hannibal, and, after the Battle of Zama and subsequent treaties, Rome decided to reward him by granting him sovereignty over many of the lands wrested from the Carthaginians, thus creating a strong friendly relationship with Numidia. Upon Masinissa's death, his three sons, Gulussa, Mastanabal and Micipsa, inherited the kingdom, but the latter remained as sole ruler due to the untimely deaths of his brothers. In turn, Micipsa left the kingdom to his sons, Adherbal and Hiempsal, and his nephew Jugurtha, son of Mastanabal and a concubine.

After the brief historical digression, the narrative shifts to the character of Jugurtha, of whom Sallust provides an accurate psychological description, and then to that of Micipsa: the latter, old and now close to death, is led as much to exalt Jugurtha as to suspect his good faith:Sallust, ''Bellum Jugurthinum'', 6 for this reason, in 133 B.C. he sends him to Publius Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, engaged in the siege of Numantia, in the hope that the young man will die in the war. Jugurtha, however, survives and distinguishes himself for his bravery, so much so that he deserves numerous personal praises.Scipio, in a letter to Micipsa, comments as follows: A few years laterIn fact fifteen years elapse between the return of Jugurtha from Numantia and the death of Micipsa, but Sallust does not seem to be interested in the accuracy of the historical record. then, Micipsa, on his deathbed, summons his sons along with Jugurtha, and designates all three as his heirs, advising them to rule in harmony.

The three heirs immediately disregarded the recommendations they had received: they divided the state treasury among themselves and divided up areas of influence; in particular, sharp disagreements arose between Jugurtha and Hiempsal. The latter, of a very prideful nature,Sallust, ''Bellum Jugurthinum'', 11, 3 attempted to put his cousin in the background, but Jugurtha, in response, had him killed.

The repercussions of the act were very serious: most of the terrified Numids rallied around Adherbal, who was forced to send ambassadors to Rome and clash with Jugurtha in the field. From the battle, however, Adherbal emerges defeated, and he is forced to flee to Rome, where he hopes to receive the support of the senate; meanwhile, Jugurtha also sends gold and silver to Rome, to make gifts of it to the senators and thus draw them to his side. Having arrived in Rome, Adherbal is able to deliver a long speech in the Senate: in order to sensitize the audience, he tries to leverage the relationship of friendship and ''fides'' that binds Rome to the Numidian dynasty,In fact, the appellation of ''amicus'', which had been granted to Masinissa, was not a hereditary title, and was to be considered, indeed, linked to the person receiving it (''G. M. Paul, A Historical Commentary on Sallust's Bellum Iugurthinum, Liverpool 1985, p. 56''). The Senate however, with a view to a policy of non-intervention in Africa, benefited greatly from friendship with Numidia. emphasizes the villainy of Jugurtha's actions and portrays himself as unhappy and hapless.Thus referring to a literary ''topos'' originated in Euripides' Medea (vv. 502 ff.).In Adherbal's oration, Sallust emphasizes those fundamental characteristics that the ''nobilitas'', due to its own greed, lost, causing the relentless crisis of the republic. Having also listened to Jugurtha's ambassadors, the senators, bribed by the sums of money they received, decide to favor the usurper: they merely send a commission to Numidia, headed by Lucius Opimius, which assigns the area bordering the Roman province of Africa to Adherbal, and the more fertile area bordering Mauretania to Jugurtha.Sallust insinuates that the allocation of the most fertile and richest area of Numidia to Jugurtha was the result of the corruption of Lucius Opimius; more likely, the senators wanted to secure the presence of the more loyal and less powerful Adherbal on the border with the province of Africa.

