Background
Ziaur’s presidency
Ziaur Rahman's tenure as the President of Bangladesh began on 21 April 1977 by taking over the presidency from Abu Sadat Mohammad Sayem. He said with a hint of creating competition in the country's politics, Less than 24 hours after taking office as president of Bangladesh, Zia announced a confidence referendum to gauge public views on his rule. Critics suggested the confidence vote was his bid to legitimize his presidency.Referendum and election
The referendum held on 30 May 1977 shocked political commentators and observers. According to the Election Commission of Bangladesh, Zia received 98.87% of the vote, with only 1% of voters opposing his views, raising serious questions about the process. With the plebiscite moot, Zia announced presidential elections the following year. It was the first presidential election held in Bangladesh after the political revolution. Zia entered the election race as the candidate of the Nationalist Front, a six-party coalition that included Islamist parties like the Muslim League on one side and minority-led parties like the Federation of Scheduled Castes on the other. His main rival was General MAG Osmani, the commander-in-chief of the Bangladesh Liberation Army in 1971, who was supported by the Democratic Alliance, a platform of the Awami League and some left-wing parties.M. A. Singammal (1979)Allegations of election rigging
In the presidential election held in 1978, Zia got about 76% of the votes and General Osmani got 21% according to the figures shared by the authorities. Osmani's supporters have claimed that the election was rigged and ballot boxes were stuffed across the country. However, there was no concrete evidence of election rigging.Compromise with opponents of independence
On 31 December 1975, about 11,000 war criminals were released, including 752 convicts, by canceling the ' Bangladesh Collaborators (Special Tribunals) Order, 1972'. Zia took several controversial steps to discipline the army and consolidate power, and to gain the support of some right-wing political parties such as theValidation of the ''Indemnity Act, 1975''
Zia had appointed several people accused of killingNational anthem debate
Prime Minister Shah Azizur Rahman said in a secret letter to theRise and death of Colonel Taher
Zia had long been in touch with a popular army officer, Colonel Taher. Colonel Taher headed the Jasad-created “ Ganobahini”, a semi-military group within the army. When Zia was under house arrest during the 3 November 1975 coup, he asked Taher over the phone for help in his release. Taher presented a 12-point demand aimed at uniting the soldiers. These 12 clauses were mainly made to protect the interests of the sepoys. Col. Taher and Jasad initiated a plan to free Zia and implement 12 points from Zia for the sake of sepoys. Thousands of leaflets were circulated in the cantonment on the initiative of Jasad. Propaganda is being done that Khaled Musharraf is an ‘agent of India’ and that Khaled rose to power in India's conspiracy. In this situation, the enraged lower-ranking sepoys staged a counter-coup on November 7 with the help of the Jasad Gana Bahini. Enraged soldiers continued to kill officers in this coup. The mutineers freed Ziaur Rahman from his Dhaka cantonment house arrest and brought him to the headquarters of the 2nd Field Artillery. That morning, Major General Khaled Musharraf, Colonel Khandkar Nazmul Huda and Lt. Col. ATM Hyder were killed by angry soldiers at the headquarters of the 10th East Bengal Regiment established by themselves in Sher Bangla Nagar in response to the counter-coup. Meanwhile, Zia hugged Colonel Taher and thanked Taher for saving his life. Zia also said that he is ready to give his life for Colonel Taher and Jas. Zia then gave a radio address without the president's permission and claimed to be the chief martial law administrator. He later backed down in the face of protests and became deputy military law administrator. Zia signed the 12-point demand of the Revolutionary Soldiers' Organization and People's Army at 07:45 on 7 November. But the situation changed rapidly after the coup. Zia refused to meet the demands of the soldiers. Meanwhile, Colonel Taher was also angered by Zia's indifference. Zia refused to accept Taher's secret demands. Zia's indifference to the soldiers' demands made them suspicious of Zia. As a result, the soldiers became very angry and started killing the officers by entering their quarters. On such days, officers would be seen dramatically fleeing the cantonment wearing burqas