Chapters 17 - 19

Sallust decides to interrupt the narrative to include in the work a brief ethnographic digression on northern Africa, which he considers a continent separate from Europe and Asia.Africa was generally little known: indeed, even Sallust states that he did not want to talk about those peoples living in regions with a torrid climate, and consequently little known. There coexisted, then, numerous theses about the geographical nature of Africa itself: Herodotus (''Histories'', 2, 16, 1; 4, 42, 1) and Timaeus (in ''Polybius'', 12, 15, 7) considered it a continent in its own right. In contrast, according to Varro (''De lingua latina libri'' XXV, 5, 5, 31), Horace (''Carmina'', 3, 27, 75) and Pliny the Elder (''Naturalis Historia'', 3, 5), only Europe and Asia existed. Finally, Lucan (''Pharsalia'', 9, 411-413) placed it in Europe, Silius Italicus (1, 195) in Asia. After briefly mentioning the characteristics of the territory and the men who inhabit it, he begins the actual history of human peopling in Africa, relying on the information handed down from the ''Libri Punici'' of Hiempsal:Sallust may have read the ''Libri Punici'' during his stay in Africa or, more likely, found them as a reference for African ethnography in some other work. It is unclear whether the books were written by Hiempsal (Punic was the learned language used in Numidia) or whether, more simply, they belonged to him. According to some, in fact, it would be a Greek work on the African peoples that Sallust, to lend greater authority to the narrative, describes as a local work. (''R. Oniga, Sallust and Ethnography, Pisa 1995 pp. 51 ff.'') he then narrates about the nomadic and primitive tribes of the Libyans and the Gaetuli, the first inhabitants of Africa, later supplanted by the Medes, Persians and Armenians. The digression continues with a brief mention of Phoenician breakthrough and Carthaginian rule, which Sallust states that he does not want to talk about in order to avoid talking too little about it, and closes with a description of the situation at the time of the events narrated: the Romans have control over the Carthaginian cities, Jugurtha over most of the Numids and Gaetuli, and Bocchus I, father-in-law of Jugurtha himself, over the Mauri.

Chapters 20 - 40

Encouraged by Rome's favorable intervention, Jugurtha, in 113 B.C.E., resumed hostilities against Adherbal, who was determined to seize his kingdom in order to unify Numidia. The armies of the two clashed near Cirta,The geographical indication is approximate: Sallust speaks of a place not far from the sea (21, 2), while Cirta is about 70 km from the coast. and victory again came to the forces of Jugurtha: Adherbal was forced to retreat within the walls of Cirta, where the Italic ''negotiatores''These were merchants, financiers, landowners and shipowners. Sallust emphasizes the role they played in the story. organized resistance to the siege. Having learned of the battle, the senate sends ambassadors to Numidia, but Jugurtha, appealing to the ''jus gentium'', succeeds in thwarting their presence, and preventing them from speaking to Adherbal; he then devotes himself to the careful organization of the siege, making use of all his strategic gifts. Adherbal, meanwhile, sends a request for help to the senate, which sends a new ambassadorship to Numidia, led by Marcus Aemilius Scaurus.Scaurus was ''princeps senatus'', and enjoyed, therefore, very great authority. The elderly senator attempts to force Jugurtha to cease hostilities, but the Numidian refuses to obey. Adherbal, then, urged on by the Italic ''negotiatores'' themselves, decides to surrender the city provided he and all other inhabitants have their lives saved; Jugurtha accepts the bargain,Diodorus Siculus (''Bibliotheca historica'', 34-35, 31) states that the city surrendered to Jugurtha out of hunger, and does not mention the role that the Italics played in convincing Adherbal to surrender. but, seizing Cirta, he tortures and kills Adherbal,In the above passage, Diodorus Siculus relates that Adherbal came out of Cirta carrying an olive branch in his hand as a sign of peace. On reaching Jugurtha, he asked to have his life saved, but his cousin had his throat slit instantly. and massacres all the adult citizens, both Numidian and Italic.

Chapters 41 – 114

'awaiting completion''

Characters

The Numids

Adherbal

Adherbal is the eldest of Micipsa's sons, and is therefore Hiempsal's brother and cousin of Jugurtha. Unlike his brother's, his role in the story is decidedly important: after Hiempsal's untimely death, in fact, Adherbal is left alone to counter Jugurtha's expansionist aims. He is repeatedly defeated in the field by his cousin, without displaying any particular tactical skills; similarly, Sallust gives credit for the resistance of Cirta to the Italics, thus downplaying Adherbal's role there as well. He thus appears naive and inexperienced when compared to his rival Jugurtha, who already had experience. The words that Adherbal speaks addressed to the senators turn out to be important: the Numidian in fact tries to receive Rome's help by appealing to some of the ideals – primarily that of ''fidesAt the political level, it was about the relationship of loyalty that was supposed to bind Rome and its allies.'' – relatable to the ''mos maiorum'': they go unheeded precisely because of the corruption and greed of the nobilitas and the moral crisis of Rome. Similarly, Adherbal also points out how Jugurtha's acts constituted an offense against the Roman ''maiestas'',Rome, as a superior power, could consider itself the real possessor of the kingdom of Numidia: any attack on it, therefore, had to be considered an attack on Rome and its majesty. but the senate nevertheless refused to intervene on his behalf, convinced by Jugurtha's own gifts. Rather than prone to plots and intrigue, therefore, Adherbal appears to be a ruler dedicated to a policy of peaceful coexistence, which cannot subsist in the face of Jugurtha's duplicity and the corruption of the senate.Adherbal proves naively confident until the moment of his death, when Jugurtha has him killed after promising to let him live.

Jugurtha

= Differences between Catiline and Jugurtha and the causes of the corruption of the Roman nobility

=
The character of Catiline can be seen as a ''monstrum'', since he assimilates in himself several characteristics, even completely opposite to each other, which make him one of the most enigmatic characters ever in literature, along with the Numidian Jugurtha. But while the character of Catiline in the course of the '' De Catilinae coniuratione'' all in all does not undergo substantial changes in his psychic character, and in fact he is born as a character with a corrupt and evil disposition and remains so until the end, the character of Jugurtha undergoes remarkable changes in character; in fact, he is born as a young boy, heir to the Numidian throne, with a wholesome soul and full of good principles, but in the course of the ''Bellum Jugurthinum'' he changes radically, "polluted" by the negative influence on him of the then deeply corrupt Roman ''nobilitas'', which led his character to become ''pravus''. Both characters are the fruit of the wickedness of the senatorial class, from which they came (Catiline) or were strongly conditioned (Jugurtha); this "internal ''marciumen''" from a social and moral point of view has its roots in 146 B.C., the year of the destruction, by the Roman armies, of Carthage. In fact, the defeat of the Punic city put an end to the so-called ''metus hostilis'' (fear of the enemy), that is, the fear that the Romans had for the Carthaginian enemies and which drove them to remain united and smoothed out internal disputes; having lacked this powerful "glue," the feelings of ''ambitio'' and ''avaritia'' of the senatorial oligarchy were exacerbated and, above all, the hostilities present between the various ''factiones'', resulting in the bloody civil wars of the first century B.C. Indeed, there is a shift from struggles between ''hostes'' (foreign enemies, barbarians) to struggles between ''adversarii'' (political rivals, factional strife), which unleashed unprecedented waves of internal violence and decreed the inevitable end of the whole set of institutions that constituted the Roman res publica.

Hiempsal

Hiempsal is the youngest of the sons of Micipsa, brother of Adherbal and cousin of Jugurtha. His role in the ''Bellum Jugurthinum'' is entirely secondary, although it is his behavior that provides the occasional cause for the beginning of hostilities between Jugurtha and Adherbal. For he, particularly prideful by nature, despises Jugurtha because he is the son of a concubine, and tries in every way to humiliate him, even siding with the abolition of the measures taken by Micipsa after his nephew's association with the throne. He thus demonstrates that he lacks the political intelligence, characteristic, on the other hand, of his father, and performs rash acts without foreseeing the consequences. Jugurtha, in fact, moved by wrath and fear, decides to have him killed, and sends some of his men to the dwelling where he is: Hiempsal, rather than honorably attempting to defend himself, dies by cowardly taking refuge in the hut of a slave girl, and his head, severed, is brought to Jugurtha.