with their families. Forced, Zia continued to oppress the soldiers. Col. Taher was arrested and imprisoned on 24 November on charges of inciting the so-called 'elected' government installed on 7 November, the army. Rob, Jalil and other Jasad leaders were also arrested. Taher was hanged on 21 July 1976, on 'Zia's order' in a farcical trial. He was not shown the indictment or given the opportunity to defend himself or consult with a lawyer and, aware of the farce of the trial, Sayem failed to suspend Justice Taher's death sentence. Because Zia was the main power holder in the name of Sayem. Three decades after Taher's execution, the court termed the death sentence as illegal and premeditated murder. The court observed Taher's execution had happened according to Major General Zia's plan.Mass executions in armed forces
More than 20 military coups are reported to have taken place against Ziaur Rahman during his rule. During this time, the armed forces of Bangladesh were heavily politicised, making it susceptible to coups and mutinies. Accordingly, Zia's government faced five attempted coups between November 1975 and September 1977. On 2 October 1977, members of the army and air force were sentenced to death by a special military tribunal formed on the orders of the then army chief General Ziaur Rahman for their involvement in the coup d'état of a section of the military in Dhaka. Between 1,100 and 1,400 soldiers were executed by hanging or firing squad in the two months following the coup. At that time soldiers were executed only in Dhaka and Comilla Central Jails. 121 people were sentenced to death in Dhaka and 72 people in Comilla. Apart from this, more than five hundred soldiers were sentenced to various terms of imprisonment for their involvement in the incident. Regarding the October coup, the famous journalist Anthony Mascarenhas mentioned in his book ''A Legacy of Blood'', A report titled "Bangladesh Executions: A Discrepancy" in ''The Washington Post'' on 10 February 1978, said, Alfred E. Bergensen noted in the report, "We think maybe 30-34 of them were executed before the military court was set up." A report in ''The Sunday Times of London'' on 5 March 1978, said, A report in the ''Mumbai Economic and Political Weekly'' on 25 March 1978, said, The then Log Area Commander Colonel MA Hamid in his book 'Tinti sena obbhutthan o kichu na bola kotha (Three Army Coups and Unsaid Things)' mentions,Conflict and discontent in the army
After Ziaur Rahman's ascension to power, there was dissatisfaction in the army due to extrajudicial firing, sentencing, killing or disappearance of army personnel, military and civilian officials in the name of suppressing coups and rebellions. Also the provision of more privileges and promotion to Pakistan-returned officers in the army, created conflict among the freedom fighter officers. Rezaul Karim Reza, the then major of the army, said, General Ibrahim also reported receiving similar information from the accused in the military court. However, Major Reza also said that "there were demands to remove 'pro-Pakistan' ministers including Prime Minister Shah Azizur Rahman from Ziaur Rahman's cabinet." Colonel (retd) Shaukat Ali wrote,"He (Zia) was on good terms with the returnees. But secretly incited the freedom fighters against the returnees. He gained the confidence of some of the officers among the returnees and in turn angered them against the freedom fighters. Early seventies. My friendship with old friends who had returned from Pakistan was intact. Their The association did not escape Zia's eyes. One day he mentioned the name of a returnee in his office and said, "Why are you so close to him? I said, he is my old friend.... Zia said seriously, 'Shaukat, any returnee officer can't be your friend.' No. It's not right for a freedom fighter like you to be close to Pakistanis'. Suddenly I got a clairvoyance. Many reasons for what happened in the army became clear to me. Of course I knew some things before. But Zia would tell me. I didn't expect it. I got a little excited and said, 'Sir, I am sorry. I cannot agree with you.... Please stop playing the game. Stop creating disunity in the army by thinking of national interest. You are the Deputy Chief of Army Staff. If you indulge in such conspiratorial activities, what will our juniors do'? After saying the words, I left. I said harsh words on purpose. Because of this, I personally had to pay a lot of losses... Later, Ziaur Rahman sitting at the top of the power, the harassing steps taken against me, are still going on."