Micipsa

Micipsa is the eldest son of the Numidian king Masinissa, and he rises to power along with his brothers, Gulussa and Mastanabal, upon his father's death in 148 BC. After the untimely death of his brothers, he finds himself reigning alone, and provides valuable aid to the Romans during the Third Punic War. He has two sons, Adherbal and Hiempsal I, and is the uncle of Jugurtha. In his role as a "politician," he is naturally an example of the continuous mutability that characterizes many characters in the work.

In the ''Bellum Jugurthinum'' he appears already late in life, busy thinking about who is best suited to succeed him in the role of ruler. He rejoices in the prestige of Jugurtha, confident that the latter may be suitable to lead Numidia and bring it great glory, but he soon realizes that his nephew would be in a condition of clear superiority to his sons because of his age and popularity. He then finds himself frightened by the nature of Jugurtha, greedy and prone to satisfy his own desires.Sallust's omniscience, in this case, can be likened to that - to quote Todorov - of one who "sees through the walls of houses in the same way he reads in his hero's mind." It is not known how he does it, but he is able to get at the innermost intentions, the most secret projects, the most unexpected reactions of the characters. (G. Cipriani, ''Sallustio e l'immaginario. Per una biografia eroica di Giugurta'', Bari 1988, p. 17) The king of Numidia then demonstrates, in his attempt to eliminate his nephew, that he is a wise politician and as careful as ever about the consequences that his acts may have: he therefore avoids having him assassinated or having him fall victim to some intrigue. Rather, he prefers to tempt fate and send him to war with Numantia. His plan having failed, Micipsa finds himself forced to accept the now inevitable rise of his nephew, who becomes heir along with Adherbal and Hiempsal.Again, Sallust shows little concern for the accuracy of the historical fact: Micipsa's adoption of Jugurtha and his subsequent appointment as heir to the throne along with his cousins does not occur upon Jugurtha's own return from Numantia, but between 121 and 118 BCE. Even at this juncture, however, he shows great political intelligence in being able to adapt to the different situations in which he finds himself, always avoiding creating situations of open conflict.

Finally, on his deathbed, he summons his sons and grandson to his side, and, pretending to rejoice in the successes of Jugurtha, instructs his successors on how they should behave in leading the kingdom. He invites them to concord and mutual cooperation, giving them advice that is still valid today:

Shortly thereafter, he died, receiving all the funeral honors worthy of a king.Sallust, ''Bellum Jugurthinum'', 11, 2

Analysis

Reliability and historicity of the work

Absent from the Bellum Iugurthinum are the elements of ethnographic description that should be essential to a historiographical work. The geographical and historical digression of chapters 17-19 comes across as very approximate, especially for a historian who held the position of governor of the province of Africa for a number of years: indeed, Sallust states that he draws on written sources rather than personal observation, and this makes his description come across as inaccurate.R. Oniga, ''Sallustio e l'etnografia'', Pisa 1995. Similarly, the portrayal of Jugurtha also appears rather stereotyped, and not the result of careful observation of the habits of the local people: some traits of youthful behavior and education are those typical of barbarians, and Sallust seems to draw on the Greek historiographical tradition, in particular Xenophon's Cyropaedia. The description, therefore, is in the overall reticent, vague and nebulous.G. Cipriani, ''Sallustio e l'immaginario. Per una biografia eroica di Giugurta'', Bari 1988, pp. 94-95.

At the historical level, Sallust shows little attention to the exact temporal placement of the events narrated: in fact, inaccuracies regarding chronological details are frequent,Sallustio, ''La guerra contro Giugurta'', Lisa Piazzi (a cura di), p. 197. and equally frequent is the use of ellipses and expressions that fill long narrative spaces otherwise devoid of action.

See also

* Gaius Marius
* Gaius Gracchus
* Sulla
* Adherbal (king of Numidia)
* Jugurtha
* Masinissa
* Micipsa
* Cirta
* Numantia
* Numidia

Notes

References

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History books about ancient Rome
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1st-century BC books in Latin