Planning
In '' Bangladesh: A Legacy of Blood'', Anthony Mascarenhas wrote that "army officer Colonel Matiur Rahman along with many other high level military officials; hated Zia and the army brass in Dhaka, holding them responsible for the political and economic rot that was devastating the country". In September 1979, Matiur visited Lt. Colonel Mohammad Delwar Hossain, and complained about the 'wrongdoings of the government and the BNP - high prices, social injustices and corruption'. On 25 May 1981, Matiur was visiting Dhaka, where he met his friend Lt. Colonel Mahfuzur. At the time, Mahfuzur was the Personal Staff Officer (secretary) of Zia. Mahfuzur informed Matiur about Zia's plans to transfer Major General Abul Manzoor from Chittagong to Dhaka, a decision which would also affect Matiur, who was angered by this news. According to evidence presented at the trial, Matiur and Mahfuzur discussed plans to assassinate Zia. Mascarenhas claimed that "when Mafuzur also informed Moti (Matiur) that Zia had decided to visit Chittagong on the 29th, the idea for another assassination was born".Assassination
Preparations
At 11:30pm on 29 May 1981, Colonel Matiur Rahman organised a meeting with several army officers. At 2:30am on 30 May, the conspirators organised themselves into three groups. The first two groups would attack the Circuit House, where Zia was staying and the third group would shoot anyone who tried to escape. Before the attack on the Circuit House, Matiur declared "We are going to get the president today". The teams were composed of army officers asAttack and death
At 4 am, Lieutenant Colonel Fazle Hossain started the attack by launching two rockets towards the circuit house which created two large holes in the building. During the attack, several of Ziaur Rahman's guards were killed. The officers then searched room by room for Rahman. Major Mojaffar and Captain Moslehdudin found Rahman first. Moslehuddin informed Rahman that they would take him to the cantonment. Shortly afterwards, however, Colonel Matiur Rahman arrived with another team and shot him from close range with a submachine gun. After Zia fell down, Matiur continued shooting at Zia's head and torso, disfiguring him. One of his eyes reportedly fell out of its socket. The attack on the Circuit House lasted less than 20 minutes. After killing Zia, the conspirators returned to Chittagong Cantonment. The corpse of Ziaur Rahman and two of his guards were picked up in a military pickup van and taken elsewhere.Aftermath
Court martial
Eighteen officers were brought before a military tribunal. Thirteen were sentenced to death whilst five were given varying prison sentences. The officers were arrested between 1 and 3 June 1981 and aExecuted officers
# Brigadier Mohsin Uddin Ahmed # Colonel Nawajesh Uddin # Colonel M Abdur Rashid # Lt Colonel AYM Mahfuzur Rahman # Lt Colonel M Delwar Hossain # Lt Colonel Shah Md Fazle Hossain # Major AZ Giashuddin Ahmed # Major Rawshan Yazdani Bhuiyan # Major Kazi Mominul Haque # Major Mujibur Rahman # Captain Mohammad Abdus Sattar # Captain Jamil Haque # Lieutenant Mohammad Rafiqul Hassan Khan (Rafiq later claimed he was on a mission under orders from his superior officer, without knowledge of the mission.) The army prosecutors, who were appointed to defend these thirteen suspected officers later called the trial a 'farcical trial' as they all were denied the minimal opportunity to defend themselves.Sentenced to prison
# Lt Mosleh Uddin. (life sentence, as of 2010 was living in the USA) Uddin was the younger brother of Brigadier Mohsin Uddin Ahmed, who was sentenced to be executed. As the elder brother was sentenced to die, the younger brother was not given a death sentence.Expelled officers
The following officers were removed from the army. # Brigadier Abu Said Matiul Hannan Shah # Brigadier AKM Azizul Islam # Brigadier Gias Uddin Ahmed Chowdhury (Bir Bikram) # Brigadier Abu Jafar Aminul Huque (Bir Bikram) # Colonel Md. Bajlul Goni Patwari (Bir Protik) # Lt. Colonel AS Enamul Huque # Lt. Colonel Md. Jainul Abedin # Lt. Colonel Md. Abdul Hannan (Bir Protik) # Major Manjur Ahmed (Bir Protik) # Major Wakar Hassan (Bir Protik) # Major Md. Abdul Jalil # Major Rafiqul Islam # Major Md. Abdus Salam # Major AKM Rezaul Islam (Bir Protik) # Major Md. Asaduzzaman # Captain Jahirul Huque Khan (Bir Protik) # Captain Majharul Huque # Captain ASM Abdul Hai # Captain Ilyas (was in Rajshahi jail with Brig. Mohsin) # Lt. Abul HashemFugitives
# Major S.M. Khaled (died, 1993) # Major Mozaffar HossainSee also
* 1982 Bangladesh coup d'état *References
{{DEFAULTSORT:Rahman, Ziaur Military history of Bangladesh Assassinations in Bangladesh 1981 murders in Bangladesh Military coups in Bangladesh Ziaur Rahman May 1981 in Bangladesh 1980s coups d'état and coup attempts Crime in Chittagong 1981 in Bangladesh